Academic literature on the topic 'Canadian Canoe Company'

In 1893–1894, Albert Peter Low of the Geological Survey of Canada, along with D.I.V. Eaton and four indigenous assistants explored the Labrador Peninsula, then perceived as one of the last great unexplored wilderness areas of North America. The expedition left Lake St. John (now Lac St. Jean) on June 17, 1893, canoeing across the northeastern edge of the North American continent, arriving at Fort Chimo (now Kuujjuaq) on August 27, 1893. They departed Fort Chimo by steamer for Rigolet on the Labrador coast and the Hudson Bay Company post at North West River in the fall of 1893. On March 6, 1894 the party started up the Grand (now Churchill) River continuing through large central lakes into the Ashuanipi river system in western Labrador, then out via the Attikonak River to the Romaine River and finally the Saint Jean river system to arrive at Mingan on the north shore of the St. Lawrence River on August 23, 1894. Low described their fifteen-month journey as having covered over 8700 km including 1600 km on foot, over 4700 km in canoe, 800 km by dog team and 1600 km by steamer. The report from the expedition provides a compendium on the natural history of the region as well as the first geological maps. In terms of economic and scientific results, the greatest was documentation of the vast iron ore deposits of western Labrador; a world-class mining district that has been producing for sixty-three years since 1954. Low’s account also provides details on the essence of such an epic journey, which stands as a classic in the annals of Canadian geological surveying.RÉSUMÉEn 1893–1894, Albert Peter Low de la Commission géologique du Canada, accompagné du D.I.V. Eaton et quatre assistants autochtones ont exploré la péninsule du Labrador, alors perçue comme l'une des dernières grandes étendues sauvages inexplorées d’Amérique du Nord. L’équipe a quitté le Lake St. John (aujourd'hui le lac Saint-Jean) le 17 juin 1893, a traversé la bordure nord-est du continent nord-américain en canoë, et est arrivé à Fort Chimo (aujourd'hui Kuujjuaq) le 27 août 1893. À l'automne de 1893, ils ont quitté Fort Chimo à bord d'un vapeur pour Rigolet, sur la côte du Labrador, et le poste de la Compagnie de la Baie d'Hudson sur la rivière North West. Le 6 mars 1894, les membres de l'équipe ont remonté la rivière Grand (aujourd'hui Churchill), puis à travers les grands lacs centraux jusqu'au bassin de la rivière Ashuanipi, dans l'ouest du Labrador, puis, par la rivière Attikonak jusqu' à la rivière Romaine et, enfin, le réseau de la rivière Saint-Jean jusqu’à Mingan, sur la rive nord du fleuve Saint-Laurent, le 23 août 1894. L’excursion décrite par Low a duré quinze mois et parcouru plus de 8700 km dont 1600 km à pied, plus de 4700 km en canoë, 800 km en attelage de chiens et 1600 km en bateau à vapeur. Le rapport de l'expédition constitue un recueil sur l'histoire naturelle de la région ainsi que des premières cartes géologiques. En ce qui concerne les répercussions économiques et scientifiques, la plus importante en a été la documentation des vastes gisements de minerai de fer de l'ouest du Labrador, un district minier de classe mondiale, en production pendant soixante-trois ans depuis 1954. Le récit de Low fournit également des détails sur le caractère épique d’une telle expédition, laquelle est un classique dans les annales de la Commission géologique du Canada.

In the late 1960s, theatre in Vancouver, like that in Toronto and other Canadian cities, underwent enormous change. As part of the social, cultural and political upheaval that characterized this era, new theatre companies, later labelled as "alternative," challenged many of the previously-held values and practices of the so-called mainstream. The importance of the alternative theatre movement in the 1970s to the development of a modem Canadian canon has been well-documented. This essay considers the roots of that movement in Vancouver as reflected by the company known simply as "The Gallimaufry."

Abstract Introduction Lenalidomide-based regimens represent a cornerstone of treatment for newly-diagnosed transplant-ineligible patients with multiple myeloma (TI NDMM). Although lenalidomide-containing regimens are associated with improved outcomes, there is also significant toxicity leading to dose reductions and/or interruptions even among patients selected for clinical trial participation. Product monograph recommendations suggest full dose lenalidomide (25 mg) for CrCl ≥ 60 mL/min; however, there is limited data on how these dose modifications are applied in the real-world. Furthermore, it is unknown how real-world dosing strategies and modifications impact patient outcomes. Understanding the dosing, efficacy and tolerability of lenalidomide is important as this drug continues to form the backbone of many novel combination regimens. The objective of our study was to understand the dosing, efficacy and tolerability of lenalidomide among TI NDMM patients started on lenalidomide-dexamethasone (Rd) in the real-world. Methods The Canadian Myeloma Research Group (CMRG) Database is a national multi-centre prospectively maintained disease-specific database. All consecutive TI NDMM patients treated with Rd outside of a clinical trial were analyzed up to 30/09/2020. Patients were stratified by starting lenalidomide dose. Within each dose category, age and renal function (eGFR <60 or ≥ 60 ml/min) were documented and dose modifications and treatment duration were characterized. Retrospective chart reviews were conducted to assess for causes of dose modification (all