Journal articles on the topic 'Canada – Politics and government – 2015-'
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1
Jensen, Nathan M., and Guillermo Rosas. "Open for Politics? Globalization, Economic Growth, and Responsibility Attribution." Journal of Experimental Political Science 7, no. 2 (September 9, 2019): 89–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/xps.2019.24.
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AbstractPrevious literature suggests that economic performance affects government approval asymmetrically, either because voters are quicker to blame incompetence than to credit ability (grievance asymmetry) or because they understand that the degree to which policy-makers can affect the economy varies depending on economic openness (clarity of responsibility asymmetry). We seek to understand whether these asymmetries coexist, arguing that these theories conjointly imply that globalization may have the capacity to mitigate blame for bad outcomes but should neither promote nor reduce credit to policy-makers for good economic outcomes. We look for evidence of these asymmetries in three survey experiments carried out in the USA and Canada in 2014 and 2015. We find ample experimental evidence in support of the grievance asymmetry, but our results are mixed on the impact of economic openness on blame mitigation, with some evidence of this phenomenon in the USA, but not in Canada.
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Cardinal, Linda, Helaina Gaspard, and Rémi Léger. "The Politics of Language Roadmaps in Canada: Understanding the Conservative Government's Approach to Official Languages." Canadian Journal of Political Science 48, no. 3 (August 24, 2015): 577–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423915000517.
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AbstractThis article critically examines the Conservative government's approach to official languages, through a policy instrument framework. Special attention is paid to the third federal roadmap for official languages—the first having been unveiled by the Liberal government in 2003 and the second by the Conservative minority government in 2008—and how this roadmap conveys a new representation of official languages in relation to Canadian identity and citizenship. The focus on the linguistic integration of new immigrants in the 2013 language roadmap generates interest. The policy instrument framework also shows how language roadmaps represent the fourth generation of official language policies in Canada; the first three generations found their respective bases in the 1969 Official Languages Act, the Charter of Rights and Freedoms and the 1988 Official Languages Act. The article concludes that an analysis of language roadmaps elucidates transformations initiated by the Conservative governments in the area of official languages in Canada. It also promotes further exploration and analysis of language policies through the policy instrument framework.
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Abji, Salina, and Anna C. Korteweg. "“HONOUR”- BASED VIOLENCE AND THE POLITICS OF CULTURE IN CANADA: ADVANCING A CULTURAL ANALYSIS OF MULTI-SCALAR VIOLENCE." International Journal of Child, Youth and Family Studies 12, no. 1 (March 12, 2021): 73–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.18357/ijcyfs121202120084.
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Since 2015, in Canada, political discourse on “honour”-based violence has shifted away from highly problematic understandings of “culture” as the cause of violence among racialized, Muslim, and immigrant communities. Instead, talk of culture has dropped out of the equation altogether in favour of more structural definitions of gender-based violence (GBV). In this article, we ask what gets lost when culture is not taken into account when talking about or trying to understand forms of GBV. Drawing from theoretical conceptualizations of culture — defined as “situated practices of meaning-making” that shape all experiences of violence, and societal responses to violence — we argue for a multiscalar approach to culture. To illustrate this framework, we first offer a critical analysis of Aruna Papp’s 2012 memoir Unworthy Creature as an exemplar of stigmatizing uses of culture and a key text promoted by the Conservative federal government at the time. We then turn to interviews we conducted with service providers serving South Asian survivors of GBV in Toronto from 2011 to 2013. Our analysis illustrates how to talk about culture as a key ingredient shaping multiscalar violence, regardless of whether that violence occurs in majority or minority communities. We conclude with three policy implications for addressing HBV moving forward.
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Dodek, Adam. "The Politics of the Senate Reform Reference: Fidelity, Frustration, and Federal Unilateralism." McGill Law Journal 60, no. 4 (November 23, 2015): 623–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1034050ar.
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References are the most political of cases, almost always involving high profile public policy issues. Frequently, references are brought to obtain rulings on the relationship between the federal government and the provinces. Less frequently, references involve questions of interbranch relations, that is, between two or more of the executive, legislative, and judicial branches of government. The Senate Reform Reference was one of the rare cases that featured each of these three elements. This article analyzes the Senate Reform Reference on several political levels. First, it situates the reference in terms of megaconstitutional politics, the long-held Canadian practice of attempting to resolve constitutional issues through formal and often high-profile negotiations between the federal and provincial governments. Such interactions have been anathema to the Harper government which has preferred unilateral political action to negotiated political agreement. The article then examines interparty politics or the relationship between the Harper government and the opposition parties during the period of minority government (2006–2011). This is the period during which one would have expected the government to bring a reference because of its inability to obtain support from the other parties in the House of Commons and the Senate for its proposed legislation on the Senate. However, it did not. This leads to an examination of the third issue: intra-party politics or the politics within the governing party, the Conservative Party of Canada. Finally, the article discusses legal politics and how the government of Québec essentially forced the federal government’s hand by bringing its own reference to the Québec Court of Appeal. The overarching framework of interbranch politics—the relationship between the executive, legislative and judicial branches of government—is examined throughout the article.
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Vass, Ágnes. "The Extended Nation as a Political Project – Hungarian Diaspora Living in Western Canada." Polish Political Science Review 6, no. 2 (December 1, 2018): 91–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ppsr-2018-0015.
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AbstractPolicy towards Hungarians living in neighbouring countries has been a central issue for Hungarian governments, yet Hungarian diaspora living mainly in Western Europe and North America have received very little attention. This has changed after the 2010 landslide victory of Fidesz. The new government introduced a structured policy focused on engaging Hungarian diaspora, largely due to the nationalist rhetoric of the governing party. The article argues that this change reflects a turn of Hungarian nationalism into what Ragazzi and Balalowska (2011) have called post-territorial nationalism, where national belonging becomes disconnected from territory. It is because of this new conception of Hungarian nationalism that we witness the Hungarian government approach Hungarian communities living in other countries in new ways while using new policy tools: the offer of extraterritorial citizenship; political campaigns to motivate the diaspora to take part in Hungarian domestic politics by voting in legislative elections; or the never-before-seen high state budget allocated to support these communities. Our analysis is based on qualitative data gathered in 2016 from focus group discussions conducted in the Hungarian community of Western Canada to understand the effects of this diaspora politics from a bottom-up perspective. Using the theoretical framework of extraterritorial citizenship, external voting rights and diaspora engagement programmes, the paper gives a brief overview of the development of the Hungarian diaspora policy. We focus on how post-territorial nationalism of the Hungarian government after 2010 effects the ties of Hungarian communities in Canada with Hungary, how the members of these communities conceptualise the meaning of their “new” Hungarian citizenship, voting rights and other diaspora programmes. We argue that external citizenship and voting rights play a crucial role in the Orbán government’s attempt to govern Hungarian diaspora communities through diaspora policy.
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Meerzon, Yana. "Multiculturalism, (Im)Migration, Theatre: The National Arts Centre, Ottawa, a Case of Staging Canadian Nationalism." Journal of Contemporary Drama in English 6, no. 1 (April 27, 2018): 113–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jcde-2018-0015.
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AbstractOn October 22, 2015, two days after the Liberal Party of Canada came to power, The Globe and Mail published an editorial entitled “Canada to the World: Xenophobia Doesn’t Play Here.” The article suggested that, in these times of migration crises, a rising xenophobic discourse and neo-nationalism, it is essential for the European countries to start taking lessons in navigating cultural diversity from Canada, the first country in the world that institutionalized principles of multiculturalism. This view is clearly reflected in the repertoire politics of Canadian theatre institutions, specifically the National Arts Centre (NAC) Ottawa, the only theatre company in Canada directly subsidized by its government. Mandated to support artistic excellence through arts, the NAC acts as a pulpit of official ideology. It presents diversity on stage as the leading Canadian value, and thus fulfills its symbolic function to serve as a mirror to its nation.However, this paper argues that, by offering an image of Canada, constructed by our government and tourist agencies, as an idyllic place to negotiate our similarities and differences, the NAC fosters what Loren Kruger calls a theatrical nationhood (4–16). A closer look at the 2014 NAC English theatre co-production of Kim’s Convenience will help illustrate how the politics of mimicry can become a leading device in the aesthetics of national mimesis – a cultural activity of “representing the nation as well as the result of it (an image of the nation)” (Hurley 24); and how the artistry of a multicultural kitchen-sink can turn a subject of diversity into that of affirmation and sentimentalism.
