Academic literature on the topic 'Canada – Politics and government – 2015-'
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Journal articles on the topic "Canada – Politics and government – 2015-"
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Jensen, Nathan M., and Guillermo Rosas. "Open for Politics? Globalization, Economic Growth, and Responsibility Attribution." Journal of Experimental Political Science 7, no. 2 (September 9, 2019): 89–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/xps.2019.24.
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AbstractPrevious literature suggests that economic performance affects government approval asymmetrically, either because voters are quicker to blame incompetence than to credit ability (grievance asymmetry) or because they understand that the degree to which policy-makers can affect the economy varies depending on economic openness (clarity of responsibility asymmetry). We seek to understand whether these asymmetries coexist, arguing that these theories conjointly imply that globalization may have the capacity to mitigate blame for bad outcomes but should neither promote nor reduce credit to policy-makers for good economic outcomes. We look for evidence of these asymmetries in three survey experiments carried out in the USA and Canada in 2014 and 2015. We find ample experimental evidence in support of the grievance asymmetry, but our results are mixed on the impact of economic openness on blame mitigation, with some evidence of this phenomenon in the USA, but not in Canada.
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Cardinal, Linda, Helaina Gaspard, and Rémi Léger. "The Politics of Language Roadmaps in Canada: Understanding the Conservative Government's Approach to Official Languages." Canadian Journal of Political Science 48, no. 3 (August 24, 2015): 577–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423915000517.
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AbstractThis article critically examines the Conservative government's approach to official languages, through a policy instrument framework. Special attention is paid to the third federal roadmap for official languages—the first having been unveiled by the Liberal government in 2003 and the second by the Conservative minority government in 2008—and how this roadmap conveys a new representation of official languages in relation to Canadian identity and citizenship. The focus on the linguistic integration of new immigrants in the 2013 language roadmap generates interest. The policy instrument framework also shows how language roadmaps represent the fourth generation of official language policies in Canada; the first three generations found their respective bases in the 1969 Official Languages Act, the Charter of Rights and Freedoms and the 1988 Official Languages Act. The article concludes that an analysis of language roadmaps elucidates transformations initiated by the Conservative governments in the area of official languages in Canada. It also promotes further exploration and analysis of language policies through the policy instrument framework.
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Abji, Salina, and Anna C. Korteweg. "“HONOUR”- BASED VIOLENCE AND THE POLITICS OF CULTURE IN CANADA: ADVANCING A CULTURAL ANALYSIS OF MULTI-SCALAR VIOLENCE." International Journal of Child, Youth and Family Studies 12, no. 1 (March 12, 2021): 73–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.18357/ijcyfs121202120084.
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Since 2015, in Canada, political discourse on “honour”-based violence has shifted away from highly problematic understandings of “culture” as the cause of violence among racialized, Muslim, and immigrant communities. Instead, talk of culture has dropped out of the equation altogether in favour of more structural definitions of gender-based violence (GBV). In this article, we ask what gets lost when culture is not taken into account when talking about or trying to understand forms of GBV. Drawing from theoretical conceptualizations of culture — defined as “situated practices of meaning-making” that shape all experiences of violence, and societal responses to violence — we argue for a multiscalar approach to culture. To illustrate this framework, we first offer a critical analysis of Aruna Papp’s 2012 memoir Unworthy Creature as an exemplar of stigmatizing uses of culture and a key text promoted by the Conservative federal government at the time. We then turn to interviews we conducted with service providers serving South Asian survivors of GBV in Toronto from 2011 to 2013. Our analysis illustrates how to talk about culture as a key ingredient shaping multiscalar violence, regardless of whether that violence occurs in majority or minority communities. We conclude with three policy implications for addressing HBV moving forward.
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Dodek, Adam. "The Politics of the Senate Reform Reference: Fidelity, Frustration, and Federal Unilateralism." McGill Law Journal 60, no. 4 (November 23, 2015): 623–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1034050ar.
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References are the most political of cases, almost always involving high profile public policy issues. Frequently, references are brought to obtain rulings on the relationship between the federal government and the provinces. Less frequently, references involve questions of interbranch relations, that is, between two or more of the executive, legislative, and judicial branches of government. The Senate Reform Reference was one of the rare cases that featured each of these three elements. This article analyzes the Senate Reform Reference on several political levels. First, it situates the reference in terms of megaconstitutional politics, the long-held Canadian practice of attempting to resolve constitutional issues through formal and often high-profile negotiations between the federal and provincial governments. Such interactions have been anathema to the Harper government which has preferred unilateral political action to negotiated political agreement. The article then examines interparty politics or the relationship between the Harper government and the opposition parties during the period of minority government (2006–2011). This is the period during which one would have expected the government to bring a reference because of its inability to obtain support from the other parties in the House of Commons and the Senate for its proposed legislation on the Senate. However, it did not. This leads to an examination of the third issue: intra-party politics or the politics within the governing party, the Conservative Party of Canada. Finally, the article discusses legal politics and how the government of Québec essentially forced the federal government’s hand by bringing its own reference to the Québec Court of Appeal. The overarching framework of interbranch politics—the relationship between the executive, legislative and judicial branches of government—is examined throughout the article.
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Vass, Ágnes. "The Extended Nation as a Political Project – Hungarian Diaspora Living in Western Canada." Polish Political Science Review 6, no. 2 (December 1, 2018): 91–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ppsr-2018-0015.