grade toxicity). To assess the long-term impact of dose reduction and minimize the effect of early mortality, a landmark analysis for progression-free survival (PFS) and overall survival (OS) 12 months following therapy initiation was conducted comparing those who received a dose reduction versus no reduction within the first year using the log-rank test. Results Of 298 TI NDMM patients receiving Rd in first-line treatment, 131 patients were excluded as they received the regimen on a clinical trial. Baseline characteristics of the 167 included patients are shown in Table 1. The median age was 77 with 22.6% having high-risk cytogenetics. Impaired renal function (eGFR < 60 ml/min) was present in 41.4% of patients. Median time from diagnosis to Rd initiation was 0.7 months (range 0.1 - 92.5). Starting dose, age and renal function at therapy initiation, dose modification details and treatment duration are outlined in Table 2 for 163 patients. Sixty-two (38.0%) were started on a dose of 25 mg. The median age in this dose group was 74 years and 87.5% had normal renal function. One hundred and one patients (62.0%) were started on a dose < 25 mg of lenalidomide. Among this group 42.2% had normal renal function. In the overall cohort, fifty-seven (35.0%) patients required dose reduction during therapy. Among patients started on 25 mg, 40.3% required dose reduction with the median time to first dose reduction of 11.5 months (range 0.8-56.9). Among patients started on < 25 mg, 31.7% required dose reduction with details shown in Table 2. Dose reduction reasons were documented in 35.0% patients. Most frequent causes of dose reduction (>20% of the patients) included fatigue (31.6%), neutropenia (29.8%), diarrhea (22.8%), rash (22.8%) and thrombocytopenia (21.1%). For the entire cohort, the median follow-up was 33.2 months (95% Cl 0.5-113.2). The ORR was 78.7% with 52.0% ≥ VGPR. The median PFS and OS was 21.0 months (95% CI 14.9-27.4) and 55.5 months (95% CI 45.7-84.0) respectively. In a landmark analysis at 12 months following therapy initiation, there were no significant differences noted for PFS and OS between patient groups that required dose modification versus not in the first year following diagnosis (Figure 1A and B). Conclusion In this real-world observational study, lenalidomide dose modifications were common both at diagnosis and during therapy. Among patients started on <25 mg, 42% had normal renal function suggesting that additional factors affected clinician dosing strategy. Furthermore, although 35% of the cohort required dose reduction during therapy, dose reductions in the first year did not have a significant impact on PFS and OS. Our study highlights that although dose modifications are common in the real-world, lenalidomide-based regimens continue to be effective among TI NDMM patients. Figure 1 Figure 1. Disclosures Mian: Celgene, Janssen, Amgen, Takeda, Sanofi, GSK: Honoraria; Janssen: Research Funding. Leblanc: Janssen Canada: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; BMS/Celgene Canada: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Amgen Canada: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Sanofi Canada: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Takeda Canada: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Celgene/BMS: Research Funding. Louzada: Celgene: Honoraria; Janssen: Honoraria; Pfizer: Honoraria; Amgen: Honoraria. McCurdy: Sanofi: Honoraria; GSK: Consultancy, Honoraria; Takeda: Consultancy, Honoraria; Janssen: Consultancy, Honoraria; Amgen: Consultancy, Honoraria; Celgene: Consultancy, Honoraria. Venner: Celgene: Research Funding; Takeda: Honoraria; Amgen: Honoraria; Janssen: Honoraria; Amgen: Research Funding. Jimenez-Zepeda: BMS, Amgen, Takeda, Janssen: Honoraria. Sebag: Karyopharm Therapeutics: Consultancy, Honoraria; Sanofi: Consultancy, Honoraria; Amgen: Consultancy, Honoraria; Takeda: Consultancy, Honoraria; Novartis: Consultancy, Honoraria; Bristol Myers-Squibb: Consultancy, Honoraria; Janssen: Research Funding. White: Takeda: Consultancy, Honoraria; Sanofi: Consultancy, Honoraria; Janssen: Consultancy, Honoraria; Celgene: Consultancy, Honoraria; Amgen: Consultancy, Honoraria; Antengene: Consultancy, Honoraria; Forus: Consultancy, Honoraria; GSK: Consultancy, Honoraria; Karyopharm Therapeutics Inc.: Consultancy, Honoraria. Song: Celgene: Research Funding; Celgene, Janssen, Amgen, Takeda: Honoraria. Reiman: Compositions and Methods for Inhibiting Blood Cancer Cell Growth. Canadian Patent Pending 176000 (2017-10-20) Peptides for the Treatment of Resorptive Bone Disease. Murugesan A and Reiman T. United States Provisional Patent; 62/249,471 (2015-11-02). Cance: Patents & Royalties; Myeloma Canada, Canadian Institutes of Health Research, New Brunswick Health Research Foundation, Canadian Cancer Society, Terry Fox Research Institute, AstraZeneca, Roche, Pfizer, Amgen, BristolMyersSquibb,: Research Funding; Myeloma Canada: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees. Kotb: Amgen: Honoraria; Sanofi: Honoraria, Research Funding; Merck: Honoraria, Research Funding; Akcea: Honoraria; Pfizer: Honoraria; Karyopharm: Current holder of individual stocks in a privately-held company; Celgene: Honoraria; BMS: Honoraria; Takeda: Honoraria; Janssen: Honoraria. Reece: Karyopharm: Consultancy, Research Funding; Amgen: Consultancy, Honoraria; Celgene: Consultancy, Honoraria, Research Funding; Millennium: Research Funding; Takeda: Consultancy, Honoraria, Research Funding; Sanofi: Honoraria; BMS: Honoraria, Research Funding; GSK: Honoraria; Janssen: Consultancy, Honoraria, Research Funding.