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Cardy, Meghan. "‘Lock Her Up’: Harassment and Violence Against Women in Alberta Politics." Political Science Undergraduate Review 3, no. 1 (February 15, 2018): 45–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/psur48.
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Since the ‘Orange Wave’ of the 2015 election in Alberta, women within and outside of the NDP caucus have experienced incredible levels of harassment from both ideological opposition and within their own parties. This harassment occurs towards the government demonstrative of the most success in formal representation women have ever had in Albertan politics. This uptick in the frequency and severity of harassment online, in protest, and in traditional political channels such as party leadership contests lead some to question the role Alberta’s political culture played in it’s occurrence, and the impact such a culture may have in the future. Examined using theory of gendered electoral violence and in the larger context of women’s political leadership in Canada, this paper proposes that a further critical eye should be turned towards this phenomenon rather than including it as a part of the job of doing politics as a woman.
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Fisanov, Vоlоdymyr. "Immigration policy and the problem of renewal of multiculturalism practices in modern Canada." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 6 (2018): 50–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2018.06.50-59.
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The goal of the article is to analyze certain aspects of Canada’s immigration policy in the context of contemporary realities, considering the concept of multiculturalism. In the paper, there are outlined the main stages of Canadian immigration policy and its impact on the politics of multiculturalism. The author emphasizes that the policy of multiculturalism, proclaimed by the Government of Canada in its modern interpretation in the late 1980s, has transformed in the first decades of the 21st century. It was caused by such factors as the rise of terrorist attacks, illegal migration and the widening of migration from South-East Asia. It was shown that Canadian immigration policy evolved to more open and liberal since the end of World War II, but at the beginning of the 21st century, the situation radically changed. This trend was especially noticeable during the activities of the conservative governments of S. Harper (2006-2015). Conservative government policy was marked by the introduction of restrictive immigration laws and the extension of bureaucratic procedures. In particular, some provisions of the «Strengthening Canadian Citizenship Act» of June 19, 2014, were analyzed. It was emphasized that this legal action had been crushed by the Bar Association of Canada, as well as in the Open Letter of 60 well-known scholars and community members to the Prime Minister of Canada. Another trend of last developments in Canadian multicultural society was influenced by American negative attitudes towards Muslims. Today, the Government of Canada must review and substantially add a policy of multiculturalism. However, it should not become a hostage to the political struggle between liberals and conservatives in the contemporary difficult realities. The escalation of feelings of danger and intolerance, based on the dialectical thе «еnemy-friend» opposition, no longer works in a society. But people are looking for effective democratic dialogue in order to normalize relationships in the multicolored society of the early 21st century.
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Wilson, Gary N. "Like the Sound of a Drum: Aboriginal Cultural Politics in Denendeh and Nunavut." Canadian Journal of Political Science 40, no. 3 (September 2007): 783–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423907070928.
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Like the Sound of a Drum: Aboriginal Cultural Politics in Denendeh and Nunavut, Peter Kulchyski, Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press, 2005, pp. xi, 305.Much of the existing literature on politics in the Northwest Territories (Denendeh) and Nunavut focuses on the dynamics of political, economic and social change at the territorial level of government. This is especially true if one considers the case of Nunavut. In recent years, a number of books and articles have deepened our understanding of territorial politics and the evolving relationship between the territories and other levels of government in Canada. Very few studies, however, have examined political developments in the territories from the perspective of community politics. Like the Sound of a Drum: Aboriginal Cultural Politics in Denendeh and Nunavut, by Peter Kulchyski, makes an important contribution to this growing literature by exploring grassroots local politics in several communities in the Northwest Territories and Nunavut.
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Christensen, Benjamin. "Ontario Pension Policy Making and the Politics of CPP Reform, 1963–2016." Canadian Journal of Political Science 53, no. 1 (November 27, 2019): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423919000805.
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AbstractAfter years of pension policy drift in a broader context of global austerity, the Canada Pension Plan (CPP) was enhanced for the first time in 2016 to expand benefits for Canadian workers. This article examines Ontario's central role in these reforms. The deteriorating condition of workplace plans, coupled with rising retirement income insecurity across the province's labour force, generated new sources of negative feedback at the provincial level, fuelling Ontario's campaign for CPP reform beginning in the late 2000s. The political limits of policy drift and layering at the provincial level is considered in relationship to policy making at the national level. As shown, a new period of pension politics emerged in Canada after 2009, in which the historical legacy of CPP's joint governance structure led to a dynamic of “collusive benchmarking,” shaped in large part by political efforts of the Ontario government, leading to CPP enhancement.
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Kapsalis, Constantine. "Fiscal Impact of Recent Immigrants to Canada." Canadian Public Policy 47, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 170–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cpp.2020-112.
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In a recent report from the Fraser Institute, Grady and Grubel (2015) concluded that, because of the low taxes they pay and the government services they receive, the fiscal burden of recent immigrants to Canada was significant ($5,329 per immigrant in 2010). The present study, however, shows that the fiscal burden is significant only in the case of refugees and sponsored immigrants. By contrast, economic immigrants actually pay more in taxes than they receive in benefits. This is an important finding because economic immigrants are selected primarily on economic grounds, whereas refugees and sponsored immigrants are accepted primarily on humanitarian and compassionate grounds.
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Lepage-Richer, Théo, and Fenwick McKelvey. "States of computing: On government organization and artificial intelligence in Canada." Big Data & Society 9, no. 2 (July 2022): 205395172211233. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20539517221123304.
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With technologies like machine learning and data analytics being deployed as privileged means to improve how contemporary bureaucracies work, many governments around the world have turned to artificial intelligence as a tool of statecraft. In that context, our paper uses Canada as a critical case to investigate the relationship between ideals of good government and good technology. We do so through not one, but two Trudeaus—celebrity Prime Minister Justin Trudeau (2015—…) and his equally famous father, former Prime Minister Pierre Elliott Trudeau (1968–1979, 1980–1984). Both shared a similar interest in new ideas and practices of both intelligent government and artificial intelligence. Influenced by Marshall McLuhan and his media theory, Pierre Elliott Trudeau deployed new communication technologies to restore centralized control in an otherwise decentralized state. Partly successful, he left his son with an informationally inclined political legacy, which decades later animated Justin Trudeau's own turn toward Big Data and artificial intelligence. Compared with one another, these two visions for both government and artificial intelligence illustrate the broader tensions between cybernetic and neoliberal approaches to government, which inform how new technologies are conceived of, and adopted, as political ones. As this article argues, Canada offers a paradigmatic case for how artificial intelligence is as much shaped by theories of government as by investments and innovations in computing research, which together delimit the contours of intelligence by defining which technical systems, people, and organizations come to be recognized as its privileged bearers.
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Chen, Qi, and Pearl Ann Reichwein. "The Village Lake Louise Controversy: Ski Resort Planning, Civil Activism, and the Environmental Politics of Banff National Park, 1964–1979." Sport History Review 47, no. 1 (May 2016): 90–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/shr.2015-0015.
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A new ski resort village plan proposed for Lake Louise in Banff National Park triggered intense opposition at public hearings in 1972. Local proponents, backed by Imperial Oil, had entered into agreements to expand services at Lake Louise, which led to federal public consultations. We investigate Parks Canada’s early public consultation process and how it was institutionalized in federal policy making from 1964 to 1979. Public debate was significant and influenced political decisions in the Village Lake Louise controversy. The National and Provincial Parks Association of Canada, Bow Valley Naturalists, Environmental Law Association, mountain clubs, academics, and others advocated for protection as conservation lobbyists and the Government of Alberta also objected to the proposal, leading Minister Jean Chrétien to halt the plan. It was a win for citizens, environmentalists, and ecological integrity as Village Lake Louise debates became Canada’s town hall. Past environmental protection is relevant to civil society and public space in a moment of new approvals for massive ski hill industry expansions in national parks. Precedents in civil society and governance can inform understanding of public consultation and a new environmental politics.
