Journal articles on the topic 'Canada – Politics and government – 2006-2015'
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1
Walks, R. Alan. "City Politics, Canada." Canadian Journal of Political Science 39, no. 3 (September 2006): 706–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000842390631997x.
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City Politics, Canada, James Lightbody, Peterborough: Broadview Press, 2006, pp. 576.Scholarly research on Canadian urban politics has never been extensive, and the few who teach in the field have had to make do with a limited range of textbooks, mostly focused on the institutions of local government. Those wanting to extend their coverage to deal with such issues as the importance of globalization, social movements, race and ethnicity, social inequality, urban political culture, regional governance, the media, and federal policy, have been forced to rely on an assemblage of diverse materials. As well, the politics of, and role played by, the suburbs is often marginal to most texts, focused as they are on the politics of the largest central cities.
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Dodek, Adam. "The Politics of the Senate Reform Reference: Fidelity, Frustration, and Federal Unilateralism." McGill Law Journal 60, no. 4 (November 23, 2015): 623–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1034050ar.
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References are the most political of cases, almost always involving high profile public policy issues. Frequently, references are brought to obtain rulings on the relationship between the federal government and the provinces. Less frequently, references involve questions of interbranch relations, that is, between two or more of the executive, legislative, and judicial branches of government. The Senate Reform Reference was one of the rare cases that featured each of these three elements. This article analyzes the Senate Reform Reference on several political levels. First, it situates the reference in terms of megaconstitutional politics, the long-held Canadian practice of attempting to resolve constitutional issues through formal and often high-profile negotiations between the federal and provincial governments. Such interactions have been anathema to the Harper government which has preferred unilateral political action to negotiated political agreement. The article then examines interparty politics or the relationship between the Harper government and the opposition parties during the period of minority government (2006–2011). This is the period during which one would have expected the government to bring a reference because of its inability to obtain support from the other parties in the House of Commons and the Senate for its proposed legislation on the Senate. However, it did not. This leads to an examination of the third issue: intra-party politics or the politics within the governing party, the Conservative Party of Canada. Finally, the article discusses legal politics and how the government of Québec essentially forced the federal government’s hand by bringing its own reference to the Québec Court of Appeal. The overarching framework of interbranch politics—the relationship between the executive, legislative and judicial branches of government—is examined throughout the article.
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Jacques, Olivier, and Benjamin Ferland. "Distributive Politics in Canada: The Case of Infrastructure Spending in Rural and Suburban Districts." Canadian Journal of Political Science 54, no. 1 (January 22, 2021): 96–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423920000955.
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AbstractThis article examines the presence of geographically targeted spending in the allocation of infrastructure projects in Canada. Building on formal models of distributive politics, we expect government districts, core government districts and swing districts to be advantaged in terms of infrastructure projects. We also investigate whether characteristics of Members of Parliament (MPs), such as seniority or holding a cabinet position, influence the distribution of infrastructure projects. Empirically, we analyze the amount of funding allocated by Infrastructure Canada across non-urban federal electoral districts between 2006 and 2018. Our results indicate that non-urban governmental districts receive, on average, more money than opposition districts, and that this is even more the case for core government districts. In contrast, we found little evidence that cabinet ministers or senior MPs are able to attract more funding to their constituencies compared to other representatives.
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Fisanov, Vоlоdymyr. "Immigration policy and the problem of renewal of multiculturalism practices in modern Canada." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 6 (2018): 50–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2018.06.50-59.
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The goal of the article is to analyze certain aspects of Canada’s immigration policy in the context of contemporary realities, considering the concept of multiculturalism. In the paper, there are outlined the main stages of Canadian immigration policy and its impact on the politics of multiculturalism. The author emphasizes that the policy of multiculturalism, proclaimed by the Government of Canada in its modern interpretation in the late 1980s, has transformed in the first decades of the 21st century. It was caused by such factors as the rise of terrorist attacks, illegal migration and the widening of migration from South-East Asia. It was shown that Canadian immigration policy evolved to more open and liberal since the end of World War II, but at the beginning of the 21st century, the situation radically changed. This trend was especially noticeable during the activities of the conservative governments of S. Harper (2006-2015). Conservative government policy was marked by the introduction of restrictive immigration laws and the extension of bureaucratic procedures. In particular, some provisions of the «Strengthening Canadian Citizenship Act» of June 19, 2014, were analyzed. It was emphasized that this legal action had been crushed by the Bar Association of Canada, as well as in the Open Letter of 60 well-known scholars and community members to the Prime Minister of Canada. Another trend of last developments in Canadian multicultural society was influenced by American negative attitudes towards Muslims. Today, the Government of Canada must review and substantially add a policy of multiculturalism. However, it should not become a hostage to the political struggle between liberals and conservatives in the contemporary difficult realities. The escalation of feelings of danger and intolerance, based on the dialectical thе «еnemy-friend» opposition, no longer works in a society. But people are looking for effective democratic dialogue in order to normalize relationships in the multicolored society of the early 21st century.
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Barnett, Allain J., and Melanie G. Wiber. "What Scientists Say about the Changing Risk Calculation in the Marine Environment under the Harper Government of Canada (2006-2015)." Science, Technology, & Human Values 44, no. 1 (June 14, 2018): 29–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0162243918781269.
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This paper examines how the Harper Government of Canada (2006-2015) shut down both debate about threats and research into environmental risk, a strategy that Canadian scientists characterized as the “death of evidence.” Based on interviews with scientists who research risks to the marine environment, we explore the shifting relationship between science and the Canadian government by tracing the change in the mode of risk calculation supported by the Harper administration and the impact of this change. Five themes emerged from the interviews: erosion of science research capacity, resulting limitations in understanding risk, declining influence on policy and regulation, redirection of public science funds to support the private sector, and the need to broaden the science knowledge base. The Canadian death of evidence controversy represents a challenge to science and technology studies (STS) scholars who wish to maintain a critical and reflexive perspective on the scientific enterprise without supporting attacks on evidence. While subsequent Canadian governments may simply return science to an unreflexively privileged knowledge status, we view this as equally damaging to broad risk calculation and democratic science. We suggest instead that a broader gathering of matters of concern will always be essential to risk assessment.
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Zawadzka, Anna. "„Zabić Indianina w dziecku”. O kulturowym ludobójstwie w Kanadzie i sprawiedliwości tranzycyjnej z Kate Korycki rozmawia Anna Zawadzka [“Kill the Indian in the Child.” On cultural genocide and transitional justice in Canada. Kate Korycki in an interview by Anna Zawadzka]." Studia Litteraria et Historica, no. 5 (December 28, 2016): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/slh.2016.006.
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“Kill the Indian in the Child.” On cultural genocide and transitional justice in Canada. Kate Korycki in an interview by Anna ZawadzkaThis is an interview with Kate Korycki on the reparations for the native population in Canada for what the Canadian government defined as “cultural genocide.” Kate Korycki was born in Warsaw and has lived in Toronto for 25 years. Until 2006 she worked for the Canadian Government in a ministry delivering federal social programs, like unemployment insurance and pensions. Her last job involved the implementation of the Common Experience Payment. This was the largest government program to offer reparations for the wrongs suffered by the indigenous population in Canada in residential schools, which were run for 150 years by the Catholic and Unitarian Churches. The schools have recently been characterized as sites of cultural genocide.Kate Korycki is completing her doctorate in political science at the University of Toronto. She holds an MA in Political Science from McGill University. Her broad research agenda concerns the politics of identity, belonging, and conflict. In her doctoral work she is concentrating on the politics of identity in time of transition. „Zabić Indianina w dziecku”. O kulturowym ludobójstwie w Kanadzie i sprawiedliwości tranzycyjnej z Kate Korycki rozmawia Anna ZawadzkaAnna Zawadzka przeprowadza wywiad z Kate Korycki na temat odszkodowań przyznanychrdzennym mieszkańcom w Kanadzie za to, co rząd kanadyjski określił mianem „kulturowego ludobójstwa”. Kate Korycki urodziła się w Warszawie i mieszka w Toronto od 25 lat. Do 2006 roku pracowała dla rządu kanadyjskiego, w ministerstwie spraw społecznych, takich jak bezrobocie czy emerytury. Jej ostatnia funkcja polegała na wdrożeniu „Zadośćuczynienia Wspólnego Doświadczania” (Common Experience Payment). Ten program był najszerszym gestem władz federalnych w postaci rządowych reparacji za krzywdy wyrządzone w szkołach rezydencyjnych wobec rdzennych mieszkańców w Kanadzie. Szkoły te były prowadzone przez 150 lat przez Kościół katolicki i unitariański. To właśnie działalność tych szkół została określona mianem kulturowego ludobójstwa.Kate Korycki pisze doktorat z nauk politycznych na Uniwersytecie w Toronto, po magisterium na Uniwersytecie Mcgill. Jej zainteresowania skupiają się na polityce tożsamości, przynależności i konflikcie.