Energean Secures Rig for Multiwell Program off Israel Energean has signed a contract with Stena Drilling for an up to five-well drilling program offshore Israel, which is expected to target the derisking of unrisked prospective recoverable resources of more than 1 billion BOE. The contract is for the drilling of three firm wells and two optional wells using drillship Stena Icemax. The first firm well is expected to spud in early 2022. The firm wells are all expected to be drilled during 2022. “Our five-well growth program off-shore Israel, commencing in the first quarter of 2022, has the potential to double Energean reserve base with resource volumes that can be quickly, economically, and safely monetized,” said Mathios Rigas, chief executive of Energean. “Combined with first gas from our flagship Karish gas development project in mid-2022, the next 12 months are set to be truly transformational for Energean.” One of the firm wells is the Karish North development well. The scope includes re-entry, sidetracking, and completion of the previously drilled Karish North well and completion as a producer. The Karish North development will commercialize 1.2 Tcf of natural gas plus 31 million bbl of liquids and is expected to deliver first gas during the first half of 2023. The program also includes the Karish Main-04 appraisal well and the Athena exploration well, located in Block 12, directly between the Karish and Tanin leases. Athena is estimated to contain unrisked recoverable prospective resource volumes of 0.7 Tcf of gas plus 4 million bbl of liquids. Exxon Hits, Misses off Guyana ExxonMobil made another new discovery in the Stabroek Block offshore Guyana but came away empty with a well on the Canje block. The Longtail-3 well on the Stabroek block struck 230 ft of net pay, including newly identified reservoirs below those intervals found in the Longtail-1 probe. “Longtail-3, combined with our recent discovery at Uaru-2, has the potential to increase our resource estimate within the Stabroek block, demonstrating further growth of this world-class resource and our high-potential development opportunities offshore Guyana,” said Mike Cousins, senior vice president of exploration and new ventures at ExxonMobil. Exxon operates the 6.6-million-acre Stabroek Block as part of a consortium that includes Hess and China’s CNOOC. The new well was drilled 2 miles south of Longtail-1, which was drilled in 2018 and encountered 256 ft of oil-bearing sandstone. The Uaru-2 well in the Stabroek Block was announced in April. That well struck 120 ft of pay. While Stabroek drilling success continues, the operator suffered a set-back on the nearby Canje block and its Jabillo-1 well. The Stena Carron drillship reached a planned target depth of 6475 m; however the well failed to encounter commercial hydrocarbons. According to partner Eco Oil and Gas, the well was drilled to test Upper Cretaceous reservoirs in a stratigraphic trap. Drillship Stena Drillmax will next mobilize to drill the Sapote-1 prospect located in the south-eastern section of Canje, in a separate and distinct target from Jabillo. Sapote-1 lies approximately 100 km southeast of Jabillo and approximately 50 km north of the Haimara discovery in the Stabroek Block, which encountered 207 ft of gas-condensate-bearing sandstone reservoir. Erdogan Touts Turkish Black Sea Natural Gas Discoveries Turkey President Recep Tayyip Erdogan announced the discovery of new natural gas deposits in the Black Sea, where the country plans to start production in 2023. State energy company Tpao found 135 Bcm of gas at the Amasra-1 off-shore well, bringing the total amount of deposits discovered over the past year to 540 Bcm, according to Erdogan. Turkey has ramped up offshore exploration for hydrocarbons over the past few years. Last year, explorers found 405 Bcm of gas at the Tuna-1 well in Sakarya field. Turkey currently imports nearly all the 50 Bcm of gas it consumes annually. Equinor Hits Oil Near Visund Equinor struck oil in Production License 554 with a pair of wells at its Garantiana West prospect. Exploration wells 34/6-5 S and 34/6-5 ST2 were drilled some 10 km north-east of the Visund field, with the former encountering a total oil column of 86 m in the Cook formation. The latter well encountered sandstones in the Nansen formation, but did not encounter commercial hydro-carbons. Recoverable resources are esti-mated at between 8 and 23 million BOE. “This is the first Equinor-operated well in the production license, and the fifth discovery on the Norwegian continental shelf this year,” said Rune Nedregaard, senior vice president, exploration and production south. “The discovery is in line with our roadmap of exploring near existing infrastructure in order to increase the commerciality.” Well 34/6-5 S was drilled using Seadrill semisubmersible rig West Hercules. Equinor operates the discovery; partners include Var Energi and Aker BP. ExxonMobil Eyes Flemish Pass Well ExxonMobil is looking to secure a semi-submersible to complete the drilling of a deepwater wildcat in the Flemish Pass offshore eastern Canada. The operator began drilling the Hampden K-41 probe in the spring of last year using Seadrill semisubmersible rig West Aquarius, but the unit was pulled off the well soon thereafter for reasons unknown. ExxonMobil is currently prequalifying companies to supply a mobile offshore drilling unit to continue the well at Hampden in Exploration License (EL) 1165A. The operator is targeting a mid-year 2022 start to the probe to be drilled in around 1175 m of water, some 454 km from St. John’s, Newfoundland. Meanwhile, China’s CNOCC has wrapped up drilling on its Pelles prospect, its first exploration well offshore Newfoundland. The prospect, in about 1163 m of water, is located within license EL 1144. The wildcat was originally set to spud in early 2020 but was delayed due to impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic. The company confirmed that drilling operations onboard drillship Stena Forth were complete and the rig plugged and abandoned the well. The results of the well were not released. Equinor To Drop Mexican Offshore Leases Equinor will exit two Mexican deepwater blocks as part its upstream investment strategy to focus on assets offering rapid and strong returns. The two blocks located in the Salina Sureste basin were acquired in Mexico’s 1.4 bid round in an equal equity split with BP and TotalEnergies. Block 3, where Equinor holds a 33% operating interest, has water depths ranging from 900 to 2500 m. Block 1, where BP is the operator, has water depths ranging from 200 to 3100 m. Exploration commitments include a single well on each block, not yet drilled. The announcement to exit Mexico was made by Executive Vice President for E&P International Al Cook during the company’s Capital Markets Day event held in June. The company also unveiled plans to leave Nicaragua and Australia, as part of its upstream investment plans. Cook added that Equinor will only operate offshore assets moving forward and will no longer operate onshore, unconventional projects. The company will instead opt to partner with others on those projects. Equinor will also look to offload its exploration assets in the Austin Chalk play in the US and Terra Nova in Canada, he said. Var Energi Strikes North Sea Oil Var Energi has confirmed a discovery at its King and Prince exploration wells in the Balder area in the Southern North Sea. Success at the combined King and Prince exploration wells lifts preliminary estimates of recoverable oil equivalents between 60 and 135 million bbl. King/Prince was drilled in PL 027 by semisubmersible rig Scarabeo 8. The Prince well encountered an oil column of about 35 m in the Triassic Skagerrak formation within good to moderate reservoir sandstones, while the King well discovered a gas column of about 30 m and a light oil column of about 55 m with some thick Paleogene sandstone. An additional King appraisal side-track further confirmed a 40-m gas column and an oil column of about 55 m of which about 35 m are formed by thick and massive oil-bearing sandstone with excellent reservoir quality. The licensees consider the discoveries to be commercial and will assess tie-in to the existing infrastructure in the Balder area. The wells are located about 6 km north of the Balder field and 3 km west of the Ringhorne platform. Var Energi operates and holds a 90% stake of the license. Mime Petroleum holds the remaining 10%.