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Martin, Geoff. "Executive Styles in Canada: Cabinet Structures and Leadership Practices in Canadian Government." Canadian Journal of Political Science 39, no. 1 (March 2006): 183–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423906219991.
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Executive Styles in Canada: Cabinet Structures and Leadership Practices in Canadian Government, Luc Bernier, Keith Brownsey and Michael Howlett, eds., Toronto: University of Toronto Press, for The Institute of Public Administration of Canada, 2005, pp. xiii, 282.Executive Styles in Canada is a welcome addition to the literature on Canadian political leadership and provincial politics, essentially raising the question of the power of the premier, central agencies, and executive council in each of the Canadian provinces. To this end the editors have organized the book in 13 chapters. The book begins with a survey of the whole debate over “court government” raised by Donald Savoie, and the development model of Canadian cabinets advanced by Stefan Dupré and Christopher Dunn. The second chapter is given over to Savoie to make his case with respect to the federal government. His argument, by now familiar, is that by the 1990s the real power in the federal government is in the hands of the “prime minister and a small group of carefully selected courtiers” (17). Executive dominance of the legislature in the Westminster model has given way to even greater centralization. Power flows not from ministers, but from the prime minister. While Savoie does not address the seeming anomaly of the Paul Martin minority government of 2004–05, in which the House of Commons and even the opposition parties suddenly became relevant again, one gets the sense that he would argue that this is a temporary development rather than a more durable departure from the direction of the last 30 years.
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Snow, Dave. "The Judicialization of Assisted Reproductive Technology Policy in Canada: Decentralization, Medicalization, and Mandatory Regulation." Canadian journal of law and society 27, no. 2 (August 2012): 169–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjls.27.2.169.
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AbstractThis article examines the effect of two recent constitutional decisions that have altered the course of assisted-reproduction policy in Canada:Reference re Assisted Human Reproduction Act(2010) andPratten v British Columbia(2011). Together, the cases link a socially liberal conception of morality in federalism cases with an interventionist view of the state in Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms cases. This could result in a trend toward judicially mandated provincial, as opposed to federal, government action. These cases also provide further evidence of the judicialization of politics in Canada, whereby controversial moral and public-policy issues are increasingly determined in the courtroom.
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HARRISON, KLISALA. "Sustainability and Indigenous Aesthetics: Musical Resilience in Sámi and Indigenous Canadian Theatre." Yearbook for Traditional Music 51 (November 2019): 17–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ytm.2019.6.
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Histories of colonial cultural erasure, unsuccessful decolonisation or postcolonialism and rapid modernisation are typically seen as the challenges to sustaining Indigenous traditional musics (Harrison, in press). The Indigenous peoples of Canada have experienced colonial assimilationist policies of government and church, including residential schools that took children away from their families and forbade song, dance and language. These policies resulted in musics and even entire cultures being erased. Although there have been recent improvements in Scandinavia, similar kinds of discrimination happened where the traditional Sámi vocal form, joik (in pan-Sámi juoiggas) was long (and in some cases, still is) regarded as sinful, and Sámi children were forbidden to use their mother tongues at school (for example, from about 1850 to 1980 during Norway’s Fornorskning or Norwegianisation policy). In recent years, the Indigenous musics of Canada and the Nordic countries, among others, have reflected, articulated and interpellated sociocultural interrelations and politics (Diamond 2002; Diamond et al. 2018; Harrison 2009; Hilder 2012, 2015; Moisala 2007; Ramnarine 2009, 2017), and Indigenous artists have taken action on politicised issues through a range of contemporary and flourishing artistic expressions (Robinson and Martin 2016).
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Wideman, Trevor J., and Jeffrey R. Masuda. "Toponymic assemblages, resistance, and the politics of planning in Vancouver, Canada." Environment and Planning C: Politics and Space 36, no. 3 (January 10, 2018): 383–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2399654417750624.
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The marginalized and impoverished Downtown Eastside neighbourhood of Vancouver, Canada has long been subjected to planning programs that have aimed to solve area problems through strategic government intervention. The 2011–2014 Local Area Planning Process, led by the City of Vancouver in consultation with local actors, represents the most recent of such programs. Despite the Local Area Planning Process’s stated goal of inclusive participation, the resultant Downtown Eastside plan transformed the political landscape of the neighbourhood and met with derision from stakeholders for its potential to generate dramatic capital-led transformations. In this paper, we critique participatory planning through a case study of the Local Area Planning Process. We utilize a lens of critical toponymy (the investigation of the historical and political implications of place naming) as a methodological tool to examine planning technologies of power and their mobilization through governmental processes. We deploy a novel approach to toponymy, drawing on assemblage theory, that presents toponymy as a radically open and dynamic process mobilized relationally through a multiplicity of discourses and materialities. Our case study demonstrates that processes of toponymic assemblage within the Downtown Eastside Local Area Planning Process worked to (1) generate new territorial conflicts, (2) depoliticize community activism, and (3) co-opt racialized and class-based histories of displacement and dispossession to stimulate “revitalization” (“Japantown”). On the other hand, we found that in unanticipated ways, these processes worked to stimulate anti-gentrification activism, alliances, and resistance. Our analysis of planning highlights how toponymic agency can service oppressive and marginalizing place-framings, but it can also have liberating effects – by inspiring unlikely alliances and counter-framings.
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Laforest, Rachel, and Steven Rathgeb Smith. "Nonprofits in a Time of Turbulence: Challenges and Opportunities." Nonprofit Policy Forum 8, no. 2 (September 26, 2017): 117–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/npf-2017-0021.
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AbstractWe have entered a period of turbulent economic and political change. Internationally, slower growth coupled with youth unemployment and rising inequality have driven a renewed interest in social policy. In the US, the preferred policy approach since the 1990s has been to move away from cash assistance to direct service provision spurring demand for nonprofit services at the local level (Smith 2015, “Managing Human Service Organizations in the 21st Century.” Human Service Organizations: Management, Leadership, & Governance 39 (5):407–411). Recently, however, we have observed a power backlash against trade, immigration and economic insecurity that is reshaping politics and bringing about significant cuts in social service programs and health care at a time when the need is high. Fiscal scarcity will no doubt create an additional burden for nonprofits working with communities in need. In Canada, the federal government is moving in the opposite direction with greater investment in the social policy fields, including healthcare, childcare, housing and poverty reduction initiative. These investments will mean a greater flow of resources to the nonprofit sector, but the government has been clear that in exchange they want to tie funding to results and performance.
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Fox, Jonathan. "How Secular Are Western Governments’ Religion Policies?" Secular Studies 1, no. 1 (May 8, 2019): 3–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25892525-00101002.
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Abstract This study examines government religion policy in 26 Western democracies between 1990 and 2014 using the Religion and State round 3 (RAS3) dataset to determine whether these policies can be considered secular. While many assume that the West and its governments are secular and becoming more secular, the results contradict this assumption. All Western governments support religion in some manner, including financial support. All but Canada restrict the religious practices and/or religious institutions of religious minorities. All but Andorra and Italy restrict or regulate the majority religion. In addition religious both governmental and societal discrimination against religious minorities increased significantly between 1990 and 2014. All of this indicates religion remains a prominent factor in politics and society in the West.
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Pétry, François, and Dominic Duval. "Electoral Promises and Single Party Governments: The Role of Party Ideology and Budget Balance in Pledge Fulfillment." Canadian Journal of Political Science 51, no. 4 (September 13, 2018): 907–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423918000379.
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AbstractThe determinants of fulfilling campaign promises in Canada over the period 1994–2015 are analyzed in a comparative perspective. All other factors being equal, we find that promises to reduce government spending are more likely to be fulfilled by the Conservatives than by the Liberals. Majority and re-elected governments facing a budget surplus are more likely to fulfill their election promises than minority and newly elected governments facing a budget deficit. Promises are more likely to be fulfilled at the start than at the end of a mandate. We also find a small but noticeable increase in the rate of fulfilling campaign promises over time.
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Lalancette, Mireille, and Vincent Raynauld. "The Power of Political Image: Justin Trudeau, Instagram, and Celebrity Politics." American Behavioral Scientist 63, no. 7 (November 30, 2017): 888–924. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764217744838.