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AbstractPolicy towards Hungarians living in neighbouring countries has been a central issue for Hungarian governments, yet Hungarian diaspora living mainly in Western Europe and North America have received very little attention. This has changed after the 2010 landslide victory of Fidesz. The new government introduced a structured policy focused on engaging Hungarian diaspora, largely due to the nationalist rhetoric of the governing party. The article argues that this change reflects a turn of Hungarian nationalism into what Ragazzi and Balalowska (2011) have called post-territorial nationalism, where national belonging becomes disconnected from territory. It is because of this new conception of Hungarian nationalism that we witness the Hungarian government approach Hungarian communities living in other countries in new ways while using new policy tools: the offer of extraterritorial citizenship; political campaigns to motivate the diaspora to take part in Hungarian domestic politics by voting in legislative elections; or the never-before-seen high state budget allocated to support these communities. Our analysis is based on qualitative data gathered in 2016 from focus group discussions conducted in the Hungarian community of Western Canada to understand the effects of this diaspora politics from a bottom-up perspective. Using the theoretical framework of extraterritorial citizenship, external voting rights and diaspora engagement programmes, the paper gives a brief overview of the development of the Hungarian diaspora policy. We focus on how post-territorial nationalism of the Hungarian government after 2010 effects the ties of Hungarian communities in Canada with Hungary, how the members of these communities conceptualise the meaning of their “new” Hungarian citizenship, voting rights and other diaspora programmes. We argue that external citizenship and voting rights play a crucial role in the Orbán government’s attempt to govern Hungarian diaspora communities through diaspora policy.
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Meerzon, Yana. "Multiculturalism, (Im)Migration, Theatre: The National Arts Centre, Ottawa, a Case of Staging Canadian Nationalism." Journal of Contemporary Drama in English 6, no. 1 (April 27, 2018): 113–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jcde-2018-0015.
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AbstractOn October 22, 2015, two days after the Liberal Party of Canada came to power, The Globe and Mail published an editorial entitled “Canada to the World: Xenophobia Doesn’t Play Here.” The article suggested that, in these times of migration crises, a rising xenophobic discourse and neo-nationalism, it is essential for the European countries to start taking lessons in navigating cultural diversity from Canada, the first country in the world that institutionalized principles of multiculturalism. This view is clearly reflected in the repertoire politics of Canadian theatre institutions, specifically the National Arts Centre (NAC) Ottawa, the only theatre company in Canada directly subsidized by its government. Mandated to support artistic excellence through arts, the NAC acts as a pulpit of official ideology. It presents diversity on stage as the leading Canadian value, and thus fulfills its symbolic function to serve as a mirror to its nation.However, this paper argues that, by offering an image of Canada, constructed by our government and tourist agencies, as an idyllic place to negotiate our similarities and differences, the NAC fosters what Loren Kruger calls a theatrical nationhood (4–16). A closer look at the 2014 NAC English theatre co-production of Kim’s Convenience will help illustrate how the politics of mimicry can become a leading device in the aesthetics of national mimesis – a cultural activity of “representing the nation as well as the result of it (an image of the nation)” (Hurley 24); and how the artistry of a multicultural kitchen-sink can turn a subject of diversity into that of affirmation and sentimentalism.
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Cardy, Meghan. "‘Lock Her Up’: Harassment and Violence Against Women in Alberta Politics." Political Science Undergraduate Review 3, no. 1 (February 15, 2018): 45–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/psur48.
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Since the ‘Orange Wave’ of the 2015 election in Alberta, women within and outside of the NDP caucus have experienced incredible levels of harassment from both ideological opposition and within their own parties. This harassment occurs towards the government demonstrative of the most success in formal representation women have ever had in Albertan politics. This uptick in the frequency and severity of harassment online, in protest, and in traditional political channels such as party leadership contests lead some to question the role Alberta’s political culture played in it’s occurrence, and the impact such a culture may have in the future. Examined using theory of gendered electoral violence and in the larger context of women’s political leadership in Canada, this paper proposes that a further critical eye should be turned towards this phenomenon rather than including it as a part of the job of doing politics as a woman.
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Fisanov, Vоlоdymyr. "Immigration policy and the problem of renewal of multiculturalism practices in modern Canada." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 6 (2018): 50–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2018.06.50-59.
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The goal of the article is to analyze certain aspects of Canada’s immigration policy in the context of contemporary realities, considering the concept of multiculturalism. In the paper, there are outlined the main stages of Canadian immigration policy and its impact on the politics of multiculturalism. The author emphasizes that the policy of multiculturalism, proclaimed by the Government of Canada in its modern interpretation in the late 1980s, has transformed in the first decades of the 21st century. It was caused by such factors as the rise of terrorist attacks, illegal migration and the widening of migration from South-East Asia. It was shown that Canadian immigration policy evolved to more open and liberal since the end of World War II, but at the beginning of the 21st century, the situation radically changed. This trend was especially noticeable during the activities of the conservative governments of S. Harper (2006-2015). Conservative government policy was marked by the introduction of restrictive immigration laws and the extension of bureaucratic procedures. In particular, some provisions of the «Strengthening Canadian Citizenship Act» of June 19, 2014, were analyzed. It was emphasized that this legal action had been crushed by the Bar Association of Canada, as well as in the Open Letter of 60 well-known scholars and community members to the Prime Minister of Canada. Another trend of last developments in Canadian multicultural society was influenced by American negative attitudes towards Muslims. Today, the Government of Canada must review and substantially add a policy of multiculturalism. However, it should not become a hostage to the political struggle between liberals and conservatives in the contemporary difficult realities. The escalation of feelings of danger and intolerance, based on the dialectical thе «еnemy-friend» opposition, no longer works in a society. But people are looking for effective democratic dialogue in order to normalize relationships in the multicolored society of the early 21st century.
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Wilson, Gary N. "Like the Sound of a Drum: Aboriginal Cultural Politics in Denendeh and Nunavut." Canadian Journal of Political Science 40, no. 3 (September 2007): 783–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423907070928.