Shell Selling Onshore Egypt Assets Shell Egypt and one of its affiliates have signed an agreement with a consortium made up of subsidiaries of Cheiron Petroleum Corporation and Cairn Energy PLC to sell its upstream assets in Egypt’s Western Desert for a base consideration of $646 million. Additional payments of up to $280 million between 2021 and 2024 will be made contingent on the oil price and the results of further exploration. The transaction is subject to government and regulatory approvals and is expected to complete in the second half of 2021. The package of assets comprises Shell Egypt’s interest in 13 onshore concessions and the company’s share in Badr El-Din Petroleum Company. Shell will shift its exploration focus in Egypt offshore, which includes seven new blocks in the Nile Delta, West Mediterranean, and Red Sea. Chevron Begins Production From Sarta-2 Well in Iraq Chevron has started production from the Sarta-2 well at the Sarta field in the Kurdistan region of Iraq, partner Genel Energy said. Gross field production now stands at more than 10,000 B/D. Sarta production is expected to increase from the existing two producing wells as facility optimization continues after production startup. A fresh appraisal drilling campaign is scheduled to begin soon, with the Sarta-5 and Sarta-6 wells set to be drilled back-to-back. Chevron is operator of the Sarta production-sharing contract (50%) with partners Genel Energy (30%) and the Kurdistan Regional Government (20%). Colombia Eyes Licensing Round Results in November Colombia is expected to soon reveal the schedule for its 2021 licensing round offering 32 blocks for oil and gas exploration, with results expected in November. In 2020, the nation awarded three areas to Canada-based companies Parex Resources and Canocol Energy despite the double-whammy of crashing crude demand and a global pandemic. With oil prices on the mend and an aggressive vaccine dissemination program, Colombia is hopeful that interest in its oil and gas acreage returns to pre-pandemic levels. The National Hydrocarbon Agency (ANH) expects to award at least half of the available tracts, which are part of more than 500 areas identified by the ANH in the country and include mature fields, emerging basins, and bordering areas. Exploration in Colombia fell dramatically in 2020 with only 18 wildcats drilled vs. the 45 planned, with most of the expected investment deferred to 2021-2022. While the country has allowed pilot projects testing for unconventional oil, there currently is a ban on fracking operations in the country. Israel Begins Prep Work for Fourth Offshore Round Israel’s Ministry of Energy has announced plans to launch the fourth offshore bidding round (OBR 4) for exploration licenses in the country’s exclusive economic zone soon. OBR 4 is part of a multiyear program to encourage the exploration and development of Israel’s natural resources to provide low-cost, environmentally friendly energy to Israel’s consumers and businesses and to develop markets for Israeli natural gas beyond its borders. As in OBR 2, the Ministry is planning to offer several zones to qualified companies, with each zone comprising approximately four licenses having a total area of up to 1600 sq km. Around 25 exploration licenses (blocks) have been mapped and will be grouped into six clusters. The exact dates of the stages of the bid round and grouping of the licenses in clusters will be determined later. No decision has yet been made on the winner of the license for natural gas and oil exploration in Block 72 in the third competitive bid round carried out in 2020. The Ministry will announce the formal commencement of OBR 4 and its delineation in the near future and provide detailed information on its website www.energy-sea.energy.gov.il at that time. Exxon Drills Dud at Bulletwood Offshore Guyana Exxon encountered noncommercial hydrocarbons with a test of its Bulletwood prospect in the Canje Block in the Guyana-Suriname basin. The well, located in 2846 m of water, was drilled to its planned target depth of 6690 m using drillship Stena Carron. Data collection from the Bulletwood-1 well confirms the presence of the Guyana-Suriname petroleum system and the potential prospectivity of the Canje Block, said partner Westmount Energy. Bulletwood-1 was the first of three scheduled wells to be drilled on the block in 2021. Wells Jabillo-1 and Sapote-1 are expected to spud over the coming months. Exxon operates the Canje Block via its Esso Exploration and Production Guyana unit, which has a 35% stake. Total has 35%, JHI 17.5%, and Mid-Atlantic Oil & Gas 12.5. Westmount holds a 7.7% stake in JHI. While the well results were disappointing, Exxon’s success rate in the area is still around 80% from 18 wells and expects its production from the region to reach 750,000 B/D by 2026. Neptune Earmarks $150 Million for Exploration and Appraisal in 2021 UK-based independent Neptune Energy said its exploration and appraisal spend for 2021 will remain flat at around $150 million. The company said it had up to 11 wells planned for the year including followup wells at the Dugong and Maha discoveries as well as a wild-cat at Dugong Tail. Dugong was discovered in the Norwegian portion of the North Sea in 2020. Neptune believes the prospect holds between 40–120 million BOE. Dugong is located 158 km west of Florø, Norway, at a water depth of 330 m, and is close to existing production facilities. The Dugong prospect comprises two reservoirs that lies at a depth between 3250–3500 m. The Maha discovery offshore East Kalimantan is estimated to hold gas resources in excess of 600 Bcf. In 2019, Neptune and its partners, Eni (operator) and Pertamina, were awarded the West Ganal production-sharing contract that holds the Maya find. An exploration well targeting the Dugong Tail prospect, adjacent to the south of the Dugong find, is slated for the third quarter of this year and will be drilled using Odjfell semisubmersible Deepsea Yantai. Interest Wanes in Norway’s Arctic Frontier Seven companies applied for new acreage in the Barents Sea in Norway’s latest licensing round, down from 26 in a similar round in 2013. The government had offered 125 new blocks in eight frontier regions of the Barents. More than 60% of the undiscovered hydrocarbons offshore Norway are in the Barents frontier, according to the nation’s petroleum directorate. However, appetites for frontier drilling have diminished as oil prices weakened and recent results from the region have disappointed. Companies that applied for the new acreage round were Norske Shell, Equinor, Idemitsu Petroleum Norge, Ineos E&P Norge, Lundin Norway, OMV Norge, and Var Energi. Oman Transfers Ownership of Massive Block 6 The government of Oman has transferred its stake in one of the Middle East’s largest oil blocks to a newly established firm. By royal decree, the new, state-controlled Energy Development Oman (EDO) will hold the country’s 60% stake in Block 6. The stake was moved from Petroleum Development Oman (PDO), another government-run company. Oman, which is struggling under a soaring budget deficit, is looking to finance its spending by leveraging its energy assets. Block 6 has a production capacity of 650,000 BOED. Shell holds 34% in the block, while Total holds the remaining 4%. The government appointed Haifa Al Khaifi as head of EDO in January. She joined from PDO and is also chairwoman of the Saudi Arabian unit of State Street Corp., the Boston-based custodian and money manager. EDO will also be able to invest abroad and deal in renewable-energy products.