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This article explores dynamics of online image management and its impact on leadership in a context of digital permanent campaigning and celebrity politics in Canada. Recent studies have shown that images can play a critical role when members of the public are evaluating politicians. Specifically, voters are looking for specific qualities in political leaders, including honesty, intelligence, friendliness, sincerity, and trustworthiness, when making electoral decisions. Image management techniques can help create the impression that politicians possess these qualities. Heads of governments using social media to capture attention through impactful images or videos on an almost daily basis seems like a new norm. Specifically, this article takes interest in Justin Trudeau’s use of Instagram during the first year immediately following his election on October 19, 2015. Through a hybrid quantitative and qualitative approach, we examine how Trudeau and his party convey a specific image to voters in a context of permanent and increasingly personalized campaigning. We do so through an analysis of his Instagram feed focusing on different elements, including how he frames his governing style visually, how his personal life is used on his Instagram to support the Liberal Party of Canada’s values and ideas, and how celebrity culture codes are mobilized to discuss policy issues such as environment, youth, and technology. This analysis sheds light on the effects and implications of image management in Canada. More generally, it offers a much-needed look at image-based e-politicking and contributes to the academic literature on social media, permanent campaigning, as well as celebrity and politics in Canada.
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Dorn, A. Walter, and Joshua Libben. "Preparing for peace: Myths and realities of Canadian peacekeeping training." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 73, no. 2 (June 2018): 257–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702018788552.
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During the Harper years (2006–2015), Canada significantly reduced the training, preparation, and deployment of military personnel for United Nations (UN) peacekeeping. Now, despite the Trudeau government’s pledge to lead an international peacekeeping training effort, Canada’s capabilities have increased only marginally. A survey of the curricula in the country’s training institutions shows that the military provides less than a quarter of the peacekeeping training activities that it provided in 2005. The primary cause of these reductions was the central focus on the North Atlantic Treaty Organization’s Afghanistan operation and several lingering myths about peacekeeping, common to many Western militaries. As the Trudeau government has committed to reengaging Canada in UN operations, these misperceptions must be addressed, and a renewed training and education initiative is necessary. This paper describes the challenges of modern peace operations, addresses the limiting myths surrounding peacekeeping training, and makes recommendations so that military personnel in Canada and other nations can once again be prepared for peace.
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POWER, ANDREW. "Personalisation and Austerity in the Crosshairs: Government Perspectives on the Remaking of Adult Social Care." Journal of Social Policy 43, no. 4 (June 11, 2014): 829–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279414000373.
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AbstractPersonalisation has now become centre-stage in adult social care and continues to have an enduring level of political commitment and on-going appeal for many disabled people. And yet its roll-out has taken place during a time of austerity where central governments in many neo-liberal countries are re-imagining (read: shrinking) their role in social care provision. This paper reports on findings from an empirical study of relevant government officials from different countries which have advanced personalisation: Canada, England and the US. It reports on their views on personalisation and the remaking of adult social care, and managing expectations for change. Despite the relative success of personalisation, the findings reveal a tempered, cautious account, with respondents aware of the pitfalls and risks inherent in self-led support, government limitations in changing systems and an end to the primary involvement by the state in the creation of a social care market. With this in mind, the study's findings make a strong case for forms of ‘progressive localism’, as imagined by Featherstone et al. (2012), in galvanising local community resources alongside more radical politics in order to make self-led support achieve its desired outcomes on the ground.
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Barnett, Allain J., and Melanie G. Wiber. "What Scientists Say about the Changing Risk Calculation in the Marine Environment under the Harper Government of Canada (2006-2015)." Science, Technology, & Human Values 44, no. 1 (June 14, 2018): 29–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0162243918781269.
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This paper examines how the Harper Government of Canada (2006-2015) shut down both debate about threats and research into environmental risk, a strategy that Canadian scientists characterized as the “death of evidence.” Based on interviews with scientists who research risks to the marine environment, we explore the shifting relationship between science and the Canadian government by tracing the change in the mode of risk calculation supported by the Harper administration and the impact of this change. Five themes emerged from the interviews: erosion of science research capacity, resulting limitations in understanding risk, declining influence on policy and regulation, redirection of public science funds to support the private sector, and the need to broaden the science knowledge base. The Canadian death of evidence controversy represents a challenge to science and technology studies (STS) scholars who wish to maintain a critical and reflexive perspective on the scientific enterprise without supporting attacks on evidence. While subsequent Canadian governments may simply return science to an unreflexively privileged knowledge status, we view this as equally damaging to broad risk calculation and democratic science. We suggest instead that a broader gathering of matters of concern will always be essential to risk assessment.
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Martinico, Giuseppe, Richard Albert, Antonia Baraggia, and Cristina Fasone. "An Opportunity for Reflection – A Special Issue on “The Constitution of Canada: History, Evolution, Influence and Reform”." Perspectives on Federalism 9, no. 3 (December 1, 2017): Ed—I—Ed—VII. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pof-2017-0027.
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Abstract Canada is and will for the foreseeable future be a peaceful and prosperous liberal democracy whose Constitution Act, 1867, now 150 years old as of 2017, has become a model for the modern world. The Constitution of Canada has exerted considerable influence on other countries, particularly since the coming into force of its Constitution Act, 1982, which included the celebrated Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. Just as Canada drew from foreign and international experiences in drafting its Charter, the world has learned a great deal from Canada, not only as to rights protections but also as to the separation of powers, the judicial function, and the structure of government. In light of these impressive achievements, an international symposium on the Canadian Constitution was held in Pisa at the Scuola Sant’Anna under the auspices of the Sant’Anna Legal Studies project and with the support of the DIRPOLIS (Law, Politics and Development) Institute at the Scuola Sant’Anna, the Canadian Embassy in Italy, and the International Association of Constitutional Law. This special issue collects some of the papers presented on that occasion.
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Keya, Antoni. "Social Networking as Power Balancing in Tanzanian Politics." Utafiti 13, no. 2 (March 18, 2018): 88–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26836408-01302006.
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Online social networks have made communication more accessible in many spheres; they have been used as an alternative political means of regaining or equalising power between a political opposition and a ruling party, when the former is functioning in the absence of a traditional political platform. Recently opposition politicians in Tanzania have utilised online social networks towards this end. Positioning theory draws out this political dynamic in operation. Historically, political communication using electronically transmitted networks in Tanzania was necessitated after the fifth-phase presidency (beginning in 2015) placed a ban on political activities reaching outside their official jurisdictions and naming specific candidates. This ban seemed to weaken opposition politicians because they were regarded as preferring to work in collectives. The analysis here focuses on a press conference involving a United Republic of Tanzania Member of Parliament from the opposition party, addressing the national and international communities in regard to secrecy that surrounded a late arrival of two new jets into Tanzania from Canada, late in 2016. The data suggests that online social networking has enabled opposition politicians to identify themselves as fellow sufferers and representatives of the ordinary citizen, demanding good governance and speaking against misappropriation and laxity in distribution and use of national resources. The opposition has gone further in utilising social media to present the nation’s presidential agenda as pitted against the ordinary citizen. Social media allows the opposition to represent the current government as an elite group responsible for the problems Tanzanians are facing, and therefore as untrustworthy. This limited case study reveals how electronic media re-introduces a potential for effective political opposition to the status quo at a national level.
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Kazakov, M. A., and M. S. Lystsev. "THE ARCTIC REGION IN POLITICS OF AMERICAN STATES: PAST AND PRESENT." Bulletin of Kemerovo State University, no. 2 (June 29, 2017): 44–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2078-8975-2017-2-44-49.
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The article analyzes the historical experience and the basic stages of development of the North American Arctic states in the twentieth century. With the new data, and based on the historical method, the article reveals changing relationships of these states to the Arctic in their successive temporary development during the second half of XX – beginning of XXI centuries. The article features the evolution of the position of the authorities in Ottawa and Washington to the region in the context of developing and conducting them in the national interests and security policy.The conclusion is that the policy of the US government and Canada to coordinate their actions in the region under the pretext of defending national interests and to counter external threats, has some historical positive outcome, along with some well-known commitments. Security Policy in these countries limits the competence of the state threats to their territorial integrity, which does not give the government the authority to undue interference in areas that are governed by market forces and civil society. In the light of the impending changes caused by the election of D. Trump, this circumstance should be exploited for excluding the very possibility of military conflict from the political process the Arctic countries.