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Like the Sound of a Drum: Aboriginal Cultural Politics in Denendeh and Nunavut, Peter Kulchyski, Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press, 2005, pp. xi, 305.Much of the existing literature on politics in the Northwest Territories (Denendeh) and Nunavut focuses on the dynamics of political, economic and social change at the territorial level of government. This is especially true if one considers the case of Nunavut. In recent years, a number of books and articles have deepened our understanding of territorial politics and the evolving relationship between the territories and other levels of government in Canada. Very few studies, however, have examined political developments in the territories from the perspective of community politics. Like the Sound of a Drum: Aboriginal Cultural Politics in Denendeh and Nunavut, by Peter Kulchyski, makes an important contribution to this growing literature by exploring grassroots local politics in several communities in the Northwest Territories and Nunavut.
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Christensen, Benjamin. "Ontario Pension Policy Making and the Politics of CPP Reform, 1963–2016." Canadian Journal of Political Science 53, no. 1 (November 27, 2019): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423919000805.
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AbstractAfter years of pension policy drift in a broader context of global austerity, the Canada Pension Plan (CPP) was enhanced for the first time in 2016 to expand benefits for Canadian workers. This article examines Ontario's central role in these reforms. The deteriorating condition of workplace plans, coupled with rising retirement income insecurity across the province's labour force, generated new sources of negative feedback at the provincial level, fuelling Ontario's campaign for CPP reform beginning in the late 2000s. The political limits of policy drift and layering at the provincial level is considered in relationship to policy making at the national level. As shown, a new period of pension politics emerged in Canada after 2009, in which the historical legacy of CPP's joint governance structure led to a dynamic of “collusive benchmarking,” shaped in large part by political efforts of the Ontario government, leading to CPP enhancement.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Canada – Politics and government – 2015-"
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Telford, Hamish. "Federalism in multinational societies : Switzerland, Canada, and India in comparative perspective." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape10/PQDD_0016/NQ46433.pdf.
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Mincoff, Murray. "Canadians in discord : federalism, political community and distinct society in Canada." Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=56922.
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This thesis seeks to explain why Canadians have been unable to reach consensus on the meaning of Canadian citizenship and on the issue of how they relate to one another as citizens. Rather than adopt a longitudinal approach to this dilemma, that is explaining why it has persisted over time, this study focuses on the 1987 Meech Lake Constitutional Accord, and specifically the provision recognizing Quebec as a "distinct society within Canada". This thesis treats the Accord as a microcosm of the larger "Canadian question". Applying the covenantal and compactual traditions in politics to the Canadian experience, this essay argues that the source of Canadian discord lies in the inability to agree on the essential nature of federalism and political community in Canada. This development has made it difficult for citizens to construct covenantal relations which would bind Canadians together in a lasting political arrangement, free of seemingly perennial constitutional "crises".
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Robert, Louise. "Liberalism in Lower Canada, 1774-1815." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/28272.
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The historians characterizing Lower Canada's thought in the period before 1815 have argued that it was principally nationalist. French Canadians, moreover, were assessed either as clinging to the values and precepts of a feudal past or as adopting advanced republican ideas. In neither case, however, was attention paid to the articulation by French Lower Canadians of a system of thought that reflected the complex reality of the society in which they lived. This thesis attempts to recreate the system of thought using the public writings of the most politically active members of the community. It analyses the various intellectual influences on the colony and the unique mixture arrived at by the commentators who were affected by them. Having, it argues, combined elements of thinking drawn from the old regime, the Enlightenment and British writers and statesmen, French Canadians devised an idea of community which reflected their society's bicultural and bilingual nature and articulated the nature of the participation of its members in their newly acquired parliamentary institutions. Far, then, from being dissaffected with the existing structures or showing a desire for independence, they comprised an active and politically aware population which viewed its future as intimately tied to the Constitution and to the British Empire.Arts, Faculty of
History, Department of
Graduate
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James, Matt. "Misrecognized materialists : social movements in Canadian constitutional politics, 1938-1992." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/NQ56567.pdf.
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Brooks, Michael Sheldon. "Seizing power from within : an analysis of intra-party transitions in Canada." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/NQ56511.pdf.
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Goldberg, David Howard. "Ethnic interest groups as domestic sources of foreign policy : a theoretical and empirical inquiry." Thesis, McGill University, 1986. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=76524.
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This study investigates the phenomenon of ethnic interest groups as domestic sources of influence on the making of foreign policy on a cross-national basis. The attempt is made first to develop a framework for comparing theoretically the role of ethnic groups in various governmental systems. Once completed, the various conceptual assumptions are applied to the activities of domestic ethnic interest groups in the United States and Canada concerned with policy for the Middle East and the Arab-Israel conflict. The focus is primarily on the American and Canadian pro-Israel lobbies during the period between October 1973 and September 1982. Data for domestic Arab ethnic constituencies are also considered where relevant, but more as logical counter-points to the North American Jewish communities than as bases for full and complete cross-ethnic comparison. The principal objective of this study is to compare the political influence of two interest groups of the same faith and fundamental purpose but of different systems of government and political cultures.
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Jhappan, Carol R. (Carol Radha). "The language of empowerment : symbolic politics and Indian political discourse in Canada." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/30656.
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The question of how subordinated groups in democratic states set about shifting their political relationship with their encompassing societies has received little attention among political scientists in Canada. Groups which lack significant political, legal, and economic resources, and which are stigmatized by an inferior status (reinforced by law and policy) do not enjoy the level playing field predicted by pluralist interest group theory. Yet they are sometimes able to overcome these obstacles and to renegotiate their political and legal status. The question is how some groups are able to do this, and what strategies are available to or obligatory for groups wishing to initiate political bargaining.