Theoretical basis To ensure that students are well prepared to successfully analyze this case, they should be familiar with the following concepts, theories and principles: ▪ Stakeholder theory ▪ Concept of duty to consult and accommodate ▪ Concept of social license to operate (SLO) ▪ Concept of indigenous economic self-determination ▪ Indigenous world view ▪ Seventh generation principle ▪ Cree principles ▪ Dene principles Research methodology The information provided in this case was gathered by the authors through face-to-face interviews, phone interviews, e-mail exchanges and secondary research. Meadow Lake Tribal Council (MLTC) separates business operations from council operations through use of corporate entities (as shown in Exhibit 1 of the case). Meadow Lake Tribal Council II (MLTCII) is the corporate entity that oversees two companies referenced in the case: Mistik Management and NorSask Forest Products LP. Interviews were conducted with the General Manager at Mistik Management, Certification Coordinator at Mistik Management, Chief of Buffalo River Dene Nation, Chief of Waterhen Lake First Nation, MLTC Vice-Chief, Board Member and Advisor to MLTCII, President and CEO of MLTCII, MLTCII Business Development Consultant and a former consultant with MLTC, NorSask Forest Products and Mistik Management. Case overview/synopsis Mistik Management Ltd., a forestry management company co-owned by the nine First Nations of MLTC, was a leader in economic reconciliation in 2022. However, the company had dealt with significant challenges not long after it was established in 1989. Richard Gladue, former Chief of the one of MLTCs Member First Nations and a leader in economic development at MLTC, had been actively involved in establishing the organization. Gladue loved the life and vitality of the boreal forest in the Meadow Lake region and felt a sense of responsibility to take care of the forest and the land for generations to come. This responsibility was balanced with the acknowledgement that the forest also provided vast economic development, employment and wealth generation opportunities for MLTC and its Member First Nations. In the early 1990s, MLTC and Mistik Management dealt with a year-long blockade by a group of protesters that included members of Canoe Lake Cree First Nation, one of the Member First Nations of MLTC. They had not been consulted on Mistik’s processes and policies, and the company’s clear-cut logging had affected their ability to continue their traditional way of life and practices on the land. After the incident, Mistik Management moved more quickly to invest in a co-management process that they were still refining and using in 2022 when consulting with Indigenous groups and communities. A natural resource economy brings together Indigenous peoples, industry and government. In this case, students will learn about the important role that relationships play and how decisions are made when balancing complex legal, environmental and economic interests. Students will learn about the history of duty to consult and accommodate in Canada; conduct a stakeholder analysis and reflect on how decisions affect stakeholder interests; and make recommendations for meaningful Indigenous engagement strategies using the concept of social license and indigenous principles. Complexity academic level This case is suitable for use in undergraduate courses on indigenous business, ethical decision-making, public policy and/or natural resource development. There may also be applications in other fields of study, including anthropology, economics and political science. If the case is used in an indigenous business course, it would be best positioned in the last third of the class, after topics such as duty to consult and accommodate, social license and meaningful engagement with indigenous communities have been covered. If used in an ethical decision-making course, it would be best used when discussing stakeholder theory and engaging in stakeholder analysis. If used in a public policy course, the case could be used to start a discussion around the duty to consult and accommodate indigenous communities in Canada. If used in a natural resource development course, the case would be best used as an example of indigenous economic development.

The environmental-ecological problem that humanity faces today is believed to be as ‘the ultimate life issue.’Such is the rationale for the study. This research investigates the said issue thru descriptive-historical research. Lonergan’smethod is used as a framework of the study. Lonergan distinguishes four realms of meaning as: (1) common sense, (2) theory, (3) interiority, and (4) transcendence. The investigation covers the gamut of the ecological problem, the causes and origins, the present environmental situation, its encompassing effects, and the different paradigmatic responses to it. The environmental crisis can be traced from how the people’s mindset and cultural attitudes operate in relationto how nature can be used in the pursuit of science, modernization, growth, and progress. The sad state of theenvironmental degradation includes the prevalence of continued deforestation, uncontrolled flooding, topsoil erosion,heavily silted inland waterways, destruction of coral reefs, and various forms of pollution. Amidst the crisis, hope can be seenfrom the moral values and beliefs of Filipinos. Social principles can be transformed into practice through authentic humanfunctioning associated with knowledge and choice. References Boff, L. Cry of the poor, cry of the earth. New York: Orbis Books. Bokenkotter, T. 1992. Dynamic Catholicism: A historical catechism. New York: ImageBooks, 1997. Byrne, B. Inheriting the Earth: The Pauline basis of a spirituality of our time. NewYork: Alba House, 1990. Cajes, P.A. Anitism and Perichoresis: Towards a Filipino Christian Eco-theology ofNature. Quezon City: Our Lady of Angel Seminary, 2002. Cane, B. Circles of hope: Breathing life and spirit into a wounded world.Makati: St.Paul Philippines, 1997. Christiansen, D. & Grazer, W. 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Staples of early United States Internet meme culture were sold via digital auctions for cryptocurrency (except one, which was sold for cash) throughout 2021. Through these transactions, Internet memes, or “the linguistic, image, audio, and video texts created, circulated, and transformed by countless cultural participants across vast networks and collectives” (Milner 1), were “minted” as non-fungible tokens—a marker within cryptocurrency economy that denotes the level of originality or irreplaceability of an (often digital) artifact (Wired). Early 2021 saw Internet memes (memes, hereafter) and non-fungible tokens (NFTs, hereafter) articulated to one another when a series of trades ignited a “buying frenzy”. In February 2021, the original animation file of the Nyan Cat meme (a rendering of a flying cat with a Pop-Tart body) was sold for 300 Ethereum, or US$600,000 (Griffith; Kay); in April 2021, the original photo file of the Disaster Girl meme (an image of a smiling child in front of a burning home) sold for 180 ETH, or nearly US$500,000 (BBC News); in May 2021, the original video file of the viral YouTube