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De Clercy, Cristine. "Rural Women's Leadership in Atlantic Canada: Firsthand Perspectives on Local Public Life and Participation in Electoral Politics." Canadian Journal of Political Science 41, no. 1 (March 2008): 226–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423908080232.
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Rural Women's Leadership in Atlantic Canada: Firsthand Perspectives on Local Public Life and Participation in Electoral Politics, Louise Carbert, Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2006, pp. 177, index.In her latest work, Louise Carbert peers beneath the surface of formal electoral processes to explore how rural, female community leaders in Atlantic Canada view politics. She focuses on this group to explain a curious pattern: rural women are much less likely to secure public office than women located in urban areas, and this holds true at all three levels of government. Through interviewing women representing the typical recruitment pool from which political parties draw candidates, the author aims to identify the presence of barriers to female electoral participation specifically salient to rural women. This is no easy task in part because such an objective necessitates sifting through the inconsequential details of grassroots politics to locate and interpret underlying patterns of power. Carbert's approach is innovative and provocative, and many scholars will appreciate this work's inductive method and rich anecdotal basis. At the same time, readers scouting for clear answers may be left frustrated by the work's complex set of conclusions concerning exactly why few rural women successfully navigate the “slushy intersections” of politics, family life and the economic environment in pursuit of a political career.
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Jensen, Nathan M., and Guillermo Rosas. "Open for Politics? Globalization, Economic Growth, and Responsibility Attribution." Journal of Experimental Political Science 7, no. 2 (September 9, 2019): 89–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/xps.2019.24.
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AbstractPrevious literature suggests that economic performance affects government approval asymmetrically, either because voters are quicker to blame incompetence than to credit ability (grievance asymmetry) or because they understand that the degree to which policy-makers can affect the economy varies depending on economic openness (clarity of responsibility asymmetry). We seek to understand whether these asymmetries coexist, arguing that these theories conjointly imply that globalization may have the capacity to mitigate blame for bad outcomes but should neither promote nor reduce credit to policy-makers for good economic outcomes. We look for evidence of these asymmetries in three survey experiments carried out in the USA and Canada in 2014 and 2015. We find ample experimental evidence in support of the grievance asymmetry, but our results are mixed on the impact of economic openness on blame mitigation, with some evidence of this phenomenon in the USA, but not in Canada.
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Dorn, A. Walter, and Joshua Libben. "Preparing for peace: Myths and realities of Canadian peacekeeping training." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 73, no. 2 (June 2018): 257–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702018788552.
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During the Harper years (2006–2015), Canada significantly reduced the training, preparation, and deployment of military personnel for United Nations (UN) peacekeeping. Now, despite the Trudeau government’s pledge to lead an international peacekeeping training effort, Canada’s capabilities have increased only marginally. A survey of the curricula in the country’s training institutions shows that the military provides less than a quarter of the peacekeeping training activities that it provided in 2005. The primary cause of these reductions was the central focus on the North Atlantic Treaty Organization’s Afghanistan operation and several lingering myths about peacekeeping, common to many Western militaries. As the Trudeau government has committed to reengaging Canada in UN operations, these misperceptions must be addressed, and a renewed training and education initiative is necessary. This paper describes the challenges of modern peace operations, addresses the limiting myths surrounding peacekeeping training, and makes recommendations so that military personnel in Canada and other nations can once again be prepared for peace.
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Cardy, Meghan. "‘Lock Her Up’: Harassment and Violence Against Women in Alberta Politics." Political Science Undergraduate Review 3, no. 1 (February 15, 2018): 45–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/psur48.
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Since the ‘Orange Wave’ of the 2015 election in Alberta, women within and outside of the NDP caucus have experienced incredible levels of harassment from both ideological opposition and within their own parties. This harassment occurs towards the government demonstrative of the most success in formal representation women have ever had in Albertan politics. This uptick in the frequency and severity of harassment online, in protest, and in traditional political channels such as party leadership contests lead some to question the role Alberta’s political culture played in it’s occurrence, and the impact such a culture may have in the future. Examined using theory of gendered electoral violence and in the larger context of women’s political leadership in Canada, this paper proposes that a further critical eye should be turned towards this phenomenon rather than including it as a part of the job of doing politics as a woman.
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Crandall, Erin, and Andrea Lawlor. "Public Support for Canadian Courts: Understanding the Roles of Institutional Trust and Partisanship." Canadian Journal of Law and Society / Revue Canadienne Droit et Société 37, no. 1 (April 2022): 91–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cls.2021.28.
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AbstractPublic support is a critical component of any court’s institutional legitimacy. Understanding the roots and durability of such support is therefore crucial. This article uses survey data to explore public attitudes towards Canadian courts from 2008 to 2019. This time period is especially relevant given the comparatively tumultuous relationship between the Supreme Court and the Conservative government of Prime Minister Stephen Harper (2006–2015). Notably, partisanship now appears to be a defining characteristic of court support in Canada, with Conservative Party supporters being less likely to support the courts. While institutional trust is also found to be a strong predictor of court support, this suggests public attitudes towards Canadian courts may no longer be as well shielded from the effects of changing political circumstances as they once were.
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Crandall, Erin, and Andrea Lawlor. "Public Support for Canadian Courts: Understanding the Roles of Institutional Trust and Partisanship." Canadian Journal of Law and Society / Revue Canadienne Droit et Société 37, no. 1 (April 2022): 91–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cls.2021.28.
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AbstractPublic support is a critical component of any court’s institutional legitimacy. Understanding the roots and durability of such support is therefore crucial. This article uses survey data to explore public attitudes towards Canadian courts from 2008 to 2019. This time period is especially relevant given the comparatively tumultuous relationship between the Supreme Court and the Conservative government of Prime Minister Stephen Harper (2006–2015). Notably, partisanship now appears to be a defining characteristic of court support in Canada, with Conservative Party supporters being less likely to support the courts. While institutional trust is also found to be a strong predictor of court support, this suggests public attitudes towards Canadian courts may no longer be as well shielded from the effects of changing political circumstances as they once were.
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Meerzon, Yana. "Multiculturalism, (Im)Migration, Theatre: The National Arts Centre, Ottawa, a Case of Staging Canadian Nationalism." Journal of Contemporary Drama in English 6, no. 1 (April 27, 2018): 113–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jcde-2018-0015.
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AbstractOn October 22, 2015, two days after the Liberal Party of Canada came to power, The Globe and Mail published an editorial entitled “Canada to the World: Xenophobia Doesn’t Play Here.” The article suggested that, in these times of migration crises, a rising xenophobic discourse and neo-nationalism, it is essential for the European countries to start taking lessons in navigating cultural diversity from Canada, the first country in the world that institutionalized principles of multiculturalism. This view is clearly reflected in the repertoire politics of Canadian theatre institutions, specifically the National Arts Centre (NAC) Ottawa, the only theatre company in Canada directly subsidized by its government. Mandated to support artistic excellence through arts, the NAC acts as a pulpit of official ideology. It presents diversity on stage as the leading Canadian value, and thus fulfills its symbolic function to serve as a mirror to its nation.However, this paper argues that, by offering an image of Canada, constructed by our government and tourist agencies, as an idyllic place to negotiate our similarities and differences, the NAC fosters what Loren Kruger calls a theatrical nationhood (4–16). A closer look at the 2014 NAC English theatre co-production of Kim’s Convenience will help illustrate how the politics of mimicry can become a leading device in the aesthetics of national mimesis – a cultural activity of “representing the nation as well as the result of it (an image of the nation)” (Hurley 24); and how the artistry of a multicultural kitchen-sink can turn a subject of diversity into that of affirmation and sentimentalism.
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Chen, Qi, and Pearl Ann Reichwein. "The Village Lake Louise Controversy: Ski Resort Planning, Civil Activism, and the Environmental Politics of Banff National Park, 1964–1979." Sport History Review 47, no. 1 (May 2016): 90–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/shr.2015-0015.