According to the theory of symbolic politics developed here, disadvantaged minorities seeking political benefits from the state will typically conduct politics at the symbolic level. That is, they tend to invoke a range of political symbols and myths: first, to build in-group solidarity by presenting an analysis of a common past and present, as well as a vision of the future society, and thereby legitimate their political aspirations.
In the first stage of minority politicization, such groups must: (a) build a sense of community of interests and goals which can be said to represent the reference group as a whole; (b) reverse the stigmatic identity ascribed to them by the dominant society; and (c) find ways of competing with the dominant society, not on the latter's terms, but on alternative ideological grounds. In the second stage of politicization, minorities must: (a) create appropriate demands; (b) learn to use the mechanisms, methods and institutions of the mainstream political process; and (c) eventually routinize conflict by negotiating stable norms to guide on-going relations with government.
Subordinated groups do not normally seek purely material benefits. They usually seek symbolic benefits in the form of rights, and a redefined status within society. Thus, much of their politicking is conducted in public, and is largely devoted to capturing public sympathy which can be used as a resource against government. The political myths and symbols employed are characteristically emotive and imprecise. Political goals are presented in symbolic terms, and are advanced at the level of principle rather than substance.
When applied to the case of Native Indian politics in the Canadian context, the evidence confirms the accuracy of these hypotheses. Indians have pursued the symbolic strategies predicted by the model: the essence of their political aspirations has been captured in the symbols of aboriginal title/aboriginal rights, land claims, and ultimately, self-government; at the macro level, they have sought predominantly symbolic benefits, as represented by legislative and constitutional recognition of certain rights and privileges; and they have attempted to win public support to use as a bargaining chip vis-a-vis government. However, they have not been entirely successful in their use of the symbolic strategies outlined, and the evidence suggests that they have reached a public opinion impasse. Despite their efforts, public opinion on native and native issues has remained remarkably stable over the last twenty years, so that further effort in this area is likely to bring diminishing returns. In the end, symbolic politics, while necessary for subordinated groups in their fledgling stages of politicization, must eventually give way to more conventional political methodologies as groups become institutionalized in the mainstream political process.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
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Reynolds, Andie. "Community development and the Coalition Government (2010-2015) : discourse, hegemony and 'othering'." Thesis, Northumbria University, 2017. http://nrl.northumbria.ac.uk/35012/.
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The Coalition government’s (2010-2015) programme of public sector reform and austerity resulted in fundamental changes to the orientation of community development in England. This thesis investigates what happened to community development in England during this five-year period and its implications for professionals, volunteers and local people involved in community development processes. A post-structuralist discourse analysis methodology was operationalised and the empirical work consisted of 20 interviews with key social actors involved in community development processes in a case study local authority in the north east of England. Using post-structuralist discourse analysis, the transcripts were analysed alongside 54 key texts including: discourse by political and policy leaders, national and local policies, and academic debate. This thesis makes an original contribution to knowledge by demonstrating how the Coalition programme silenced community development as a distinct and legitimate practice, and re-shaped it as social enterprise, volunteering and community organising. The empirical findings establish four available discourses of community development. Yet, the hegemonic Enterprise discourse totalised the policy landscape and ‘othered’ community development as a bureaucratic, top-down, inefficient and ineffective relic of the previous New Labour government. In conjunction with the public sector cuts, this resulted in the decline of the community development worker subject position in England; with community development professionals increasingly nudged to adopt the subject positons of social entrepreneurs, professional volunteers and, to a lesser extent, community organisers. Local people were similarly nudged to volunteer in community development, social enterprise and community organising processes; and more skilled volunteers encouraged to take on professional responsibilities unsalaried. These findings suggest that the silencing and re-shaping of community development as social enterprise, volunteering and community organising is a ‘new’ permutation of neoliberal hegemony to roll-out citizen responsibilisation where local people provide community services rather than ‘relying’ on state intervention and resources. This thesis concludes that the Coalition programme exploited the ambiguity of community development and, in doing so, exposed four historical problems in the community development field. To protect community development from future attacks, this thesis proposes a genealogical post-doctoral study to unearth these problematic roots to then cultivate a community development free of such underpinnings.
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Cornell, Stephen. "Processes of Native Nationhood: The Indigenous Politics of Self-Government." UNIV WESTERN ONTARIO, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/621710.
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Over the last three decades, Indigenous peoples in the CANZUS countries (Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and the United States) have been reclaiming self-government as an Indigenous right and practice. In the process, they have been asserting various forms of Indigenous nationhood. This article argues that this development involves a common set of activities on the part of Indigenous peoples: (1) identifying as a nation or a people (determining who the appropriate collective "self " is in self-determination and self-government); (2) organizing as a political body (not just as a corporate holder of assets); and (3) acting on behalf of Indigenous goals (asserting and exercising practical decision-making power and responsibility, even in cases where central governments deny recognition). The article compares these activities in the four countries and argues that, while contexts and circumstances differ, the Indigenous politics of self-government show striking commonalities across the four. Among those commonalities: it is a positional as opposed to a distributional politics; while not ignoring individual welfare, it measures success in terms of collective power; and it focuses less on what central governments are willing to do in the way of recognition and rights than on what Indigenous nations or communities can do for themselves.
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Hart, John Frederic Vincent. "The political and legal uses of reference cases by the Mackenzie King government, 1935-1940." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/30645.
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This thesis provides an examination of both the political and legal uses of reference cases to the Supreme Court of Canada by the Mackenzie King government. Attention is devoted to the five-year-period, 1935-1940, in which the King administration submitted several politically motivated references to the Supreme Court. This political use of reference
cases to the Supreme Court began immediately after the Liberals returned to power in October 1935 when the government submitted the Bennett government's New Deal legislation
for judicial scrutiny. Within the five-year-period the government forwarded two other references to the Supreme Court, again where highly controversial legislation was involved: the Alberta Social Credit statutes passed in 1937 and the private member's bill sponsored by CH. Cahan in 1939 to abolish overseas appeals to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, then the final court of appeal for Canada.