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Ives, Nicole, Anna Oda, Jonathan Bridekirk, Michaela Hynie, Susan McGrath, Rana Mohammad, Mona Awwad, Kathy Sherrell, Mahi Khalaf, and Marcela Diaz. "Syrian Refugees’ Participation in Language Classes: Motivators and Barriers." Refuge: Canada's Journal on Refugees 38, no. 2 (August 23, 2022): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.25071/1920-7336.40799.
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Resettlement country language literacy facilitates integration and counteracts social and economic marginalization. Thus, access to language learning is a social justice issue. Resettled refugees in Canada are eligible for free English/French language training. Between 2015-2017, Canada resettled 47,735 Syrian refugees. We explored predictors of language class participation for Syrian refugees, examining data from 1915 adult Syrian refugees in government-funded language classes in British Columbia, Ontario, and Quebec. Findings suggest access to language programs are shaped by provincial policies. Factors hindering participation varied by province and included gender, physical/mental health, education, English/French literacy, and employment. Practice and policy recommendations are discussed.
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Campbell, Norm RC, Raj Padwal, Ross T. Tsuyuki, Alexander A. Leung, Alan Bell, Janusz Kaczorowski, and Sheldon W. Tobe. "Ups and downs of hypertension control in Canada: critical factors and lessons learned." Revista Panamericana de Salud Pública 46 (September 2, 2022): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.26633/rpsp.2022.141.
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ABSTRACT As the leading risk for death, population control of increased blood pressure represents a major challenge for all countries of the Americas. In the early 1990’s, Canada had a hypertension control rate of 13%. The control rate increased to 68% in 2010, accompanied by a sharp decline in cardiovascular disease. The unprecedented improvement in hypertension control started around the year 2000 when a comprehensive program to implement annually updated hypertension treatment recommendations started. The program included a comprehensive monitoring system for hypertension control. After 2011, there was a marked decrease in emphasis on implementation and evaluation and the hypertension control rate declined, driven by a reduction in control in women from 69% to 49%. A coalition of health and scientific organizations formed in 2011 with a priority to develop advocacy positions for dietary policies to prevent and control hypertension. By 2015, the positions were adopted by most federal political parties, but implementation has been slow. This manuscript reviews key success factors and learnings. Some key success factors included having broad representation on the program steering committee, multidisciplinary engagement with substantive primary care involvement, unbiased up to date credible recommendations, development and active adaptation of education resources based on field experience, extensive implementation of primary care resources, annual review of the program and hypertension indicators and developing and emphasizing the few interventions important for hypertension control. Learnings included the need for having strong national and provincial government engagement and support, and retaining primary care organizations and clinicians in the implementation and evaluation.
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Kamal, Rifat Darina, and Charles Burton. "Policy Gridlock versus Policy Shift in Gun Politics: A Comparative Veto Player Analysis of Gun Control Policies in the United States and Canada." World Affairs 181, no. 4 (December 2018): 317–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0043820018814356.
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Why do major events of gun violence (i.e., mass shootings) lead to incremental change or no federal legislative change at all in the United States while major events of gun violence have resulted in large-scale legislative changes in Canada? Exploring the complexities involved in this compelling question, this article conducts a comparative analysis of recent gun control policy gridlock and shift in these two countries. We concentrate on two mass shooting cases in each country: the Columbine (1990) and Sandy Hook (2012) massacres in the United States and the École Polytechnique Massacre (1989) and Concordia Shooting (1992) in Canada. We use veto player theory to gain insights into why tightening gun policy is so difficult to implement in the United States while Canada often follows up with policy transformations after a focusing event. This theory informs the central argument that the key factors underpinning the divergent policy outcomes on gun control issues in both countries involve differences in the structure of government/institutional design and the role and power of interest groups in each case.
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Potikha, Zinaida. "Relations between the national diaspora in Canada and Ukraine (1991–2014)." Kyiv Historical Studies, no. 2 (2018): 24–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.28925/2524-0757.2018.2.2428.
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The article illustrates the relations between the national diaspora in Canada and Ukraine during 1991–2014. It is emphasized that during the long-term presence of Ukrainians in the cities of Canada the Ukrainian diaspora has been growing and consolidating around the civic organizations and Ukrainian cultural centers with the biggest ones being located in Ontario and Alberta, which are the places with the largest Ukrainian population. It provides the analysis of influence of the Ukrainian diaspora on the cooperation between Ukraine and Canada through civic organizations, the most influential of which are the following: Ukrainian Canadian Congress — acts as the representative of the Ukrainian diaspora before the government and people of Canada, coordinates and promotes its involvement in the cultural and public life of the country, and unites 33 Ukrainian and all-Canadian organizations and their branches; Ukrainian Catholic Women’s League of Canada — supports the religious education and Ukrainian publishing houses, arranges religious seminars on the study of Bible, Ukrainian rituals and traditions; Plast — promotes the complex patriotic self-education of the Ukrainian youth based on the Christian ethics principles, as the conscientious, responsible and meaningful citizens of the local, national and global communities and the Ukrainian society leaders; they also hold the leading positions in the civic organizations — in student’s clubs or in the Ukrainian Canadian Congress. At the same time, in Ukraine the civic organizations, such as the “Ukraine-Svit” company and Ukrainian World Coordinating Council cooperate with the national diaspora in Canada. It is emphasized that the intensification of relations between the Ukrainian diaspora in Canada and Ukraine is the key component of the modern national ethnical policy. It is concluded that the Ukrainian diaspora in Canada created the positive image of Ukraine abroad that contributed to the recognition of its independence in 1991 and further establishment of connections between the countries. The article substantiates the perspectives for bilateral cooperation of countries in the field of politics, economics, trade, culture and education.
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Smith, Miriam. "Homophobia and Homonationalism: LGBTQ Law Reform in Canada." Social & Legal Studies 29, no. 1 (January 10, 2019): 65–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0964663918822150.
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This article explores the tensions and contradictions between the recognition of same-sex relationships and the development of legal prohibitions against discrimination on the one hand versus the ongoing symbolic and actual criminal regulation of gay sex on the other hand. I describe these tensions as they have unfolded over the last 40 years through the most recent attempts by the Liberal government of Justin Trudeau, elected in 2015, to reform the criminal law, to expunge the record of past criminal convictions for same-sex behavior, and to apologize and compensate lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer (LGBTQ) communities for past discrimination. I argue that this bifurcated pattern of public policy change and legal reform demonstrates the persistence of political homophobia alongside of homonationalist celebration of queer normativity. By considering the federal government’s long-standing failure to reform criminal laws that encapsulate formal-legal inequality of LGBTQ people, the article highlights the persistence of homophobic public policy alongside homonationalist policy discourse and genuine progress in the legal recognition of queer rights. I conclude by considering the implications of this mix for theorizing homophobia and homonationalism in law and policy.
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Previsic, Ivana, and Elke Winter. "Citizenship Revocation in the Mainstream Press: A Case of Re-ethnicization?" Canadian Journal of Sociology 42, no. 1 (March 31, 2017): 55–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/cjs28660.
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Under the government of Stephen Harper’s Conservative Party (2006-2015), Canada witnessed numerous alterations of its immigration and citizenship rules. Under the new Citizenship Act (2014), dual citizens who have committed high treason, terrorism or espionage could lose their Canadian citizenship. In this paper, we examine how the measure was discussed in Canada’s mainstream newspapers. We ask: who/what is seen as the target of citizenship revocation? What does this tell us about the direction that Canadian citizenship is moving towards? As promoters of civic literacy, mainstream media disseminate information about government actions and legislation, interpret policies and are highly influential in forming public opinion. Our findings show that the newspapers were more often critical than supportive of the citizenship revocation provision. However, they also interpreted the measure as only likely to affect Canadian Muslims in general and omitted discussing the involvement of non-Muslim and, in particular, white, Western-origin Canadians in terrorist acts. Thus, despite advocating for equal citizenship in principle, Canadian Muslims were nonetheless constructed as less Canadian.