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A new ski resort village plan proposed for Lake Louise in Banff National Park triggered intense opposition at public hearings in 1972. Local proponents, backed by Imperial Oil, had entered into agreements to expand services at Lake Louise, which led to federal public consultations. We investigate Parks Canada’s early public consultation process and how it was institutionalized in federal policy making from 1964 to 1979. Public debate was significant and influenced political decisions in the Village Lake Louise controversy. The National and Provincial Parks Association of Canada, Bow Valley Naturalists, Environmental Law Association, mountain clubs, academics, and others advocated for protection as conservation lobbyists and the Government of Alberta also objected to the proposal, leading Minister Jean Chrétien to halt the plan. It was a win for citizens, environmentalists, and ecological integrity as Village Lake Louise debates became Canada’s town hall. Past environmental protection is relevant to civil society and public space in a moment of new approvals for massive ski hill industry expansions in national parks. Precedents in civil society and governance can inform understanding of public consultation and a new environmental politics.
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Previsic, Ivana, and Elke Winter. "Citizenship Revocation in the Mainstream Press: A Case of Re-ethnicization?" Canadian Journal of Sociology 42, no. 1 (March 31, 2017): 55–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/cjs28660.
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Under the government of Stephen Harper’s Conservative Party (2006-2015), Canada witnessed numerous alterations of its immigration and citizenship rules. Under the new Citizenship Act (2014), dual citizens who have committed high treason, terrorism or espionage could lose their Canadian citizenship. In this paper, we examine how the measure was discussed in Canada’s mainstream newspapers. We ask: who/what is seen as the target of citizenship revocation? What does this tell us about the direction that Canadian citizenship is moving towards? As promoters of civic literacy, mainstream media disseminate information about government actions and legislation, interpret policies and are highly influential in forming public opinion. Our findings show that the newspapers were more often critical than supportive of the citizenship revocation provision. However, they also interpreted the measure as only likely to affect Canadian Muslims in general and omitted discussing the involvement of non-Muslim and, in particular, white, Western-origin Canadians in terrorist acts. Thus, despite advocating for equal citizenship in principle, Canadian Muslims were nonetheless constructed as less Canadian.
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Bennett, Mia M., Wilfrid Greaves, Rudolf Riedlsperger, and Alberic Botella. "Articulating the Arctic: contrasting state and Inuit maps of the Canadian north." Polar Record 52, no. 6 (May 12, 2016): 630–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247416000164.
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ABSTRACTThis paper compares four maps produced by the Canadian government and Inuit Tapiriit Kanatami, the indigenous peoples’ organisation representing Inuit living in the four recognised Inuit regions (Inuit Nunangat) of Canada. Our analysis is based on publicly available maps, documents, and records and extends the rich existing literature examining the history of definitions of the Canadian north. Distinctly, our research aims to understand the different ways in which the Arctic has been articulated as a geographic, political, and social region during the Harper government (2006–2015) and the effects these articulations have had on northern policy and people. We find that the federal government maintained a flexible definition of the Canadian Arctic as a region when in pursuit of its own policy objectives. However, when it comes to incorporating areas outside the boundaries of Canada's three federal territories, particularly communities along their southern fringes, those boundaries are inflexible. The people who live in these areas, which the state considers to be outside the Canadian Arctic, are marginalised within Arctic public policy in terms of access to federal funds, determination of land use, and a sense of social belonging to the Canadian Arctic. Our goal in this paper is to demonstrate that national-level disputes over what constitutes ‘the Arctic’ can significantly impact the day-to-day lives of people who live within and just outside the region, however it is conceived.
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Laforest, Rachel, and Steven Rathgeb Smith. "Nonprofits in a Time of Turbulence: Challenges and Opportunities." Nonprofit Policy Forum 8, no. 2 (September 26, 2017): 117–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/npf-2017-0021.
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AbstractWe have entered a period of turbulent economic and political change. Internationally, slower growth coupled with youth unemployment and rising inequality have driven a renewed interest in social policy. In the US, the preferred policy approach since the 1990s has been to move away from cash assistance to direct service provision spurring demand for nonprofit services at the local level (Smith 2015, “Managing Human Service Organizations in the 21st Century.” Human Service Organizations: Management, Leadership, & Governance 39 (5):407–411). Recently, however, we have observed a power backlash against trade, immigration and economic insecurity that is reshaping politics and bringing about significant cuts in social service programs and health care at a time when the need is high. Fiscal scarcity will no doubt create an additional burden for nonprofits working with communities in need. In Canada, the federal government is moving in the opposite direction with greater investment in the social policy fields, including healthcare, childcare, housing and poverty reduction initiative. These investments will mean a greater flow of resources to the nonprofit sector, but the government has been clear that in exchange they want to tie funding to results and performance.
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Abji, Salina, and Anna C. Korteweg. "“HONOUR”- BASED VIOLENCE AND THE POLITICS OF CULTURE IN CANADA: ADVANCING A CULTURAL ANALYSIS OF MULTI-SCALAR VIOLENCE." International Journal of Child, Youth and Family Studies 12, no. 1 (March 12, 2021): 73–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.18357/ijcyfs121202120084.
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Since 2015, in Canada, political discourse on “honour”-based violence has shifted away from highly problematic understandings of “culture” as the cause of violence among racialized, Muslim, and immigrant communities. Instead, talk of culture has dropped out of the equation altogether in favour of more structural definitions of gender-based violence (GBV). In this article, we ask what gets lost when culture is not taken into account when talking about or trying to understand forms of GBV. Drawing from theoretical conceptualizations of culture — defined as “situated practices of meaning-making” that shape all experiences of violence, and societal responses to violence — we argue for a multiscalar approach to culture. To illustrate this framework, we first offer a critical analysis of Aruna Papp’s 2012 memoir Unworthy Creature as an exemplar of stigmatizing uses of culture and a key text promoted by the Conservative federal government at the time. We then turn to interviews we conducted with service providers serving South Asian survivors of GBV in Toronto from 2011 to 2013. Our analysis illustrates how to talk about culture as a key ingredient shaping multiscalar violence, regardless of whether that violence occurs in majority or minority communities. We conclude with three policy implications for addressing HBV moving forward.
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HARRISON, KLISALA. "Sustainability and Indigenous Aesthetics: Musical Resilience in Sámi and Indigenous Canadian Theatre." Yearbook for Traditional Music 51 (November 2019): 17–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ytm.2019.6.
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Histories of colonial cultural erasure, unsuccessful decolonisation or postcolonialism and rapid modernisation are typically seen as the challenges to sustaining Indigenous traditional musics (Harrison, in press). The Indigenous peoples of Canada have experienced colonial assimilationist policies of government and church, including residential schools that took children away from their families and forbade song, dance and language. These policies resulted in musics and even entire cultures being erased. Although there have been recent improvements in Scandinavia, similar kinds of discrimination happened where the traditional Sámi vocal form, joik (in pan-Sámi juoiggas) was long (and in some cases, still is) regarded as sinful, and Sámi children were forbidden to use their mother tongues at school (for example, from about 1850 to 1980 during Norway’s Fornorskning or Norwegianisation policy). In recent years, the Indigenous musics of Canada and the Nordic countries, among others, have reflected, articulated and interpellated sociocultural interrelations and politics (Diamond 2002; Diamond et al. 2018; Harrison 2009; Hilder 2012, 2015; Moisala 2007; Ramnarine 2009, 2017), and Indigenous artists have taken action on politicised issues through a range of contemporary and flourishing artistic expressions (Robinson and Martin 2016).
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Keya, Antoni. "Social Networking as Power Balancing in Tanzanian Politics." Utafiti 13, no. 2 (March 18, 2018): 88–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26836408-01302006.