The underlying premise of this thesis is that in each of the above instances the King government found it politically expedient to involve the Supreme Court in issues where questions of law were clearly subordinate to the political concerns of the federal government. Furthermore, in each instance, avenues of action, other than a reference case to the Supreme Court, were available to the federal government but were rejected by cabinet. Only in one instance, when Quebec's controversial 1937 Padlock Act was under close scrutiny, did the federal government avoid submitting a patently political issue to the Supreme Court, apprehensive of the consequences of such action. The federal government's
reluctance to forward a reference to the Supreme Court in the case of Quebec's Padlock Act thus provides a revealing contrast to both the New Deal and the situation in Alberta where reference cases were initiated almost immediately. The federal government's
marked reluctance to deal with Quebec in a comparable manner therefore merits close attention and as such is an important element of this thesis.
The background to each reference case, its political origins, the reasons for the federal
government's insistence on a reference--or in the case of Quebec, the reasons for
avoidance of a reference—are the central issues addressed in this thesis. The cases are examined
from another viewpoint as well. Once before the Court, the political issues gave way as the Court focused primarily upon the legal issues involved. The Court's decisions thereby provide another important vantage point from which to view the implications of the federal government's actions. For example, an assessment of the legal argument and judicial reasoning in the New Deal cases helps one answer these questions: First, did King's lawyers really try to win? Second, did the courts (both the Supreme Court of Canada and the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council) simply bow to King's obvious desire
that the legislation be declared ultra vires? Third, did the courts, as some have alleged,
decide that the depression was not an emergency?
Although the King government may have found it preferable for short-term considerations
to submit contentious political issues involving questions of law to the Supreme Court for its legal opinion, in the long-term it found itself dealing with unexpected complications
arising from the very decisions it sought. Even if the government successfully predicts
the legal outcome of a court case, it may find itself dealing with a political outcome it had not anticipated. Certainly if the actions of the King government are any indication in the five-year-period under discussion, this is a complication a government seldom expects, although one as I argue, that it should prepare itself for.
This thesis also demonstrates that when reference cases are employed by the federal
government, politicians, constitutional scholars, political journalists and other concerned
citizens should ask two important questions: First, is the reference being initiated to avoid or delay assuming political responsibility in a given situation? Second, are like situations
indeed receiving like treatment? As indicated throughout this thesis, such questions are of great importance. Indeed, this thesis demonstrates that in the period between 1935 and 1940 the King administration initiated not only the New Deal reference, but forwarded
C.H. Cahan's private member's bill to the courts as well, in order to avoid dealing with a controversial political issue. So, too, the period provides a telling example of an in-stance where like situations were not treated alike as the striking similarities between the situation in Alberta and Quebec indicates. Clearly, a failure to ask questions such as the ones posed above leads to the possibility that the full meaning of the reference cases themselves,
their origins and their implications, will not be realized by the interested onlooker.Arts, Faculty of
History, Department of
Graduate
Books on the topic "Canada – Politics and government – 2015-"
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Canada 2012. 2nd ed. Lanham: Stryker Post, 2012.
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Thompson, Wayne C. Canada 2011. 2nd ed. Lanham, MD: Stryker Post Publications, 2011.
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The Canadian federal election of 2011. Toronto: Dundurn Press, 2011.
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Canadian studies: The state of the art, 1981-2011: International Council for Canadian Studies (ICCS) = Études canadiennes : Questions de recherche, 1981-2011: Conseil International D'etudes. Franfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 2011.
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Canadian annual review of politics and public affairs, 2005. Toronto [Ont.]: Published with the support of York University by University of Toronto Press, 2012.
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Boily, Frédéric. De Pierre à Justin Trudeau: Portrait de famille de l'idéologie du Parti Libéral du Canada (1968-2013). Québec]: Presses de l'Université Laval, 2014.
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Iacobucci, Edward M., and Stephen John Toope. After the Paris attacks: Responses in Canada, Europe, and around the globe. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2015.
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New Zealand. Parliament. Delegation to Canada, the United States of America, and Mexico. Report of the parliamentary Delegation led by the Speaker to Canada, the United States of America and Mexico, 16-29 April 2005. Wellington]: New Zealand House of Representatives, 2005.
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L'année Chapleau 2012. Montréal, QC: Boréal, 2012.
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Bruce, Doern G., and Carleton University. School of Public Administration., eds. How Ottawa spends 2005/2006: Managing the minority. 2nd ed. Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 2005.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Canada – Politics and government – 2015-"
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Findlay, Tammy. "Public Administration and Government Services: Gendering Policymaking in Canada." In The Palgrave Handbook of Gender, Sexuality, and Canadian Politics, 207–29. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-49240-3_11.
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Lees-Marshment, Jennifer. "The New (Old) Trudeau in 2019: The Challenges and Potential for Branding Prime Ministers in Government." In Political Marketing in the 2019 Canadian Federal Election, 11–26. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-50281-2_2.
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Boyd, Taylor. "Education Reform in Ontario: Building Capacity Through Collaboration." In Implementing Deeper Learning and 21st Education Reforms, 39–58. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-57039-2_2.