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Mustafa, Ghulam, Aysha Javed, and Muhammad Arsalan. "Parliamentary Democracy in Developing Countries: Comparative Study of Pakistan and Bangladesh (2008 to 2013)." Review of Politics and Public Policy in Emerging Economies 3, no. 1 (June 30, 2021): 13–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.26710/rope.v3i1.1345.
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Purpose: Parliamentary democracy is one of the unique forms of democracy. It is practiced in various countries of the world successfully. Like Australia, Canada exercises it in very effective manner. Pakistan and Bangladesh both countries are practicing parliamentary democracy. This research paper made comparison between Pakistan and Bangladesh and also find out reasons that weakened the democratic system in both developing countries like non democratic attitude of their political leaders, poverty, corruption, injustices, lack of education, dictatorship and terrorism that destabilized the parliamentary system in both countries.
Design/Methodology/Approach: Historiography serves as an ideal approach here, given the subjects of the cases being used in this study. It employs a critical, selective reading of sources that synthesize particular bits of information into a narrative description or analysis of a subject.
Findings: In Pakistan parliamentary democracy restores in 2008 and eighteen amendments is the good initiate to strength the democratic trend. In fact, in the first time in the history of Pakistan a democratic government complete it tenure. Politics of reconciliation play very vital role in Pakistan. In contrast, in Bangladesh parliamentary democracy restore since 1991but the political leaders highly mistrusted each other and involve in corruption activities. Abolishment of caretaker government is another critical issue in Bangladesh.
Implications/Originality/Value: Both countries tried to achieve the parliamentary democracy but both countries should struggle more for institutionalization of parliament for strong the parliamentary democracy in both countries.
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Adkin, Laurie. "Crossroads in Alberta: Climate Capitalism or Ecological Democracy." Socialist Studies/Études Socialistes 12, no. 1 (May 29, 2017): 2. http://dx.doi.org/10.18740/s4bp7h.
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This paper situates the current political moment in Alberta, Canada, within a broader analysis of the global crisis of fossil capitalism. Alberta’s political economy and ecology are deeply riven by the conflict between its heavy dependence for revenue and employment on the exportation of fossil fuels, on the one hand, and the multiple harms, risks, and forms of opposition to this development model, on the other hand. With the election in May 2015 of a social democratic party, a rare window for change has opened, and much is at stake in the choices and strategies that the new government will adopt. Two potential paths –which parallel what is emerging globally--are becoming clearer: rapid and deep decarbonisation underpinned by an equally deep democratization of citizenship and societal-decision making (ecological democracy), or a “climate capitalist” project to prolong the carbon extractive model.
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Crandall, Erin, and Andrea Lawlor. "Public Support for Canadian Courts: Understanding the Roles of Institutional Trust and Partisanship." Canadian Journal of Law and Society / Revue Canadienne Droit et Société 37, no. 1 (April 2022): 91–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cls.2021.28.
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AbstractPublic support is a critical component of any court’s institutional legitimacy. Understanding the roots and durability of such support is therefore crucial. This article uses survey data to explore public attitudes towards Canadian courts from 2008 to 2019. This time period is especially relevant given the comparatively tumultuous relationship between the Supreme Court and the Conservative government of Prime Minister Stephen Harper (2006–2015). Notably, partisanship now appears to be a defining characteristic of court support in Canada, with Conservative Party supporters being less likely to support the courts. While institutional trust is also found to be a strong predictor of court support, this suggests public attitudes towards Canadian courts may no longer be as well shielded from the effects of changing political circumstances as they once were.
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Crandall, Erin, and Andrea Lawlor. "Public Support for Canadian Courts: Understanding the Roles of Institutional Trust and Partisanship." Canadian Journal of Law and Society / Revue Canadienne Droit et Société 37, no. 1 (April 2022): 91–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cls.2021.28.
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AbstractPublic support is a critical component of any court’s institutional legitimacy. Understanding the roots and durability of such support is therefore crucial. This article uses survey data to explore public attitudes towards Canadian courts from 2008 to 2019. This time period is especially relevant given the comparatively tumultuous relationship between the Supreme Court and the Conservative government of Prime Minister Stephen Harper (2006–2015). Notably, partisanship now appears to be a defining characteristic of court support in Canada, with Conservative Party supporters being less likely to support the courts. While institutional trust is also found to be a strong predictor of court support, this suggests public attitudes towards Canadian courts may no longer be as well shielded from the effects of changing political circumstances as they once were.
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MacRae, Rod, Anne Siu, Marlee Kohn, Moira Matsubuchi-Shaw, Doug McCallum, Tania Hernandez Cervantes, and Danielle Perreault. "Making better use of what we have: Strategies to minimize food waste and resource inefficiency in Canada." Canadian Food Studies / La Revue canadienne des études sur l'alimentation 3, no. 2 (December 15, 2016): 145–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.15353/cfs-rcea.v3i2.143.
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We examined the problems of and solutions to food waste through the main three frames of social science research on food waste: political economy; the cultural turn (the cultures, ideologies and politics of food and consumption); and political ecology. In the course of our collective research on food waste, we analyzed dozens of government and company documents, interviewed over 35 employees of food chain firms and organizations, including 9 middle to senior managers in food retail, and 2 farmers. One co-author, as part of this and affiliated work (McCallum, Campbell & MacRae, 2014), toured distribution facilities and stores of a major Canadian food retailer, had access to the Company’s head office staff, held group and one-on-one interviews with staff in a variety of capacities, and was granted access to confidential corporate reports. Another co-author volunteered with a food recovery organization and spoke with their operational staff. Our method to identify solutions is described in more detail below, but essentially we follow a normative approach as broadly outlined by MacRae and Winfield (2016). Our focus in this paper is on changes to policies, programmes and legislation/regulation at the level of the state. Such interventions are clearly only a piece of a wide ranging set of initiatives to be undertaken by numerous actors – from food chain firms to individual eaters – but our reading is that more attention has recently been paid to private firm than regulatory changes. We hope to redress this to some degree in this article.
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Al-Salem, Rouba Essam. "A New Link in the Chain? Arabic-Language Citizenship Education Courses and the Integration of Resettled Syrian Refugees in Canada." Refuge: Canada's Journal on Refugees 36, no. 1 (April 25, 2020): 14–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.25071/1920-7336.40535.
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In 2015, following Canada’s resettlement of large numbers of Syrian refugees, it was praised as a role model that should be implemented elsewhere. Or should it? With the resettlement of Syrian adult refugees as a case study, this article argues that Canada’s federal and provincial efforts to promote the integration of these refugees have overlooked the contribution that citizenship and civic education activities, administered in the refugees’ native language, can make towards their integration, as a way of empowering them to become active citizens in the political and civil life of the receiving country. In particular, the article critically evaluates current government-led efforts to rely on language courses as a medium for transmitting Canadian civic concepts. It also discusses why they are falling short of ensuring that these resettled refugees are saddled with the skills and know-how to navigate their rights and responsibilities as future Canadian citizens and to contribute effectively to the political and civil life of their communities. Finally, the article suggests that the provision of a civic education course in Arabic could constitute the missing link in any chain of government-led efforts to tackle the disparity between the federal government’s declared commitment to multiculturalism, inclusiveness, and the welcoming of immigrants/refugees and the policies and realities of social exclusion. In addition, such a course could provide an avenue to encourage resettled refugees, as Canadian “citizens in waiting,” to develop meaningful connections to and contributions in their new home country.
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Newbold, Bruce, and Marie McKeary. "Investigating the diversity of Canada’s refugee population and its health implications: does one size fit all?" International Journal of Migration, Health and Social Care 13, no. 2 (June 12, 2017): 145–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijmhsc-02-2015-0007.