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Online social networks have made communication more accessible in many spheres; they have been used as an alternative political means of regaining or equalising power between a political opposition and a ruling party, when the former is functioning in the absence of a traditional political platform. Recently opposition politicians in Tanzania have utilised online social networks towards this end. Positioning theory draws out this political dynamic in operation. Historically, political communication using electronically transmitted networks in Tanzania was necessitated after the fifth-phase presidency (beginning in 2015) placed a ban on political activities reaching outside their official jurisdictions and naming specific candidates. This ban seemed to weaken opposition politicians because they were regarded as preferring to work in collectives. The analysis here focuses on a press conference involving a United Republic of Tanzania Member of Parliament from the opposition party, addressing the national and international communities in regard to secrecy that surrounded a late arrival of two new jets into Tanzania from Canada, late in 2016. The data suggests that online social networking has enabled opposition politicians to identify themselves as fellow sufferers and representatives of the ordinary citizen, demanding good governance and speaking against misappropriation and laxity in distribution and use of national resources. The opposition has gone further in utilising social media to present the nation’s presidential agenda as pitted against the ordinary citizen. Social media allows the opposition to represent the current government as an elite group responsible for the problems Tanzanians are facing, and therefore as untrustworthy. This limited case study reveals how electronic media re-introduces a potential for effective political opposition to the status quo at a national level.
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Lepage-Richer, Théo, and Fenwick McKelvey. "States of computing: On government organization and artificial intelligence in Canada." Big Data & Society 9, no. 2 (July 2022): 205395172211233. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20539517221123304.
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With technologies like machine learning and data analytics being deployed as privileged means to improve how contemporary bureaucracies work, many governments around the world have turned to artificial intelligence as a tool of statecraft. In that context, our paper uses Canada as a critical case to investigate the relationship between ideals of good government and good technology. We do so through not one, but two Trudeaus—celebrity Prime Minister Justin Trudeau (2015—…) and his equally famous father, former Prime Minister Pierre Elliott Trudeau (1968–1979, 1980–1984). Both shared a similar interest in new ideas and practices of both intelligent government and artificial intelligence. Influenced by Marshall McLuhan and his media theory, Pierre Elliott Trudeau deployed new communication technologies to restore centralized control in an otherwise decentralized state. Partly successful, he left his son with an informationally inclined political legacy, which decades later animated Justin Trudeau's own turn toward Big Data and artificial intelligence. Compared with one another, these two visions for both government and artificial intelligence illustrate the broader tensions between cybernetic and neoliberal approaches to government, which inform how new technologies are conceived of, and adopted, as political ones. As this article argues, Canada offers a paradigmatic case for how artificial intelligence is as much shaped by theories of government as by investments and innovations in computing research, which together delimit the contours of intelligence by defining which technical systems, people, and organizations come to be recognized as its privileged bearers.
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Botchwey, Brianna Scrimshaw, and Caitlin Cunningham. "The politicization of protected areas establishment in Canada." FACETS 6 (January 1, 2021): 1146–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1139/facets-2020-0069.
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Environmental issues and related policy instruments are becoming increasingly politicized in the Canadian context, but it is unclear whether biodiversity conservation and protected areas are similarly politicized. Here, we suggest that the political characteristics of protected areas do not lend themselves easily to politicization, but data from the Canadian Protected and Conserved Areas Database indicate that at the federal level, and provincially in Alberta, the rate of protected areas establishment is becoming increasingly tied to electoral politics, suggesting some politicization. We situate these trends within federal electoral politics between 2006 and the present, outlining the differing approaches of the Harper Conservatives and the Trudeau Liberals and showing how both administrations instrumentalized the environment and protected areas for their own electoral benefits. We find similar trends in Alberta with the Progressive Conservative, New Democratic Party, and United Conservative Party governments. However, while there is increasing polarization in practice, there has been less polarization of the electoral rhetoric surrounding protected areas. This politicization represents a barrier to conservation in Canada as it can lead to greenwashing, poor accountability, or the creation of an anti-conservation constituency. At the same time, politicization can raise the profile of conservation in public discourse, leading to greater public interest and engagement.
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Pétry, François, and Dominic Duval. "Electoral Promises and Single Party Governments: The Role of Party Ideology and Budget Balance in Pledge Fulfillment." Canadian Journal of Political Science 51, no. 4 (September 13, 2018): 907–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423918000379.
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AbstractThe determinants of fulfilling campaign promises in Canada over the period 1994–2015 are analyzed in a comparative perspective. All other factors being equal, we find that promises to reduce government spending are more likely to be fulfilled by the Conservatives than by the Liberals. Majority and re-elected governments facing a budget surplus are more likely to fulfill their election promises than minority and newly elected governments facing a budget deficit. Promises are more likely to be fulfilled at the start than at the end of a mandate. We also find a small but noticeable increase in the rate of fulfilling campaign promises over time.
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MacDonald, Fiona. "Indigenous Peoples and Neoliberal “Privatization” in Canada: Opportunities, Cautions and Constraints." Canadian Journal of Political Science 44, no. 2 (June 2011): 257–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000842391100014x.
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Abstract.This article addresses the impact of the current neoliberal political context for Indigenous governance in Canada. While some observers have argued correctly that the neoliberal context provides new opportunities or points of entry in the political opportunity structure for “self-government” initiatives (Helvin, 2006; Scott, 2006; Slowey, 2008), I examine to what extent recent decentralizing initiatives, generally viewed as “concessions” made by the state to meet the demands of Indigenous peoples, must be evaluated as part of a broader governmental strategy of neoliberalism. This strategy is not simply about meeting the demands of Indigenous peoples but also about meeting the requirements of the contemporary governmental shift towards “privatization” within liberal democratic states. As such, I argue that certain manifestations of Indigenous self-government are vulnerable to criticisms launched against practices of privatization, practices which include a variety of policies designed to promote a shifting of contentious issues out of the public sphere and thereby limiting public debate and collective—that is, state—responsibility.Résumé.Le présent article analyse d'un oeil critique l'impact du contexte politique néolibéral actuel sur la gouvernance autochtone au Canada. Certains auteurs ont avancé avec raison que le contexte néolibéral donnait aux peuples autochtones de nouveaux points d'entrée pour leurs initiatives d'autogouvernance (Helvin, 2006; Scott, 2006; Slowey, 2008). Toutefois, j'examine ici dans quelle mesure les tentatives récentes de décentralisation, souvent comprises comme des «concessions» faites par l'État pour répondre aux revendications des peuples autochtones, doivent être évaluées dans le cadre plus vaste d'une stratégie de néolibéralisme du gouvernement. Cette stratégie ne vise pas uniquement à répondre aux besoins des peuples autochtones, mais aussi à permettre au gouvernement de s'orienter vers la «privatisation» qui distingue l'État libéral démocratique contemporain. À ce titre, je soutiens que certaines manifestations d'autogouvernance des Autochtones peuvent se prêter aux mêmes critiques que les pratiques de privatisation, qui comprennent diverses politiques visant à retirer de la place publique certains sujets controversés afin de limiter le débat public et la responsabilité collective, c'est-à-dire celle de l'État.
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DeKeseredy, Walter. "Crime, Justice, and Inequality: Oh Canada, Where Art Thou?" International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 2, no. 3 (November 1, 2013): 15–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.v2i3.102.
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Since Canada’s colonial beginnings, it has become increasingly riddled with classism, racism, sexism, and other damaging outcomes of structured social inequality. In 2006, however, many types of social injustice were turbo-charged under the federal leadership of the Harper government. For example, a recent southern Ontario study shows that less than half of working people between the ages of 25 and 65 have full-time jobs with benefits. The main objective of this paper is to critique the dominant Canadian political economic order and the pain and suffering it has caused for millions of people. Informed by left realism and other progressive ways of knowing, I also suggest some ways of turning the tide.
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Bilodeau, Antoine, Stephen White, and Neil Nevitte. "The Development of Dual Loyalties: Immigrants' Integration to Canadian Regional Dynamics." Canadian Journal of Political Science 43, no. 3 (September 2010): 515–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423910000600.