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Abstract The education system of the province of Ontario, Canada ranks among the best in the world and has been touted as a model of excellence for other countries seeking to improve their education system. In a system-wide reform, leaders used a political and professional perspective to improve student performance on basic academic skills. The school system rose to renown after this reform which moved Ontario from a “good” system in 2000 to a “great” one between 2003 and 2010 (Mourshed M, Chijioke C, Barber M. How the world’s most improved school systems keep getting better, a report McKinsey & Company. Retrieved from https://www.mckinsey.com/industries/social-sector/our-insights/how-the-worlds-most-improved-school-systems-keep-getting-better, (2010)). Premier Dalton McGuinty arrived in office in 2003 with education as his priority and was dubbed the “Education Premier” because of this mandate. His plan for reform had two primary goals: to improve student literacy and numeracy, and to increase secondary school graduation rates. McGuinty also wanted to rebuild public trust that had been damaged under the previous administration. The essential element of Ontario’s approach to education reform was allowing educators to develop their own plans for improvement. Giving responsibility and freedom to educators was critical in improving professional norms and accountability among teachers (Mourshed M, Chijioke C, Barber M. How the world’s most improved school systems keep getting better, a report McKinsey & Company. Retrieved from https://www.mckinsey.com/industries/social-sector/our-insights/how-the-worlds-most-improved-school-systems-keep-getting-better, (2010)) and the sustained political leadership throughout the entire reform concluding in 2013 provided an extended trajectory for implementing and adjusting learning initiatives. The Ministry of Education’s Student Achievement Division, which was responsible for designing and implementing strategies for student success, took a flexible “learning as we go” attitude in which the reform strategy adapted and improved over time (Directions Evidence and Policy Research Group. The Ontario student achievement division student success strategy evidence of improvement study. Retrieved from http://www.edu.gov.on.ca/eng/research/EvidenceOfImprovementStudy.pdf, (2014)). This chapter will discuss influences on the reform design and key components of strategies to support student and teacher development and build a relationship of accountability and trust among teachers, the government and the public. The successes and shortcomings of this reform will be discussed in the context of their role in creating a foundation for the province’s next steps towards fostering twenty-first century competencies in classrooms.
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Kneebone, Ronald D., and Kenneth J. McKenzie. "A Case of Institutional Endogeneity? A Study of the Budgetary Reforms of the Government of Alberta, Canada." In Institutions, Politics and Fiscal Policy, 235–61. Boston, MA: Springer US, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4615-4555-2_10.
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Schneider, Steffen. "Parliamentary Government in Canada: Institutional Stability and Constitutional Reform in the Legislative and Executive Branches." In The Politics of Constitutional Reform in North America, 83–116. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-663-11628-8_4.
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Dulak, Michał. "Pro-Europeans and ‘Euro-Realists’: The Party-Voters Linkage and Parties’ Political Agendas in Poland, 2004–2019." In Palgrave Studies in European Union Politics, 157–78. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54674-8_7.
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Abstract Poland’s European policy and its struggles with EU institutions since 2015 may lead to the conviction that the country’s illiberal turn is accompanied by a process of de-Europeanisation which is fostered by the government to undermine the country’s presence in the EU. Drawing on the party-voters linkage concept, this chapter examines whether such assumptions can be confirmed. It covers societal attitudes and manifestos of the main ruling party and main opposition parties in Poland, PO and PiS, in the period from 2004 to 2019. The chapter shows that party manifestos do not show signs of radical de-Europeanisation (like, for example, calls for withdrawal from the EU) but a limited refocusing of EU issues. One exception was PiS’s open rejection to accept the Euro currency in the future. This mixed strategy is explained by differentiated positions among the party’s electorate over EU issues.
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Winfield, Mark S., and Abdeali Saherwala. "Phasing Out Coal-Fired Electricity in Ontario." In Policy Success in Canada, 372–92. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192897046.003.0019.
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Abstract The phase-out of coal-fired electricity production in the Canadian Province of Ontario has been widely described as one of the most significant measures taken by any government in the world to reduce greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions. The phase-out of coal, which in the early 2000s constituted a quarter of the province’s electricity supply, was completed in 2014. The phase-out was associated with dramatic improvements in air quality in the southern part of province. At the same time, Ontario’s approach to the phase-out involved a series of significant environmental, economic, and political trade-offs, the benefits of which continue to be debated, and whose consequences have affected the province’s politics profoundly. The chapter examines the evolution of the role of coal-fired electricity in Ontario, the emergence of the concept of a phase-out, and the factors that contributed to its ultimate implementation. Within McConnell’s (2010) framework for assessing policy outcomes around programmatic results, policy processes, and politics, the chapter concludes that outcomes of the coal phase-out process range from a resilient and political success in terms of the phase-out itself, to a political failure with respect to the McGuinty (2003–2013) and Wynne (2013–2018) governments’ overall handling of electricity policy.
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Chowdhury, Fariah. "Permanently Temporary." In Immigration and the Current Social, Political, and Economic Climate, 142–63. IGI Global, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-6918-3.ch008.
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Canada's immigration policy radically shifted under Stephen Harper's federal Conservative Party government, which ruled from 2006 to 2015. The Temporary Foreign Worker Program (TFWP) is one key example of how migrants are increasingly entering Canada through a racially structured hierarchy of citizenship that privileges whiteness, while increasing the precarity of racialized migrants as they live, work, and contribute to the Canadian economy. This chapter offers a detailed policy analysis of Canada's TFWP, focusing on how the program marginalizes migrant workers as “un-Canadian” by placing them in racial, gender, and class hierarchies of belonging. This paper will discuss and outline recent changes and developments in Canada's TFWP, specifically those related to migrants classified as ‘lower-skilled' workers. While some labour needs in Canada can be read as truly temporary (for example, where workers were required to construct venues for the 2010 Vancouver Winter Olympic Games or other short-term construction projects), the lack of accountability within the TFWP in Canada has led to some occupations being misleadingly framed as ‘temporary', thereby creating a class of migrant workers who are “permanently temporary.” I will argue that the labeling of racialized migrants as “temporary workers” offers employers a structural incentive to keep wages systematically low and maintain poor working conditions, all couched under a guise of “competitiveness.” In this light, “temporary” work becomes synonymous with low-wage exploitation, and continues to strengthen a historic racist nation-state project in Canada. Further, this paper will argue that giving temporary status to migrant workers, rather than permanent residency, serves to limit access to social rights and services, only deepening their levels of exploitation. Finally, I argue that recent increases in TFWs is a symptom of a global trend towards the neoliberalization of citizenship, which has seen the unethical individualization of rights and the privatization of services across many fields.