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Purpose Based on a case study in Hamilton, Ontario, Canada, the purpose of this paper is to explore the difficulties faced by local health care providers in the face of constantly evolving refugee policies, programs, and arrivals. In doing so, it illustrates the complications faced by service providers in providing care to refugee arrivals and how the diversity of arrivals challenges health care provision and ultimately the health and well-being of refugees. Design/methodology/approach A series of semi-structured, in-depth interviews with key service professionals in both the social service and health fields in Hamilton, Ontario, Canada, examined both health and health care issues. Findings Beyond challenges for service providers that have been previously flagged in the literature, including language barriers and the limited time that they have with their clients, analysis revealed that health care providers faced other challenges in providing care, with one challenge reflecting the difficulty of providing care and services to a diverse refugee population. A second challenge reflected the lack of knowledge associated with constantly evolving policies and programs. Both challenges potentially limit the abilities of care providers. Research limitations/implications On-going changes to refugee and health care policy, along with the diversity of refugee arrivals, will continue to challenge providers. The challenge, therefore, for health care providers and policy makers alike is how to ensure adequate service provision for new arrivals. Practical implications The Federal government should do a better job in disseminating the impact of policy changes and should streamline programs. This is particularly relevant given limited budgets and resources, tri-partite government funding, short time-frames to prepare for new arrivals, inadequate background information, barriers/challenges or inequitable criteria for access to health and social services, while addressing an increasingly diverse and complex population. Social implications The research reinforces the complexity of the needs and challenges faced by refugees when health is considered, and the difficulty in providing care to this group. Originality/value While there is a large refugee health literature, there is relatively little attention to the challenges and difficulties faced by service providers in addressing the health needs of the diverse refugee population, a topic that is particularly important given limited funding envelopes, shifting policies and programs, and a focus on clients (refugees). It is this latter piece – the challenges faced by providers in providing care to refugees – which this paper explores.
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Pudryk, Denys, Mykola Legenkyi, and Liudmyla Alioshkina. "Innovation development and migration: panel data approach." Marketing and Management of Innovations, no. 1 (2021): 336–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/mmi.2021.1-26.
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The intellectual capital is a catalysator of the country’s economic growth. The developed countries try to develop attractive conditions for highly qualified migrants to diffuse the knowledge and innovations. The authors provided the bibliometric analysis of the papers, which focused on the analysis of the migrant issues was done. For the bibliometric analysis, the metadata of 2 500 papers was selected from Scopus. The results showed that the numbers of Scopus documents on the allocated theme have increased for 2015 year. The most powerful investigations were provided by scientists from the USA, Canada, France, United Kingdom. The bibliometric analysis findings confirmed that the scientists allocated a vast range of the determinants that could stimulate or restrict the migrants in the country. Thus, the governance efficiency had the mediation role between the migration and innovation development of the country. In this case, the paper aims to check the hypothesis that the increasing (decreasing) level of country innovation development and government efficiency from year t − 1 to year t positively (negatively) affects net migration in year t + 1. The panel data for 2011-2018 was generated from IndexMundi, EU Data Portal, WorldBank. The object of the investigation was Bulgaria, Croatia, Lithuania, Latvia, Poland, Romania. The dependent variables – net migration rate, the independent variables – World Government Indicators: Control of Corruption, Government Effectiveness, Political Stability, Rule of Law, Regulatory Quality, Voice and Accountability (for assessment of government efficiency), Innovation Index (for assessment of country's innovation development). In the paper, to check the hypothesis, the authors used the Fully Modified Ordinary Least Square for homogeneous and heterogeneous models. The findings confirmed that innovation development and governance efficiency (Political Stability and Absence of Violence/Terrorism, Regulatory Quality, Voice and Accountability) had a statistically significant impact on the migration rate. The findings could be used to identify the strategic goals of innovation development to overcome the demographic issues and support the migration of the high qualified workforces.
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Bennett, Mia M., Wilfrid Greaves, Rudolf Riedlsperger, and Alberic Botella. "Articulating the Arctic: contrasting state and Inuit maps of the Canadian north." Polar Record 52, no. 6 (May 12, 2016): 630–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247416000164.
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ABSTRACTThis paper compares four maps produced by the Canadian government and Inuit Tapiriit Kanatami, the indigenous peoples’ organisation representing Inuit living in the four recognised Inuit regions (Inuit Nunangat) of Canada. Our analysis is based on publicly available maps, documents, and records and extends the rich existing literature examining the history of definitions of the Canadian north. Distinctly, our research aims to understand the different ways in which the Arctic has been articulated as a geographic, political, and social region during the Harper government (2006–2015) and the effects these articulations have had on northern policy and people. We find that the federal government maintained a flexible definition of the Canadian Arctic as a region when in pursuit of its own policy objectives. However, when it comes to incorporating areas outside the boundaries of Canada's three federal territories, particularly communities along their southern fringes, those boundaries are inflexible. The people who live in these areas, which the state considers to be outside the Canadian Arctic, are marginalised within Arctic public policy in terms of access to federal funds, determination of land use, and a sense of social belonging to the Canadian Arctic. Our goal in this paper is to demonstrate that national-level disputes over what constitutes ‘the Arctic’ can significantly impact the day-to-day lives of people who live within and just outside the region, however it is conceived.
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Kerridge, Martin. "The Impact of Brexit on the Transport Industry." Logistics and Transport 40, no. 4 (2018): 35–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.26411/83-1734-2015-4-40-5-18.
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By referendum on 23 June 2016, voters in the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland voted narrowly to leave the EU. The vote was called for party political reasons, as the ruling Conservative party was divided on the issue of continued EU membership, and the Government expected that a national pro-EU popular vote would silence those who wanted to leave. When the result turned out to be the opposite of what the Government expected, the Prime Minister resigned, despite an earlier pledge that he would abide by and implement the result. The new Prime Minister – who had voted to remain in the EU – repeated the pledge, even though the referendum had been an advisory, not a binding, one. The subsequent period has been spent in trying to achieve an agreement that minimises the adverse socio-economic consequences, to both sides, of a UK departure from the EU, prior to the declared leaving date of 29 March 2019. This paper examines likely effects of Brexit on the transport industry. It starts by explaining the meaning of Brexit, the timetable for UK exit, and some of the possible reasons why the referendum vote turned out as it did. (There has been a surprising lack of research into this subject, and none was undertaken by the UK Government in the aftermath of the vote.) The paper then considers the possible trade and commercial alternatives that the UK has to EU membership. ‘Norway’ or ‘Canada’ (or Canada Plus) arrangements were part of the internal discussion in the UK in the period after the referendum (which had not included a question on alternatives). A UK Government insistence (‘red line’) that the UK would no longer be subject to the jurisdiction of the European Court of Justice, which interprets EU law, limited the options available to the UK. The possible consequences to the UK, if it leaves the EU without a mutually acceptable withdrawal agreement, are then considered. Having set the background to this possible event, the paper then looks at how it may affect the transport industry. All modes of transport, other than inland waterway transport which has no direct connection between the UK and other EU countries, are examined. In each case new agreements will be needed to avoid serious disruption in the event of a ‘no-deal’ Brexit that removes the UK from the single market and customs union, with the UK then being regarded as a third country for trade and transport links. The final part of the paper examines the likely effect of Brexit on the economies of the UK and the remainder of the EU (and hence transport demand). It finds that Ireland may be the most affected EU country, but that the economy of the remaining EU-27 as a whole will suffer as a result of Brexit. After Ireland, the UK economy will be hit hardest, and we may never know if that is a result that the ‘leave’ voters in 2016 expected or not.
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O'Connor, Niamh, Karim Farag, and Richard Baines. "What is food poverty? A conceptual framework." British Food Journal 118, no. 2 (February 1, 2016): 429–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/bfj-06-2015-0222.
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Purpose – Recently, food poverty has been subject to much academic, political and media attention following the recent reduction in consumer purchasing power as a result of food and energy price volatility. Yet the lack of consensus related to food poverty terminology acts as an inhibitor in both identifying and addressing the issue in the UK, specifically as a separate problem to that of food insecurity. Misunderstanding of terminology is an impediment to identifying similarities and differentials with both developed and developing countries. The purpose of this paper is to address these issues and enhance political and academic discourse. Design/methodology/approach – An exploratory approach utilising secondary research was conducted to assemble sufficient information to ensure an extensive examination, consisting of several sources inclusive of academia, government and non-governmental organisations. The literature was screened for relevance following a broad search which primarily focused upon UK publications, with the exception of national data relevant to specified countries of USA, Canada, Yemen and United Republic of Tanzania (Tanzania). Findings – Economic access, quality, quantity, duration and social dimensions were the common features identified in the majority of the literature. Based upon these elements the proposed concise definition was constructed as; food poverty is the insufficient economic access to an adequate quantity and quality of food to maintain a nutritionally satisfactory and socially acceptable diet. Originality/value – This study provides a conceptual approach in defining food poverty. Comparative to the countries examined, the UK has significant gaps in understanding and providing strategies in relation to individuals experiencing food poverty, causes and symptoms, methods of alleviation and coping strategies. There is no peer reviewed paper clearly discussing the definition of food poverty, hence, this review paper is original in three areas: establishing a definition for food poverty; clarifying the relationship between food poverty and food security; and discuss food poverty in UK with international comparison.