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Abstract.The transformations in recent patterns of immigration have the potential to reshape the trajectory of Canada's regional political dynamics. Drawing on data from the 1993–2006Canadian Election Studies, this analysis explores how immigrants adjust to the prevailing regional political norms in Quebec, Ontario, Alberta and British Columbia. Do newcomers adopt the political orientations (feelings towards Canada and their province, confidence in provincial and federal governments, perceptions about how the province is treated by the federal government and support for the Liberal party) that resemble those of their native-born provincial counterparts? The results suggest that immigrants, especially newer waves from non-traditional source countries, tend to develop orientations that are more federally oriented than the local populations in their province. This tendency is most pronounced in Quebec where both groups of immigrants from traditional and non-traditional source countries internalize political grievances and norms less efficiently than their counterparts in other provinces.Résumé.Les transformations récentes des tendances migratoires pourraient avoir un impact sur l'évolution des dynamiques politiques régionales au Canada. Cette enquête s'appuie sur les données de sondage de l'Étude électorale canadiennede 1993 à 2006 et vise à déterminer si les immigrants adoptent les attitudes et les comportements politiques dominants de leur province de résidence (Québec, Ontario, Alberta et Colombie-Britannique). Les immigrants adoptent-ils des attitudes et des comportements politiques (attachement au Canada et à la province de résidence, confiance envers les gouvernements fédéral et provincial, perception du traitement réservé par le gouvernement fédéral à la province de résidence et appui au Parti libéral du Canada) qui ressemblent à ceux des populations locales de leur province? Les résultats de l'enquête suggèrent que les immigrants, surtout ceux d'origines dites non traditionnelles, ont tendance à développer des comportements et des attitudes politiques plus orientés vers le gouvernement fédéral que ceux affichés dans leur province. Cette tendance est particulièrement marquée au Québec où les immigrants, tant d'origines traditionnelles que non traditionnelles, semblent assimiler moins efficacement que les immigrants des autres provinces les griefs et les normes politiques de la population provinciale.
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Lalancette, Mireille, and Vincent Raynauld. "The Power of Political Image: Justin Trudeau, Instagram, and Celebrity Politics." American Behavioral Scientist 63, no. 7 (November 30, 2017): 888–924. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764217744838.
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This article explores dynamics of online image management and its impact on leadership in a context of digital permanent campaigning and celebrity politics in Canada. Recent studies have shown that images can play a critical role when members of the public are evaluating politicians. Specifically, voters are looking for specific qualities in political leaders, including honesty, intelligence, friendliness, sincerity, and trustworthiness, when making electoral decisions. Image management techniques can help create the impression that politicians possess these qualities. Heads of governments using social media to capture attention through impactful images or videos on an almost daily basis seems like a new norm. Specifically, this article takes interest in Justin Trudeau’s use of Instagram during the first year immediately following his election on October 19, 2015. Through a hybrid quantitative and qualitative approach, we examine how Trudeau and his party convey a specific image to voters in a context of permanent and increasingly personalized campaigning. We do so through an analysis of his Instagram feed focusing on different elements, including how he frames his governing style visually, how his personal life is used on his Instagram to support the Liberal Party of Canada’s values and ideas, and how celebrity culture codes are mobilized to discuss policy issues such as environment, youth, and technology. This analysis sheds light on the effects and implications of image management in Canada. More generally, it offers a much-needed look at image-based e-politicking and contributes to the academic literature on social media, permanent campaigning, as well as celebrity and politics in Canada.
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Komarov, Andrey N., and Ekaterina O. Balkylych. "THE MAIN DIRECTIONS OF FOREIGN POLITICs OF THE CONSERVATIVE OFFICES OF STEPHEN HARPER IN CANADA IN 2006-2015(BRIEF SUMMARY)." Bulletin of the Moscow State Regional University (History and Political Science), no. 3 (2018): 69–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.18384/2310-676x-2018-3-69-73.
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Carlaw, John. "Blunt talk or faux outrage? The politics of expanding migrant worker programs under Canada’s former Conservative government (2006–2015)." Studies in Political Economy 102, no. 3 (September 2, 2021): 331–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07078552.2021.2000209.
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Leighton, JP. "A Study of Teacher Candidates’ Views on Children’s Human Rights in Canada." International Journal of Children’s Rights 30, no. 1 (February 14, 2022): 146–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718182-30010006.
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Abstract The purpose of the study was to adapt a pre-existing measure (Karaman-Kepenekci, 2006) to assess teacher candidates’ views about children’s human rights in Canada. Karaman-Kepenekci’s survey was originally administered in Turkey with results published in the International Journal of Children’s Rights. To benchmark our results against Karaman-Kepenekci’s findings, we adapted and administered the survey to a sample of 174 teacher candidates in Canada. Participants’ gender, age, ethnicity, experience with children and enrolment in a human rights course were measured. The psychometric properties of the adapted survey and teacher candidates’ views are reported. An exploratory factor analysis with direct oblimin rotation led to complementary but different results compared to Karaman-Kepenekci’s (2006) findings. In particular, two factors were found to underlie survey responses – one involving rights of children and another involving government responsibility. Hierarchical linear regression of factor scores indicated that, among participant characteristics, only gender and ethnicity were predictive of responses.
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Kapsalis, Constantine. "Fiscal Impact of Recent Immigrants to Canada." Canadian Public Policy 47, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 170–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cpp.2020-112.
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In a recent report from the Fraser Institute, Grady and Grubel (2015) concluded that, because of the low taxes they pay and the government services they receive, the fiscal burden of recent immigrants to Canada was significant ($5,329 per immigrant in 2010). The present study, however, shows that the fiscal burden is significant only in the case of refugees and sponsored immigrants. By contrast, economic immigrants actually pay more in taxes than they receive in benefits. This is an important finding because economic immigrants are selected primarily on economic grounds, whereas refugees and sponsored immigrants are accepted primarily on humanitarian and compassionate grounds.
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Souza, Renan Arjona, and Nadia Maria Pereira de Souza. "O Instituto Multidisciplinar da Universidade Federal Rural do Rio de Janeiro no contexto de expansão do ensino superior do Governo Lula." Revista Produção e Desenvolvimento 1, no. 3 (December 31, 2015): 52–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.32358/rpd.2015.v1.108.
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This article aims to describe part of the expansion process in higher education Rural Federal University of Rio de Janeiro - UFRRJ, from the creation of the Multidisciplinary Institute of Nova Iguaçu, trying to analyze the implementation process of this Campus (2006-2009). In 2004, he began to consolidate a higher education politics that increased investment and promoted the expansion and internalization of Federal Universities. As part of this expansion, to serve the region of Baixada Fluminense, the Multidisciplinary Institute of the goals was the result of both expansion projects. However, the political and administrative context in which it was set resulted in quality discussions in higher education and the importance of Federal Universities as an expression of government policies, seeking to meet the mission and social responsibility of the public university with its surroundings and underserved populations.
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Aberman, Tanya. "Forced-Voluntary Return." Migration and Society 5, no. 1 (June 1, 2022): 13–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/arms.2022.050103.
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During the near decade of Conservative rule in Canada from 2006 to 2015, anti-refugee and anti-migrant discourse was continuously circulated by government officials. Social, economic, and physical restrictions were implemented based on the dichotomy of “deserving” versus “undeserving” migrants, and borders were created within communities. This article takes an intersectional approach to explore the reasons that some migrants chose to leave Canada “voluntarily” during that time, and the factors that forced them to do so. I offer the concept of forced-voluntary return to capture some of the tensions and messiness within migrant experiences that are neither completely voluntary nor forced. These tensions affirm the emerging calls in research to conceptualize migration on a spectrum from forced to voluntary, and contribute to understandings of migration management, the production of deportability, and the “voluntary” mobility of migrants by highlighting some of the ways in which intersecting identities impact migrants’ decisions about return.
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Ives, Nicole, Anna Oda, Jonathan Bridekirk, Michaela Hynie, Susan McGrath, Rana Mohammad, Mona Awwad, Kathy Sherrell, Mahi Khalaf, and Marcela Diaz. "Syrian Refugees’ Participation in Language Classes: Motivators and Barriers." Refuge: Canada's Journal on Refugees 38, no. 2 (August 23, 2022): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.25071/1920-7336.40799.
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Resettlement country language literacy facilitates integration and counteracts social and economic marginalization. Thus, access to language learning is a social justice issue. Resettled refugees in Canada are eligible for free English/French language training. Between 2015-2017, Canada resettled 47,735 Syrian refugees. We explored predictors of language class participation for Syrian refugees, examining data from 1915 adult Syrian refugees in government-funded language classes in British Columbia, Ontario, and Quebec. Findings suggest access to language programs are shaped by provincial policies. Factors hindering participation varied by province and included gender, physical/mental health, education, English/French literacy, and employment. Practice and policy recommendations are discussed.
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Anzueto, Marc-André. "Canadian Human Rights Policy toward Guatemala: The Two Faces of Janus?" Latin American Perspectives 44, no. 5 (June 27, 2017): 74–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x17713746.