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Phillips, Ruth B. "Swings and roundabouts: pluralism and the politics of change in Canada’s national museums." In Curatopia, 143–58. Manchester University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526118196.003.0010.
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If you are standing on the shores of the Ottawa River looking at the Canadian Museum of History, the national library and archives and other national repositories of Aboriginal heritage, you might well despair at the comprehensive losses of curatorial expertise, programs of research, and will to work collaboratively with Aboriginal people which befell these institutions under the government of Prime Minister Stephen Harper. Looking harder, however, neither the shifting political ideologies nor the era of financial constraint that began with the global financial crisis of 2008 seems to have thrown processes of decolonisation and pluralist representation that began to take root in Canada during the 1990s into reverse. Two exhibition projects that unfolded during that same period provide evidence of that the changes in historical consciousness of settler-indigenous relationships and the acceptance of cultural pluralism have provided a counterweight to the intentions of a right wing government to restore old historical narratives. This chapter discusses them as evidence of this deep and, seemingly, irreversible shift in Canadian public’s expectation s of museum representation. The first involves plans for the new exhibition of Canadian history being developed for the 150th anniversary of Canadian confederation in 2017, specifically a fishing boat named the Nisga’a Girl which was presented by a west coast First Nation to mark the successful resolution of its land claim. The second is the Sakahan exhibition of global indigenous art shown in 2013 at the National Gallery of Canada and which marked a notable departure from its past scope. While utopia has by no means been achieved, neither, surprisingly, was dystopia realised during the years of conservative reaction.
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Denis, Jean-Louis, Sabrina Germain, Catherine Régis, and Gianluca Veronesi. "The role of medical doctors in healthcare reforms in two Canadian provinces." In Medical Doctors in Health Reforms, 29–95. Policy Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447352150.003.0004.
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This Chapter provides a case narrative the role of medical doctors in healthcare reforms in the two most populated Canadian provinces of Quebec and Ontario. While healthcare systems across Canada share some similarities, they remain mostly independent and thus need to be studied as such. The narrative tracks the evolution of the system from its inception up until the latest period of reforms (2014-2018 for Quebec and 2010-19 for Ontario). On the basis of this narrative, the authors offer an analysis of reforms focusing on three aspects: 1) The drivers and shapers of medical politics; 2) the strategies used by the medical doctors and governments to deal with evolving context and 3) the implications for medical politics and healthcare reforms.
Conference papers on the topic "Canada – Politics and government – 2015-"
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De Silva, Shelton G. "Knowledge of Arctic and EQQ Unmanned Aerial Vehicles for Multiple Applications." In ASME 2013 32nd International Conference on Ocean, Offshore and Arctic Engineering. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/omae2013-11477.
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The rapid change in climate conditions, and the present demand for political and commercial interest in the Arctic region will cause considerable implications on the environment, ecosystem, security, and on the social system in the region. Today, governments, scientists and researchers understand that there is a huge gap of knowledge in the Arctic region and this must be addressed prior to development of the region, or there will be devastating environmental consequences in the future. Existing studies concluded by various organizations including Lloyd’s of London, US Geological Survey and other institutes emphasize that in order to ensure sustainable development in the Arctic, it is important to close the existing gap of knowledge by obtaining accurate scientific data, and make available this data to scientists, researchers and policy makers, for them to take sound decisions on both Arctic challenges and future economic opportunities. The scientists understand that existing lack of knowledge is mainly due to insufficient information in the Arctic and the inability to obtain sufficient scientific data to understand the Arctic region in-depth. Main challenges will be, the vast area of the Arctic, inaccessibility to complex and remote areas, long cold dark winters and short summers, rapid changes of weather conditions etc. Presently, existing satellites provide extremely valuable scientific data, however scientists emphasize that this data would be further analyzed (due to inaccuracy) and collaborated with data on actual close observations, physical sea–ice samples, ice core samples, data from surface and bottom of the sea-ice, glacial ice etc. Collecting data from high altitudes using Unmanned Aerial Vehicles are not new to the Arctic region, and have been used for number of years. The AMAP, (Arctic Monitoring and Assessment Program Workshop), Oslo October, 2008, recommended that it is of great importance that scientists use unmanned aerial vehicles in the Arctic to obtain important environment measurements. Further, added to the AMAP work plan for 2011–2013, is to develop safety guidelines and cross-jurisdictional flight pilot projects, to demonstrate the use of unmanned aerial service (UAS) in the Arctic Environmental Monitoring Plan. The Canadian Government also completed the feasibility study to build a “High Arctic Research Station” in the high north to serve the entire world, for scientists to have an opportunity to share data and support the knowledge for researchers to conclude their investigations. The government is further considering purchasing, three large high-altitude Global Hawk drones for Arctic surveillance, and seeking small snowmobiles and remote control aircrafts to monitor the extreme complex landscape of the Arctic. At present, there is no method to obtain accurate surface and atmospheric data in complex and remote areas, and this requirement has become the highest priority and should be addressed urgently. In order to obtain sufficient accurate data from the Arctic surface and atmosphere, EQQUERA Inc. innovated, is designing and developing multipurpose, multifunctional SG EQQ Unmanned Aerial Vehicles that are able to access remote and complex areas in the Arctic, and operate in challengeable weather conditions such as cold long dark nights.