video “Charlie Bit My Finger” (wherein an infant bites the finger of their older sibling with glee) was sold for US$760,999, but no cryptocurrency was exchanged for this auction (Evans); in June 2021, the original image of the Shiba Inu who became Doge (image of a dog looking contemplative, often with text around the dog’s face) was sold for a record-breaking (for memes) 1,696.9 ETH, or US$4 million (Rosenblatt). Other notable memes were sold around this time, such as Bad Luck Brian (an unflattering school picture of a teenager who became synonymous with embarrassing social situations), Overly Attached Girlfriend (wide-eyed teenager who was portrayed as obsessive over their significant other), and Success Kid (an infant clenching their fist with a sense of achievement), but for lower prices (Wired; Dash; Gallagher). All the memes sold during this frenzy feature either animals or white individuals, and none of the creators or subjects of the original files are Black. That said, mainstream Internet culture, specifically within the United States, is predicated upon the Othering and exploitation of Black cultural production (Brock 97, 124; Benjamin). The fungible constitution of US Black culture is replete within digital cultures, from contemporary discussions of digital blackface in white use of memes featuring Black folks to express emotion (J.L. Green; Jackson, “Digital Blackface”, White Negroes) and/or using imagery featuring Black folks without permission (J.L. Green; Nakamura; Matamoros-Fernández). The advent of meme-based NFTs, however, offers new areas of inquiry into the triangulation of race, fungibility, and US digital cultures. I approach this cultural phenomenon with two general queries: What cultural and racial legacies of non/fungibility are present in the dynamics of memes becoming NFTs? What are the implications in digital media and US culture? Fungibility and Black Cultural Production As this issue explores, fungibility is a quality of interchangeable, performing persons or objects, but a turn to US Afro-pessimism illustrates how fungibility is a central quality to racialisation. (Continental African scholars coined Afro-pessimism, and its original formulation was markedly different from the US counterpart, which emerged with little to no engagement with the existing African canon. Afropessimism 1.0, as Greg Thomas names it, focusses on the postcolonial economic conditions across the continent. Importantly, there is an undergirding optimism, “the urge to positive social change”, to the inquiries into the poverty, colonial extractivism, and more; Amrah qtd. in Thomas 283; Rieff; de B’béri and Louw.) Fungibility, in US-borne Afro-pessimist literature, is used to describe (1) a major tenet of slavery wherein Black bodies are treated as interchangeable objects rather than human actors, and (2) how the afterlife of slavery continues to structure everyday experiences for Black folks (Bilge; Hartman; Wilderson, III et al.). US Afro-pessimism argues that slavery instantiated an ontological structure that articulates humanity as irreconcilable with Blackness and further articulates whiteness as for what (or whom) the Black body performs and labours (Bilge; Douglass et al.; Wilderson, III and Soong). Within the US, the fungibility of the Black body means it is always already vulnerable to and violable by “the whims of the [non-Black] world” (Wilderson, III 56; see also: Hartman; Lindsey). Indeed, Wilderson, building off Hartman, asserts, “the violence-induced fungibility of Blackness allows for its appropriation by White psyches as ‘property of enjoyment’” (89). The fungibility of Blackness aides in white “transpos[ition of Black] cultural gestures, the stuff of symbolic intervention onto another worldly good, a commodity of style” (Wilderson, III 56). This expropriation of Black digital “imaginative labour” by US white mainstream culture is part and parcel to Internet practices (Iloh; Lockett; Jackson). bell hooks argues white US mainstream culture treats Black cultural production as the “spice, [the] seasoning that can liven up the dull dish that is mainstream white culture” (21). By the same token, US white mainstream culture “desire[s] … sustained ‘labor’ … of a dark Other” that seeks to contiunously exploit fungible Black production (31). The constitutive fungibility of Blackness enriches, even if just affectively, the non-fungibility of whiteness; this parasitic relationship has extended to digital culture, with white actors extracting Black meme culture. Internet memes, until the advent of NFTs, did not necessarily provide monetary gain for the creators or original owners. For example, the creator of the iconic phrase “on fleek”, Kayla Newman (aka Peaches Monroee) is regularly discussed when considering the exploitation of Black digital culture (Parham; Maguire; Hazlehurst). The term came from a Vine of Newman hyping herself up in the front-facing camera of her smartphone—“We in this bitch! Finna get crunk. Eyebrows on fleek. Da fuq”—and quickly went viral. Maguire’s insightful analysis of Newman’s viral fame underscores the exploitation and appropriation of Black girl cultural production within the US. Maguire turns toward the legal intricacies of copyright and property as Newman sought ownership of her iconic phrase; however, Vats’s work on the legal rhetorics of intellectual property note its racial exclusivity in the US. (Moreton-Robinson traces similar white supremacist ownership within Australian contexts.) Meaning, only white actors benefit from such legal rhetorics. These forbearances point to the larger cultural legacies of fungibility that alienate Black bodies from their cultural production. US Black digital culture is alienated from the individuals who perform the imaginative labour that benefits and enriches whiteness (Wilderson, III; hooks). The legacies of mass enslavement fundamentally structured the capital and libidinal economies of US culture (Wilderson, III et al.; Spillers; Brock), therefore it stands to reason, like other forms of hegemonic ideologies, that such structuring logics of anti-Blackness are foundational to digital US culture (Benjamin; Brock; Towns; Matamoros-Fernández). Iloh, Williams, and Michele Jackson separately argue that the foundation of mainstream US Internet culture is indebted to the labour of Black users. However, as Brock argues, US Internet culture is a medium by which whiteness marks itself as the default even though Black labour, individuals, and culture are regularly exploited to perpetuate white engagement. Jackson specifically notes that the white performance of US Black culture “financially, artistically, socially, and intellectually” rewards white and other non-Black actors for demonstrating their understanding of Black cultural productions (Jackson, White Negroes 5; see also: hooks; Nakamura). Black individuals are not (fairly) compensated for this labour, even as white individuals gain clout. Newman’s term “on fleek” became a staple of US Vine and broader Internet culture, spawning a hashtag (#EyebrowsOnFleek) and being featured in multiple brand commercials (Maguire). Newman notes that she did not consider trademarking the term because she did not realise how quickly