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During Guatemala’s 36-year-long civil war (1960–1996), Canada’s role in response to the conflict diverged from the United States’ realpolitik. In contrast to U.S. policy objectives during the cold war, the Canadian distinctiveness in Guatemala was prevalent in the realm of democracy and human rights policy. The Canadian government and civil society condemned human rights violations in Guatemala, supported the various phases of the peace process, and participated in international efforts to strengthen the rule of law. However, since 2003–2004, the Canadian government has promoted mining investments to the detriment of human rights and its relationship with civil society has deteriorated both at home and in Guatemala. This shift can be linked to a securitization process of human rights within the neoliberal order in Latin America and a change in the identity-based interest of Canadian foreign policy during Prime Minister Stephen Harper’s era (2006–2015). Durante los 36 años de guerra civil en Guatemala (1960-1996), la respuesta canadiense se distinguió de la realpolitik estadunidense. A diferencia de los objetivos políticos estadunidenses durante la Guerra Fría, la presencia canadiense en torno a Guatemala se dio en el ámbito de la democracia y la política de derechos humanos. El gobierno y sociedad civil canadienses condenaron las violaciones de los derechos humanos en Guatemala, apoyaron las distintas fases del proceso de paz y participaron en los esfuerzos internacionales para fortalecer el Estado de derecho. Sin embargo, desde 2003–2004, el gobierno de Canadá ha promovido inversiones mineras en detrimento de los derechos humanos, y su relación con la sociedad civil se ha deteriorado tanto en casa como en Guatemala. Este cambio puede vincularse a un proceso de seguridización de los derechos humanos dentro del orden neoliberal de América Latina y un cambio en la política exterior canadiense, antes basada en la identidad, durante el gobierno de Stephen Harper (2006–2015).
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Hirschl, Ran. "The Courts." Canadian Journal of Political Science 40, no. 1 (March 2007): 249–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423907070254.
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The Courts, Ian Greene, The Canadian Democratic Audit Series; Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 2006, pp. xvii, 182.This book is another welcome addition to the Canadian Democratic Audit Series. It sets out to assess the democratic credentials of Canada's judiciary—a most significant branch of government in post-1982 Canada. The book's approach is refreshing in several respects. Instead of the traditional focus on the well-rehearsed debate over the questionable democratic credentials of judicial review, the book attempts to evaluate the adequacy of the Canadian court system in relation to three basic tenets of democracy: participation, inclusiveness, and responsiveness. Unlike most accounts of Canadian political institutions, it pays due attention to elements of the court system beyond the Supreme Court of Canada. In so doing, Greene is able to assess more accurately whether the Canadian judiciary as a whole is living up to that set of reasonable democratic expectations.
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Mann, Ruth M. "The Harper Government's New Right Neoliberal Agenda and the Dismantling of Status of Women Canada and the Family Violence Initiative." International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 5, no. 2 (June 1, 2016): 50–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.v5i2.308.
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This paper situates the Harper government’s 2006 restructuring and effective dismantling of Status of Women Canada and its 2011 take down of the approximate 12,000 volume online library of the federal Family Violence Initiative in relation to two developments. These are the ascendant influence of men’s rights and other antifeminist activism in Canada and globally; and the concurrent rise of a Hayekian-animated New Right neoliberal agenda intent on subordinating civil society and democratic rule to the forces of twenty-first century global capitalism. The paper contends that anti-feminism is among a host of neoconservative forces that the New Right instrumentalizes to augment and advance and its neoliberal agenda. For the New Right, however, the enemy is not gender equality or feminism per se but rather the market inhibiting commitment to social justice that feminism participates in and advances.
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Thompson, Andrew S. "Canada, human rights, and the future of the liberal international order." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 73, no. 2 (June 2018): 299–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702018788550.
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Human rights—specifically international human rights law—have been central to the success of the liberal international order. But since the founding of the United Nations (UN), Canada has had a complicated relationship with international human rights law. This article provides a survey of sixty years of Canadian human rights diplomacy at the UN Commission on Human Rights, from its establishment in 1946 to its dissolution in 2006. During this period, there were moments when Canada did champion new international law, and did so courageously. Yet there were others, such as during negotiations to recognize and codify the rights of Indigenous peoples, when it stood in the way of progress. But the international order that has served Canada so well since the end of the Second World War is under threat, due to a combination of shifts in the global balance of power, and critical challenges such as climate change. If it is to survive into the twenty-first century, advanced democracies such as Canada will need to lead in the development and enforcement of international human rights law, a role that governments in Ottawa have at various times been reluctant to play.
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Smith, Miriam. "Homophobia and Homonationalism: LGBTQ Law Reform in Canada." Social & Legal Studies 29, no. 1 (January 10, 2019): 65–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0964663918822150.
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This article explores the tensions and contradictions between the recognition of same-sex relationships and the development of legal prohibitions against discrimination on the one hand versus the ongoing symbolic and actual criminal regulation of gay sex on the other hand. I describe these tensions as they have unfolded over the last 40 years through the most recent attempts by the Liberal government of Justin Trudeau, elected in 2015, to reform the criminal law, to expunge the record of past criminal convictions for same-sex behavior, and to apologize and compensate lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer (LGBTQ) communities for past discrimination. I argue that this bifurcated pattern of public policy change and legal reform demonstrates the persistence of political homophobia alongside of homonationalist celebration of queer normativity. By considering the federal government’s long-standing failure to reform criminal laws that encapsulate formal-legal inequality of LGBTQ people, the article highlights the persistence of homophobic public policy alongside homonationalist policy discourse and genuine progress in the legal recognition of queer rights. I conclude by considering the implications of this mix for theorizing homophobia and homonationalism in law and policy.
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Almeida, Maria Antónia de Figueiredo Pires de. "Women Mayors in Portugal: A Case Study in Political Representation and Citizenship." Revista de Sociologia e Política 26, no. 68 (December 2018): 27–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1678987318266804.
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Abstract Introduction The article presents a historical analysis of the participation of women in Portuguese politics and reveals the positive effects of the introduction of the parity law in 2006. In the 2015 national elections, for the first time one third of the elected the Members of the Portuguese Parliament were women. However, in municipalities there is still a long way to go to reach this level of female political representation. Does the political system limit women’s access only to elected positions? Thus, important questions remain: why are women still a minority in local politics? What obstacles do they encounter? And what can be done to improve the situation? Materials and Methods For this investigation, data were collected on the electronic pages of municipalities and political parties, as well as in the press, to monitor the evolution of the presence of women in Portuguese local government, initially as members of the administrative commissions appointed to manage municipal councils from 1974 to the first elections that took place on December 12, 1976 and then as elected representatives from 1976 to the latest 2017 local elections, comparing this level with central government. Results The study of this group reveals higher educational levels and more specialized jobs among women than among men, particularly in teaching and management. There is also discussion of partisan membership and it is revealed that left-wing parties invest more in women for local government than do right-wing parties. Discussion Although four decades have passed since the democratic regime was established, the representation of women in politics is still incipient. We present some examples of policy actions that can encourage the presence of women in local government and increase their role as active citizens.
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Adkin, Laurie. "Crossroads in Alberta: Climate Capitalism or Ecological Democracy." Socialist Studies/Études Socialistes 12, no. 1 (May 29, 2017): 2. http://dx.doi.org/10.18740/s4bp7h.
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This paper situates the current political moment in Alberta, Canada, within a broader analysis of the global crisis of fossil capitalism. Alberta’s political economy and ecology are deeply riven by the conflict between its heavy dependence for revenue and employment on the exportation of fossil fuels, on the one hand, and the multiple harms, risks, and forms of opposition to this development model, on the other hand. With the election in May 2015 of a social democratic party, a rare window for change has opened, and much is at stake in the choices and strategies that the new government will adopt. Two potential paths –which parallel what is emerging globally--are becoming clearer: rapid and deep decarbonisation underpinned by an equally deep democratization of citizenship and societal-decision making (ecological democracy), or a “climate capitalist” project to prolong the carbon extractive model.
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Al-Salem, Rouba Essam. "A New Link in the Chain? Arabic-Language Citizenship Education Courses and the Integration of Resettled Syrian Refugees in Canada." Refuge: Canada's Journal on Refugees 36, no. 1 (April 25, 2020): 14–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.25071/1920-7336.40535.