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Kirkpatrick, Steven W., Robert A. MacNeill, Francisco Gonzalez, and Przemyslaw Rakoczy. "Side Impact Testing and Analyses of Unpressurized Tank Cars." In 2015 Joint Rail Conference. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/jrc2015-5813.
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There has been significant research in recent years to analyze and improve the impact behavior and puncture resistance of railroad tank cars. Ultimately, the results of this work will be used by the Government regulatory agencies in the United States and Canada to establish performance-based testing requirements and to develop methods to evaluate the crashworthiness and structural integrity of different tank car designs. This paper describes results of recent side impact testing and corresponding analyses using detailed finite element analyses (FEA). The test and analyses were performed to evaluate the side impact puncture performance of DOT-111 tank cars. The tank car was filled with water to approximately 97 percent of the volume. The tank was then sealed but not pressurized. The tank car was impacted at the Transportation Technology Center, Inc. by a 297,125-pound ram car with 12-by 12-inch ram head fitted to the ram car impacted the tank center. The analyses were on overall good agreement with the measured impact response. The lading was found to play a more significant role in the impact response than in previous testing and analyses of pressure tank cars. This is not surprising considering the reduced structural stiffness of the tanks compared to thicker pressure tank cars and the reduced effective stiffness from the initially unpressurized tank at impact. The smaller outage volume also contributes to a dramatic increase in the tank pressure as the dent formation reduces the tank volume and compresses the contents of the tank.
Reports on the topic "Canada – Politics and government – 2015-"
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Melnyk, Andriy. «INTELLECTUAL DARK WEB» AND PECULIARITIES OF PUBLIC DEBATE IN THE UNITED STATES. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, March 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.50.11113.
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The article focuses on the «Intellectual Dark Web», an informal group of scholars, publicists, and activists who openly opposed the identity politics, political correctness, and the dominance of leftist ideas in American intellectual life. The author examines the reasons for the emergence of this group, names the main representatives and finds that the existence of «dark intellectuals» is the evidence of important problems in US public discourse. The term «Intellectual Dark Web» was coined by businessman Eric Weinstein to describe those who openly opposed restrictions on freedom of speech by the state or certain groups on the grounds of avoiding discrimination and hate speech. Extensive discussion of the phenomenon of «dark intellectuals» began after the publication of Barry Weiss’s article «Meet the renegades from the «Intellectual Dark Web» in The New York Times in 2018. The author writes of «dark intellectuals» as an informal group of «rebellious thinkers, academic apostates, and media personalities» who felt isolated from traditional channels of communication and therefore built their own alternative platforms to discuss awkward topics that were often taboo in the mainstream media. One of the most prominent members of this group, Canadian clinical psychologist Jordan Peterson, publicly opposed the C-16 Act in September 2016, which the Canadian government aimed to implement initiatives that would prevent discrimination against transgender people. Peterson called it a direct interference with the right to freedom of speech and the introduction of state censorship. Other members of the group had a similar experience that their views were not accepted in the scientific or media sphere. The existence of the «Intellectual Dark Web» indicates the problem of political polarization and the reduction of the ability to find a compromise in the American intellectual sphere and in American society as a whole.
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Journeay, M., P. LeSueur, W. Chow, and C L Wagner. Physical exposure to natural hazards in Canada. Natural Resources Canada/CMSS/Information Management, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4095/330012.
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Natural hazard threats occur in areas of the built environment where buildings, people, and related financial assets are exposed to the physical effects of earth system processes that have a potential to cause damage, injuries, losses, and related socioeconomic disruption. As cities, towns, and villages continue to expand and densify in response to the pressures of urban growth and development, so too do the levels of exposure and susceptibility to natural hazard threat. While our understanding of natural hazard processes has increased significantly over the last few decades, the ability to assess both overall levels of physical exposure and the expected impacts and consequences of future disaster events (i.e., risk) is often limited by access to an equally comprehensive understanding of the built environment and detailed descriptions of who and what are situated in harm's way. This study addresses the current gaps in our understanding of physical exposure to natural hazards by presenting results of a national model that documents characteristics of the built environment for all settled areas in Canada. The model (CanEM) includes a characterization of broad land use patterns that describe the form and function of cities, towns, and villages of varying size and complexity, and the corresponding portfolios of people, buildings and related financial assets that make up the internal structure and composition of these communities at the census dissemination area level. Outputs of the CanEM model are used to carry out a preliminary assessment of exposure and susceptibility to significant natural hazard threats in Canada including earthquake ground shaking; inundation of low-lying areas by floods and tsunami; severe winds associated with hurricanes and tornados; wildland urban interface fire (wildfire); and landslides of various types. Results of our assessment provide important new insights on patterns of development and defining characteristics of the built environment for major metropolitan centres, rural and remote communities in different physiographic regions of Canada, and the effects of ongoing urbanization on escalating disaster risk trends at the community level. Profiles of physical exposure and hazard susceptibility described in this report are accompanied by open-source datasets that can be used to inform local and/or regional assessments of disaster risk, community planning and emergency management activities for all areas in Canada. Study outputs contribute to broader policy goals and objectives of the International Sustainable Development Goals (SDG 2015-2030; Un General Assembly, 2015) and the Sendai Framework for Disaster Risk Reduction (SFDRR 2015-2030; United Nations Office for Disaster Reduction [UNDRR], 2015), of which Canada is a contributing member. These include a more complete understanding of natural hazard risk at all levels of government, and the translation of this knowledge into actionable strategies that are effective in reducing intrinsic vulnerabilities of the built environment and in strengthening the capacity of communities to withstand and recover from future disaster events.