it would spread, allowing corporations and other actors to capitalise on her term free of charge (Hazlehurst; Maguire). Usage of the term became a signpost of the in-crowd within US millennial popular culture (Maguire). However, when Newman later launched a hair extensions company utilising her phrase (On Fleek Hair Extensions), she was resoundingly criticised. During a GoFundMe campaign to jumpstart the business, white digital actors accused Newman of milking her fame (Parham; Hazlehurst; Maguire). Mainstream digital actors forbade Newman’s ownership of her own labour after exploiting her creation throughout its popularity, marking her imaginative labour as fungible. These cultural dynamics exemplify of how anti-Blackness proliferates US digital culture, marking Black cultural labour as fungible and as the (shared) property of white actors. Whiteness regularly dichotomises itself against Blackness, needing the denigration and de-humanisation of Blackness to constitute whiteness’s perceived racial superiority (Wilderson, III et al.; Hartman; Thomas). Since Blackness has been constituted as fungible, alienating the labouring bodies from their production, whiteness (implicitly) constitutes itself as non-fungible. Thus, under this paradigm, white actors, their bodies, and their (property’s) cultural production are constituted as non-fungible, as the foil to fungible Blackness. Of course, anti-Blackness uses fungibility as a means of enriching whiteness, first evidenced by the logics of the Atlantic Slave Trade and extending throughout contemporary US culture. Newman’s iconic “on fleek” was easily detached from her (removing product from labourer) for the benefit of celebrities and companies. I argue that NFTs further these logics; as the next section explores, non-fungible tokens capacitate white monetisation of Black cultural labour. Non-Fungibility and Non-Black Cultural Agency The sale of meme-based NFTs offers a modern illustration of the fungibility of Black cultural production. Importantly, every seller of meme-based NFTs has been non-Black, with most being white or white-passing. NFTs, thus, seemingly give non-Black actors the agency to “reclaim” meme imagery via monetisation. Contemporary US meme culture is directly created by, influenced by, and appropriated from US Black (digital) culture (Jackson, White Negroes; Iloh; Brock; J.L. Green; Nakamura). Black cultural actors used memes largely as a space to share the joys and pains of Black US life (Brock); however, the connectivity of the Internet offered avenues for extraction and appropriation by non-Black actors (Iloh; Nakamura; J.L. Green; Matamoros-Fernández). Meme-based NFTs extend these anti-Black logics by monetising the cultural impact of certain memes. Specifically, memes are considered valuable only when minted as an NFT, which seeks to transform the fungible by a non-fungible agent. This section turns to the tensions between non-Black cultural agency over Black cultural influence within US Internet culture, using the Disaster Girl meme as an illustration. Memes, because of their participatory nature, require a certain level of fungibility to perpetuate circulation (Milner; Moreno-Almeida; Shifman). While certain digital actors proffer the original textual (e.g. #UKnowUrBlackWhen, a popular hashtag for Black users sharing experiences specific to US Black culture), graphic (e.g. Fail/Win, a popular meme genre for posting images of everyday chores tagged as Fail or Win), and/or contextual (e.g. Pepper Spray Cop, a meme genre where a police officer is pepper spraying protestors is photoshopped into different scenes) facets of a meme, these same characteristics must be manipulable for the meme to flourish (Parham; Jenkins; Huntington). Further, original creators must have an alienable relation to their cultural production, a “letting go” of the meme, so it may become part of broader cultural milieu, ever-evolving (Shifman; Jenkins). Minting memes into NFTs, however, reverses and obfuscates this cultural and imaginative labour by minting the original image. The sale of the Disaster Girl meme photograph as an NFT exhibits this erasure. The meme orginates from a photo Dave Roth took of his daughter, Zoë Roth, at a 2005 control-burn of a home in their neighbourhood (Fazio; Staff). D. Roth eventually submitted the image of his white, brown-haired daughter slyly smiling as the house burns in the background to a handful of photo contests, winning them (ibid.). The image was published online in 2008 and quickly circulated among social media platforms. Memes emerged as Internet users remixed the original image, either with text or by photoshopping Z. Roth into new disasters, thus dubbing her Disaster Girl (Green, Refinery). Since, Z. Roth’s four-year-old self has been “endlessly repurposed as a vital part of meme canon” (Fazio). Gesturing to the fungibility of meme culture, Z. Roth said she “love[s] seeing them because [she]’d never make any of them [her]self” (qtd in Fazio), meaning she (and her father) had willingly alienated themselves from the meme imagery. The agency to willingly turn over cultural production is solely attributable to non-Black bodies within the logics of fungible Blackness. Z. Roth’s non-participation did not prevent her from monetising the original meme, however. On 17 April 2021, Z. Roth sold the original photo file of the Disaster Girl meme (Fazio). Roth notes the creation and selling of an NFT is “the only thing memes can do to take control” (qtd. in Fazio). To exhibit agency of minting an NFT, Z. Roth collapses memes’ identities into the original image rather than the participation, remix, and becoming that meme culture involves. Memes, by nature, require the repeated and continual labour of digital public actors to continue circulating (Shifman; Milner; Jenkins). The stronger the meme’s circulatory impact, the more cultural heft it carries. However, the Roth family could only ever sell the original image. The minting of an NFT, for Z. Roth, “was a way for her to take control over a situation that she has felt powerless over since elementary school” (Fazio). Here, Z. Roth is further exerting non-Black agency to wilfully reclaim the previously fungible object. Ironically, the very thing Z. Roth is wanting to exert control over is what gives value to the meme in the first place. The virality and longevity of the Disaster Girl meme is its value, but given the fungibility of meme culture, this labour is easily obfuscated. As noted, memes must exhibit a certain level of fungibility to regenerate throughout digital cultures in various iterations; memes also require the fungible Black cultural production, especially within the US. Brock argues the capacity to laugh through pain or chaos is a characteristic of US Black humour and foundational to contemporary US meme humour. The Disaster Girl meme exemplifies the influences of US Black cultural humour both in the comedic frame—smiling in the face of disaster—and the composition of image—looking directly into the camera as if to break the fourth wall (Outley et al.; Brock). These facets influence the affectivity of the Disaster Girl image, or its capacity to move audiences to add their own remix to the meme. Remix is