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Verge, Tània, Marc Guinjoan, and Toni Rodon. "Risk Aversion, Gender, and Constitutional Change." Politics & Gender 11, no. 03 (September 2015): 499–521. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x15000264.
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Independence movements are today present in several stateless territorially concentrated nations, irrespective of their level of self-government. Among advanced industrial democracies, the stronger secessionist movements are found in Belgium, Canada, Italy, Spain, and the United Kingdom (Keating 1996; Sorens 2005). In the absence of a secession clause in their respective constitutions, a broad array of political parties and civil society groups have mobilized to demand a self-determination referendum as a means to let the citizenry of their territories express their will (Muñoz and Guinjoan 2013). Canada held a referendum on the secession of Quebec in 1980 and 1995. The United Kingdom called a popular vote on Scotland's independence in September 2014. In the Spanish case, Catalonia convoked a consultation in November 2014, although the central government did not recognize its legality.
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Keating, Tom. "Canada Among Nations 2005: Split Images." Canadian Journal of Political Science 39, no. 4 (December 2006): 972–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423906379966.
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Canada Among Nations 2005: Split Images, Andrew F. Cooper and Dane Rowlands, eds., Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queens University Press, 2005, pp. xiv, 295.Split Images marks the twenty-first installment of the Canada Among Nations series. It also marks a new beginning as the first collaboration between the series host institution, the Norman Patterson School of International Affairs, and the Centre for International Governance and Innovation at the University of Waterloo, editors Andrew Cooper and Dane Rowlands, and publisher, McGill-Queen's University Press. It is reassuring to see that others have come forward to assume the task of providing an annual assessment of Canadian foreign policy, its current challenges, and future prospects. The Canada Among Nations series has, through the years, provided a valuable chronicle of the pressing concerns of the day. On occasion the volume has been overshadowed by unexpected events, such as the terrorist attacks of September 11th, that give the text less urgency than it would otherwise have. Potentially, this volume could have suffered a similar fate, given the election of Stephen Harper's minority government after the collection went to press. Repeated references to the Liberal government's International Policy Statement (IPS), not to mention the image of Paul Martin, Jr., that graces the cover, seem somewhat nostalgic, in the face of the Harper government's move to put its own face on such critically important policy arenas as relations with the United States, defence spending, climate change and the Middle East, among others.
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Escajedo San-Epifanio, Leire. "La reforma de la sucesión a la Corona, en el Reino Unido de la Gran Bretaña y Norte de Irlanda, y en los «otros Reinos» de la Commonwealth of Nations." Teoría y Realidad Constitucional, no. 41 (May 28, 2018): 213. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/trc.41.2018.22137.
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El Reino Unido de la Gran Bretaña comparte Monarca con otros quince Reinos de la Mancomunidad de Naciones (Commonwealth of Nations), en un fenómeno que es descrito como «dieciséis Coronas separadas, aunque en unión personal». Desde al menos los años 70 se había venido apuntando la necesidad de adaptar las normas de sucesión a los principios de igualdad de género y libertad religiosa, expresa o implícitamente reconocidos en los Reinos a nivel constitucional. Sin embargo, razones de oportunidad habían venido oponiendo resistencia a la reforma. Entre esas razones, están el delicado equilibrio sobre el que la institución monárquica se asienta, tanto en dichos Estados como en el conjunto de la Commonwealth, así como el hecho de que tres varones protestantes ocupaban los primeros puestos en la sucesión de la longeva Isabel de Windsor. El compromiso y posterior matrimonio de los Duques de Cambridge fue lo que desencadenó el proceso de reforma, impulsado mediante Acuerdo de Perth en la Conferencia de Jefes de Gobierno de la Commonwealth en octubre de 2011. El presente trabajo aborda la complejidad de proceder a la reforma de un conjunto normativo originario del siglo XVIII pero que ha visto cómo con el paso de los siglos la realidad sobre la que se proyecta, la Corona Británica, ha evolucionado hacia dieciséis Coronas separadas y vinculadas a una Mancomunidad de Naciones conformada por más de 50 Estados, la mayoría de ellos repúblicas. Se analizará en detalle un proceso en el que han tenido protagonismo tanto cuestiones de oportunidad política, como dificultades de interpretación normativa. Como se verá, las particularidades sociopolíticas y culturales específicas de algunos de los Reinos, entre ellas las realidades federales o la especificidad de Quebec en Canadá, explican porqué el proceso de implementación del citado Acuerdo se prolongó hasta entrado el año 2015.The United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland shares a Monarch with fifteen other Realms of the Commonwealth of Nations, in a phenomenon that is described as «sixteenth separated Crowns in personal union». Since the 1970s or earlier reference had been made to the need to adapt the laws of succession to the principles of gender equality and religious freedom expressly or implicitly recognised in the Kingdoms at a constitutional level. However, reasons of expediency had resulted in resistance to such reforms. Amongst these are the delicate balance which underpins the monarchic institution, both in these States and in the Commonwealth as a whole, as well as the fact that three Protestant males are the first in line to succeed the long-living Elizabeth of Windsor. The engagement and subsequent marriage of the Duke and Duchess of Cambridge was what triggered the reform process, promoted via the Perth Agreement at the Conference of Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOMG) in October 2011. This work addresses the complexity involved in the reform of a corpus of legislation dating back to the 18th century but which has seen how with the passage of time the reality upon which it is projected, the British Crown, has evolved into sixteen separate Crowns linked to a Community of Nations formed by over 50 States, most of them republics. There is detailed analysis of a process in which questions of both political expediency and difficulties of legal interpretation have played their part. As will be seen, the socio-political and cultural particularities specific to some of the Realms, such as the federal realities or the uniqueness of Quebec in Canada, explain why the process of implementation of the aforementioned Agreement extended into the year 2015.
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Corrigall-Brown, Catherine, and Mabel Ho. "Concentrating or Sprinkling? Federal Funding for Indigenous, Women’s, and Environmental NGOs in Canada, 1972-2014." American Behavioral Scientist 61, no. 13 (November 2017): 1599–622. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764217744134.
Full textAbstract:
Governments have a long history of funding nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and their programs. While there is much work describing this funding, there has been little research systematically examining how the political and economic context shapes the level and type of funding NGOs receive. This article examines the factors that predict levels of government funding for NGOs over time, focusing on spending for interest groups in three areas, Indigenous, women, and the environment. We use data collected from the Canadian Public Accounts, which lists all grants to groups by the federal government from 1972 until 2014. We use these data to assess how federal funding has changed over this period, how funding across issue areas is related, and the role of political and economic factors in shaping rising and declining funding over time. We find that the factors that predict funding vary across issue areas. Our analysis also shows government’s tendency to sprinkle funding across a larger number of groups or concentrate it in a smaller number of organizations is strongly related to the party in power and the issue area.
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Finlay, Brittany, Stephanie Dunn, and Jennifer D. Zwicker. "Navigating Government Disability Programs across Canada." Canadian Public Policy 46, no. 4 (December 1, 2020): 474–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cpp.2019-071.
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Walks, R. Alan. "City Politics, Canada." Canadian Journal of Political Science 39, no. 3 (September 2006): 706–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000842390631997x.
Full textAbstract:
City Politics, Canada, James Lightbody, Peterborough: Broadview Press, 2006, pp. 576.Scholarly research on Canadian urban politics has never been extensive, and the few who teach in the field have had to make do with a limited range of textbooks, mostly focused on the institutions of local government. Those wanting to extend their coverage to deal with such issues as the importance of globalization, social movements, race and ethnicity, social inequality, urban political culture, regional governance, the media, and federal policy, have been forced to rely on an assemblage of diverse materials. As well, the politics of, and role played by, the suburbs is often marginal to most texts, focused as they are on the politics of the largest central cities.