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In 2015, following Canada’s resettlement of large numbers of Syrian refugees, it was praised as a role model that should be implemented elsewhere. Or should it? With the resettlement of Syrian adult refugees as a case study, this article argues that Canada’s federal and provincial efforts to promote the integration of these refugees have overlooked the contribution that citizenship and civic education activities, administered in the refugees’ native language, can make towards their integration, as a way of empowering them to become active citizens in the political and civil life of the receiving country. In particular, the article critically evaluates current government-led efforts to rely on language courses as a medium for transmitting Canadian civic concepts. It also discusses why they are falling short of ensuring that these resettled refugees are saddled with the skills and know-how to navigate their rights and responsibilities as future Canadian citizens and to contribute effectively to the political and civil life of their communities. Finally, the article suggests that the provision of a civic education course in Arabic could constitute the missing link in any chain of government-led efforts to tackle the disparity between the federal government’s declared commitment to multiculturalism, inclusiveness, and the welcoming of immigrants/refugees and the policies and realities of social exclusion. In addition, such a course could provide an avenue to encourage resettled refugees, as Canadian “citizens in waiting,” to develop meaningful connections to and contributions in their new home country.
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Dewitt, David, Mary Young, Alex Brouse, and Jinelle Piereder. "AWOL: Canada’s defence policy and presence in the Asia Pacific." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 73, no. 1 (March 2018): 5–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702018768474.
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Our focus is on Canadian defence and security activities in the Asia Pacific arena between 1990 and 2015. While governments have asserted the growing primacy of the Asia Pacific, we ask the following: What does Canada’s recent military and security record tell us about the policies and operational aspects of Canadian engagement? How might we assess these in comparison with Ottawa’s declared importance of the Asia Pacific? What might this tell us about the near-term future of Canada’s role and pursuit of interests and opportunities in this complex region? We present and analyze empirical materials drawn from primary sources that inform an assessment of Canada’s presence in the defence and security agenda of the Asia Pacific, during the period that saw Canadian governments declare a deep interest in relations with the Asia Pacific, yet fail to make Canada a full partner with sustained commitments.
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Newbold, Bruce, and Marie McKeary. "Investigating the diversity of Canada’s refugee population and its health implications: does one size fit all?" International Journal of Migration, Health and Social Care 13, no. 2 (June 12, 2017): 145–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijmhsc-02-2015-0007.
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Purpose Based on a case study in Hamilton, Ontario, Canada, the purpose of this paper is to explore the difficulties faced by local health care providers in the face of constantly evolving refugee policies, programs, and arrivals. In doing so, it illustrates the complications faced by service providers in providing care to refugee arrivals and how the diversity of arrivals challenges health care provision and ultimately the health and well-being of refugees. Design/methodology/approach A series of semi-structured, in-depth interviews with key service professionals in both the social service and health fields in Hamilton, Ontario, Canada, examined both health and health care issues. Findings Beyond challenges for service providers that have been previously flagged in the literature, including language barriers and the limited time that they have with their clients, analysis revealed that health care providers faced other challenges in providing care, with one challenge reflecting the difficulty of providing care and services to a diverse refugee population. A second challenge reflected the lack of knowledge associated with constantly evolving policies and programs. Both challenges potentially limit the abilities of care providers. Research limitations/implications On-going changes to refugee and health care policy, along with the diversity of refugee arrivals, will continue to challenge providers. The challenge, therefore, for health care providers and policy makers alike is how to ensure adequate service provision for new arrivals. Practical implications The Federal government should do a better job in disseminating the impact of policy changes and should streamline programs. This is particularly relevant given limited budgets and resources, tri-partite government funding, short time-frames to prepare for new arrivals, inadequate background information, barriers/challenges or inequitable criteria for access to health and social services, while addressing an increasingly diverse and complex population. Social implications The research reinforces the complexity of the needs and challenges faced by refugees when health is considered, and the difficulty in providing care to this group. Originality/value While there is a large refugee health literature, there is relatively little attention to the challenges and difficulties faced by service providers in addressing the health needs of the diverse refugee population, a topic that is particularly important given limited funding envelopes, shifting policies and programs, and a focus on clients (refugees). It is this latter piece – the challenges faced by providers in providing care to refugees – which this paper explores.
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O'Connor, Niamh, Karim Farag, and Richard Baines. "What is food poverty? A conceptual framework." British Food Journal 118, no. 2 (February 1, 2016): 429–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/bfj-06-2015-0222.
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Purpose – Recently, food poverty has been subject to much academic, political and media attention following the recent reduction in consumer purchasing power as a result of food and energy price volatility. Yet the lack of consensus related to food poverty terminology acts as an inhibitor in both identifying and addressing the issue in the UK, specifically as a separate problem to that of food insecurity. Misunderstanding of terminology is an impediment to identifying similarities and differentials with both developed and developing countries. The purpose of this paper is to address these issues and enhance political and academic discourse. Design/methodology/approach – An exploratory approach utilising secondary research was conducted to assemble sufficient information to ensure an extensive examination, consisting of several sources inclusive of academia, government and non-governmental organisations. The literature was screened for relevance following a broad search which primarily focused upon UK publications, with the exception of national data relevant to specified countries of USA, Canada, Yemen and United Republic of Tanzania (Tanzania). Findings – Economic access, quality, quantity, duration and social dimensions were the common features identified in the majority of the literature. Based upon these elements the proposed concise definition was constructed as; food poverty is the insufficient economic access to an adequate quantity and quality of food to maintain a nutritionally satisfactory and socially acceptable diet. Originality/value – This study provides a conceptual approach in defining food poverty. Comparative to the countries examined, the UK has significant gaps in understanding and providing strategies in relation to individuals experiencing food poverty, causes and symptoms, methods of alleviation and coping strategies. There is no peer reviewed paper clearly discussing the definition of food poverty, hence, this review paper is original in three areas: establishing a definition for food poverty; clarifying the relationship between food poverty and food security; and discuss food poverty in UK with international comparison.
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Pudryk, Denys, Mykola Legenkyi, and Liudmyla Alioshkina. "Innovation development and migration: panel data approach." Marketing and Management of Innovations, no. 1 (2021): 336–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/mmi.2021.1-26.
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The intellectual capital is a catalysator of the country’s economic growth. The developed countries try to develop attractive conditions for highly qualified migrants to diffuse the knowledge and innovations. The authors provided the bibliometric analysis of the papers, which focused on the analysis of the migrant issues was done. For the bibliometric analysis, the metadata of 2 500 papers was selected from Scopus. The results showed that the numbers of Scopus documents on the allocated theme have increased for 2015 year. The most powerful investigations were provided by scientists from the USA, Canada, France, United Kingdom. The bibliometric analysis findings confirmed that the scientists allocated a vast range of the determinants that could stimulate or restrict the migrants in the country. Thus, the governance efficiency had the mediation role between the migration and innovation development of the country. In this case, the paper aims to check the hypothesis that the increasing (decreasing) level of country innovation development and government efficiency from year t − 1 to year t positively (negatively) affects net migration in year t + 1. The panel data for 2011-2018 was generated from IndexMundi, EU Data Portal, WorldBank. The object of the investigation was Bulgaria, Croatia, Lithuania, Latvia, Poland, Romania. The dependent variables – net migration rate, the independent variables – World Government Indicators: Control of Corruption, Government Effectiveness, Political Stability, Rule of Law, Regulatory Quality, Voice and Accountability (for assessment of government efficiency), Innovation Index (for assessment of country's innovation development). In the paper, to check the hypothesis, the authors used the Fully Modified Ordinary Least Square for homogeneous and heterogeneous models. The findings confirmed that innovation development and governance efficiency (Political Stability and Absence of Violence/Terrorism, Regulatory Quality, Voice and Accountability) had a statistically significant impact on the migration rate. The findings could be used to identify the strategic goals of innovation development to overcome the demographic issues and support the migration of the high qualified workforces.
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Campbell, Norm RC, Raj Padwal, Ross T. Tsuyuki, Alexander A. Leung, Alan Bell, Janusz Kaczorowski, and Sheldon W. Tobe. "Ups and downs of hypertension control in Canada: critical factors and lessons learned." Revista Panamericana de Salud Pública 46 (September 2, 2022): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.26633/rpsp.2022.141.