not only an inherently Black practice (Navas et al.), but it is also the lifeblood of meme culture and Internet culture more broadly. Iloh, Jackson, and Williams separately argue the proliferation of Black digital culture in the US means much of what enters mainstream US culture was shaped by Black users. Therefore, Black imaginative labour is an absent presence at the heart of Disaster Girl (or any) meme’s popularity—the popularity that made it valuable as an NFT. Minting the original image as a meme-based NFT consumes the labour of digital public actors to realise a value for the image owner. According to Cervenak, “NFTs can be seen as a tool for creators to be made whole for the work they put in” creating the original image (qtd. in Notopoulos). However, in memes the “work [being] put in”, the imaginative labour generating the memes, is that of various digital public actors. Neither the digital public actors, specifically Black public actors, nor the US Black cultural production and labour are recognised within the NFT economy. The reversion of memes back to the original image attempts to erase the Black cultural labour that generated the meme’s value. The work of digital public actors must be seen as both interchangeable and working in the service of the original “owner” of meme imagery to facilitate the trade of meme-based NFTs. Unlike Newman, Z. Roth was lauded for the monetisation of her meme-fame. Indeed, Newman’s imaginative labour needed to be obfuscated for the appropriation of “on fleek” by non-Black US culture. Z. Roth did very little labour in the invention and circulation of the Disaster Girl meme; however, her agency within anti-Black US culture created the conditions of possibility for her minting of the NFT. The dynamics of NFTs, Black US cultural labour, and anti-Blackness allow for the simultaneous obfuscation and appropriation of fungible meme-culture. Just as enslavement alienated Black bodies from the profits of their labour, NFTs similarly erase Black cultural production from the monetary benefit; NFTs (further) digitise these paradigms of anti-Blackness in US digital culture. Conclusion This essay has just barely chipped the surface on the articulations of race, fungibility, and NFTs. The arguments contained within demonstrate the legacies of fungible Blackness, which US Afro-pessimism links to the structuring logics of the Atlantic Slave Trade, and their manifestation in contemporary digital culture, specifically via meme-based NFTs. First, the essay traced the needed alienation and appropriation of Black cultural labour within US culture. Translating these practices to meme culture, the essay argues the minting of meme-based NFTs is a non-fungible agency only available to non-Black actors. There remains much to be explored, especially regarding equitable cultural practices. 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This collection examines the phenomenon of the operatic canon: its formation, history, current ontology and practical influence, and future. It does so by taking an international and interdisciplinary view: the workshops from which it was derived included the participation of critics, producers, artistic directors, stage directors, opera company CEOs, and even economists, from the United Kingdom, the United States, France, Italy, Ireland, Germany, the Netherlands, Denmark, and Canada. The volume is structured as a series of dialogues: each subtopic is addressed by two essays, introduced jointly by the authors, and followed by a jointly compiled list of further reading. These paired essays complement each other in different ways, for example by treating the same geographical location in different periods, by providing different national or regional perspectives on the same period, or by thinking through similar conceptual issues in contrasting milieus. Part I consists of a selection of surveys of operatic production and consumption contexts in France, Italy, Germany, England, Russia, and the Americas, arranged in rough order from the late seventeenth century to the late nineteenth century. Part II is a (necessarily) limited sample of subjects that illuminate the operatic canon from different—sometimes intentionally oblique—angles, ranging from the influence of singers to the contiguous genres of operetta and musical theater, and the effects of recording and broadcast over almost 150 years. The volume concludes with two essays written by prominent figures from the opera industry who give their sense of the operatic canon’s evolution and prospects.

The National Energy Board (NEB or the Board) is an independent regulatory tribunal that regulates various aspects of the Canadian energy industry, including the design, construction, operation and abandonment of oil and gas pipelines that cross provincial or international borders. Under section 74(1)(d) of the National Energy Board Act, a company shall not, without the leave of the Board, abandon the operation of a pipeline. To date, only one large-scale abandonment of an NEB-regulated pipeline has occurred. However, as pipeline infrastructure ages and markets shift, pipeline abandonments are likely to become more common. It is therefore important to review and learn from this case so that industry and regulators may effect future abandonments in as efficient and environmentally responsible a manner as possible. The Yukon Pipeline was part of the Canol Pipeline built by the United States Army in 1942. From 1958 through 1994, Yukon Pipelines Limited (YPL) and related companies operated the portion of pipeline from Skagway, Alaska, to Whitehorse, Yukon, to transport furnace oil, diesel fuel and gasoline to Whitehorse for distribution and use in the Yukon. The 114 km Canadian portion of the Yukon Pipeline, as well as an associated pump station at Carcross, Yukon, and a tank farm in Whitehorse, have been regulated by the NEB since 1962. An abandonment hearing was held in 1996, and the NEB issued a conditional order granting YPL leave to abandon the pipeline. The order would not come into force until YPL conducted further contaminant investigation and planned and successfully completed remedial work, all in consultation with a variety of stakeholders and regulatory bodies. The physical abandonment of the YPL facilities was relatively straightforward. Significant issues pertain primarily to the ongoing associated remediation of historical contamination. Challenges include appropriate characterization of the site, changing environmental standards and regulatory frameworks, changes in approach to remediation of the site, and complex jurisdictional interactions. Special concerns pertain to the application of environmental risk assessment and risk management. In order for future abandonment projects to proceed efficiently and effectively, it is recommended that site characterization and risk assessment work be completed early in the process, that risk management planning also be completed as early as possible (including planning how site closure will be achieved within the applicable regulatory context), and that the abandonment process and provisions be sufficiently flexible to accommodate changing circumstances while still achieving the desired end result.