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ABSTRACT As the leading risk for death, population control of increased blood pressure represents a major challenge for all countries of the Americas. In the early 1990’s, Canada had a hypertension control rate of 13%. The control rate increased to 68% in 2010, accompanied by a sharp decline in cardiovascular disease. The unprecedented improvement in hypertension control started around the year 2000 when a comprehensive program to implement annually updated hypertension treatment recommendations started. The program included a comprehensive monitoring system for hypertension control. After 2011, there was a marked decrease in emphasis on implementation and evaluation and the hypertension control rate declined, driven by a reduction in control in women from 69% to 49%. A coalition of health and scientific organizations formed in 2011 with a priority to develop advocacy positions for dietary policies to prevent and control hypertension. By 2015, the positions were adopted by most federal political parties, but implementation has been slow. This manuscript reviews key success factors and learnings. Some key success factors included having broad representation on the program steering committee, multidisciplinary engagement with substantive primary care involvement, unbiased up to date credible recommendations, development and active adaptation of education resources based on field experience, extensive implementation of primary care resources, annual review of the program and hypertension indicators and developing and emphasizing the few interventions important for hypertension control. Learnings included the need for having strong national and provincial government engagement and support, and retaining primary care organizations and clinicians in the implementation and evaluation.
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Kerridge, Martin. "The Impact of Brexit on the Transport Industry." Logistics and Transport 40, no. 4 (2018): 35–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.26411/83-1734-2015-4-40-5-18.
Full textAbstract:
By referendum on 23 June 2016, voters in the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland voted narrowly to leave the EU. The vote was called for party political reasons, as the ruling Conservative party was divided on the issue of continued EU membership, and the Government expected that a national pro-EU popular vote would silence those who wanted to leave. When the result turned out to be the opposite of what the Government expected, the Prime Minister resigned, despite an earlier pledge that he would abide by and implement the result. The new Prime Minister – who had voted to remain in the EU – repeated the pledge, even though the referendum had been an advisory, not a binding, one. The subsequent period has been spent in trying to achieve an agreement that minimises the adverse socio-economic consequences, to both sides, of a UK departure from the EU, prior to the declared leaving date of 29 March 2019. This paper examines likely effects of Brexit on the transport industry. It starts by explaining the meaning of Brexit, the timetable for UK exit, and some of the possible reasons why the referendum vote turned out as it did. (There has been a surprising lack of research into this subject, and none was undertaken by the UK Government in the aftermath of the vote.) The paper then considers the possible trade and commercial alternatives that the UK has to EU membership. ‘Norway’ or ‘Canada’ (or Canada Plus) arrangements were part of the internal discussion in the UK in the period after the referendum (which had not included a question on alternatives). A UK Government insistence (‘red line’) that the UK would no longer be subject to the jurisdiction of the European Court of Justice, which interprets EU law, limited the options available to the UK. The possible consequences to the UK, if it leaves the EU without a mutually acceptable withdrawal agreement, are then considered. Having set the background to this possible event, the paper then looks at how it may affect the transport industry. All modes of transport, other than inland waterway transport which has no direct connection between the UK and other EU countries, are examined. In each case new agreements will be needed to avoid serious disruption in the event of a ‘no-deal’ Brexit that removes the UK from the single market and customs union, with the UK then being regarded as a third country for trade and transport links. The final part of the paper examines the likely effect of Brexit on the economies of the UK and the remainder of the EU (and hence transport demand). It finds that Ireland may be the most affected EU country, but that the economy of the remaining EU-27 as a whole will suffer as a result of Brexit. After Ireland, the UK economy will be hit hardest, and we may never know if that is a result that the ‘leave’ voters in 2016 expected or not.
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Paulson, Kristjan, Oliver Bucher, Geoffrey Cuvelier, Andrew Daly, Alina S. Gerrie, David Sanford, David Szwajcer, et al. "Provincial Disparities in Access to Allogeneic Transplant in Canada." Blood 132, Supplement 1 (November 29, 2018): 4742. http://dx.doi.org/10.1182/blood-2018-99-113849.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Access to Allogeneic Transplant in Canada: A Canadian Blood and Marrow Transplant Group/Canadian National Transplant Research Program Study Introduction: Allogeneic hematopoietic stem cell transplant (aHSCT) is a potentially curative treatment for patients with blood cancers and disorders of blood/immune system, but due to the complexity of the procedure, is only offered in a limited number of medical centres. Many barriers might exist that prevent patients from receiving an aHSCT, including physical and social geographic barriers. We sought to understand how access patterns to aHSCT varied across Canada, a country with a government-funded universal health care system. Methods: The Canadian Institute for Health Information (CIHI) Discharge Abstract Database (DAD) is a national record of all hospital admissions in all Canadian provinces other than Quebec. We identified all Canadians under the age of 65 admitted to hospital in provinces other than Quebec with a diagnosis of acute myeloid leukemia (AML) between 2004 and 2015, using the CIHI DAD and ICD-9 diagnosis codes for AML. We determined which of these patients subsequently were admitted to hospital for an aHSCT, using ICD-9 procedure and diagnosis codes for AML. Residence at the time of admission with AML was identified using their forward sorting area (FSA) component of the postal code. Socio-demographic attributes of the FSAs were identified using data from the 2006 Canadian Census, including whether the FSA was rural or urban, the proportion of the population that was a visible minority, aboriginal, or low income after tax . Logistic regression was used to investigate potential associations between these factors and the odds of receiving a transplant. Two sensitivity analyses were conducted (age less than 18 at time of diagnosis, and age between 18 and 65 at the time of diagnosis). Results: 6119 non-Quebec Canadians were admitted to hospital with a diagnosis of AML between 2004 and 2015. Of these, 1745 (28.5%) received aHSCT. Several variables were significantly associated with receiving a transplant in univariable analyses (Table 1; time period, province of residence, gender, age, and proportion of low income families), but after accounting for other variables in the model, only time period, province of residence, gender, and age remained significantly associated. In the pediatric subgroup, similar results were seen, except province of residence and gender were not significant. The results of the adult sensitivity analysis were identical to the main cohort, with province of residence, time period, gender, and age predictive of receiving a aHSCT. Discussion: In contrast to previous studies done in the United States with similar methodology, in non-Quebec Canada, low income level was not associated with inferior access to aHSCT. This might suggest that Canada's universal health care insurance program is protective against socioeconomic barriers. In addition, in contrast to previous studies, rural location was not associated with the odds of receiving a transplant, and reassuringly, the proportion identifying as aboriginal was not significantly associated with the odds of receiving a transplant. Dramatic differences were seen in aHSCT rates by province, with residents of Alberta (third largest province in this cohort) diagnosed with AML more than twice as likely to receive an aHSCT compared to residents of Ontario, the most populous province in Canada (OR 0.45, p < 0.01). The reasons for this are unclear, but likely include practice patterns at the leukemia/transplant sites, center resources, and provincial health care budgets. Notably, the province with the highest per-capita GDP (Alberta) had the highest proportion of individuals receiving a aHSCT. Thus, is it possible that in Canada, regional wealth is more predictive of access to health care than individual wealth. The reasons for these dramatic regional differences in access to transplant in Canada should be studied further. Disclosures No relevant conflicts of interest to declare.
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Rogozhina, N. "Is Democracy Possible in Thailand?" World Economy and International Relations, no. 4 (2015): 101–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-4-101-110.
Full textAbstract:
The political development of Thailand in XXIth century is characterized by a deep split of the society into opponents and supporters of democratization. The latter are consolidated around the figure of Taksin Sinavatra, the former prime minister. He was overthrown by the military in 2006, but still enjoys the support of the popular majority he gained due to his economic policy aimed at improving the life conditions of the poor in periphery regions. The triumph of his parties in elections since 2001 caused the new power balance in politics traditionally viewed as a focal area of the political establishment – the representatives of the Bangkok upper and middle classes only. The marginalization of their position in the political system and the impossibility of coming to power through elections determined their integration into the anti-government movement, for the purpose of cancelling the representative democracy system that doesn’t meet the interests of the traditional political elite finding itself in a “minority” and unwilling to be under the reign of a “majority”. The deepening of the political crisis provoked the military into undertaking the coup d’état in May 2014 and establishing an authoritarian regime, which ensured the accrescency of power for the traditional elite. Nevertheless, as the author concludes, the future political development of Thailand seems unclear. The power of military in cooperation with their civilian followers is unlikely to reconcile the society, split by class differences and political aspirations. The contemporary political development of Thailand reflects the situation when the “populace” doesn’t want just to remain under control any longer, and the “upper strata” refuses to be under the rule of the electoral majority. The main question raised today is not of the Taksin's destiny, but of an alternative for the Thailand's future political development – restricted democracy directed by upper classes, or representative democracy.