Relevant bibliographies by topics / Canada. Parliament – Elections, 2006

Academic literature on the topic 'Canada. Parliament – Elections, 2006'

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Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 28 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Canada. Parliament – Elections, 2006"

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Hawkins, Robert E. "The Fixed-Date Election Law: Constitutional Convention or Conventional Politics?" Constitutional Forum / Forum constitutionnel 19, no. 1, 2 & 3 (May 16, 2012): 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.21991/c99w94.

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On September 17, 2009, Justice Michel Shore of the Federal Court of Canada refused a request from Duff Conacher and Democracy Watch, applicants, to declare "that a constitutional convention exists that prohibits a Prime Minister from advising the Governor General to dissolve Parliament except in accordance with Section 56.1 of the Canada Elections Act."1 That section, known as the "fixed-date election law," received Royal Assent on May 3, 2007. The court application was triggered by Prime Minister Harper’s September 7, 2008 request to Governor General Michaëlle Jean asking her to dissolve Parliament and call a "snap" election. The resulting election, held on October 14, 2008, returned another Conservative minority government, albeit a stronger one.
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Loewen, Peter John, and Frédérick Bastien. "(In)Significant Elections? Federal By-elections in Canada, 1963–2008." Canadian Journal of Political Science 43, no. 1 (March 2010): 87–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000842390999076x.

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Abstract. Despite the development of electoral studies in Canada, by-elections have received little attention from researchers. We believe that these are important political events. This research note examines the 121 federal by-elections held between general elections from 1963 to 2008. Our analysis indicates that turnout in by-elections is driven by the larger societal determinants of turnout and not the characteristics of each race. We also find that the support of the government party in a by-election is affected by changes in national opinion towards the government, but only in the third-party system. We find that minor parties and independent candidates perform better in by-elections than in general elections. And we find no difference in the re-election rates of by-election winners and those who enter parliament through general elections.Résumé. Malgré le développement des études électorales au Canada, les élections partielles ont reçu très peu d'attention de la part des chercheurs. Nous croyons qu'il s'agit pourtant d'événements importants dans la vie politique canadienne. Cette note de recherche examine les 121 élections partielles fédérales survenues entre les élections générales de 1963 à 2008. Notre analyse indique que le taux de participation aux élections partielles est davantage influencé par des déterminants sociétaux que par des caractéristiques propres à chacune. Nous constatons aussi que les fluctuations de l'opinion publique canadienne à l'égard du gouvernement influençaient la performance du parti gouvernemental lors des élections partielles avant le réalignement partisan de 1993, mais que ce n'est plus le cas dans le système partisan actuel. Nous observons également que les petits partis et les candidats indépendants enregistrent de meilleures performances lors des élections partielles et qu'il n'y a pas, aux élections générales qui suivent, de différence notable entre le taux de réélection des gagnants aux élections partielles et celui des autres députés sortants.
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Bakvis, Herman. "Commissioned Ridings: Designing Canada's Electoral Districts. By John C. Courtney. Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 2001. 337p. $75.00 cloth, $27.95 paper." American Political Science Review 96, no. 3 (September 2002): 655–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402680360.

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The approach to the design and revision of electoral districts in Canada is quite different from that found in the United States, despite the two countries' sharing of the same basic first-past-the-post electoral system. As John Courtney notes in his careful study of the topic, in Canada the emphasis in defining electoral districts, or constituencies or ridings, has been underpinned by concepts such as “community of interest” and “effective representation,” which encompass a wide range of political and social considerations—many local in nature—and which permit substantial deviation from the principle of one person, one vote. At the federal level, the allowable deviation in the size of constituencies can be plus or minus 25% within any given province, with the possibility of even greater variances under special circumstances. At the level of provincial electoral systems, the variances can be even larger, in part due to the fact that in certain provinces the ratio of urban to rural seats is specified in law. At the same time, the actual process of designing and reconfiguring the boundaries of constituencies, in the hands of independent, arm's-length commissions for the past 40 years, has been remarkably free of direct partisan influence. In fact, given the rather tattered state of current Canadian parliamentary democracy, characterized by one-party dominance in the federal parliament and a precipitous decline in voter turnout over the past three elections, the institution of arms-length boundary commissions stands out as something that works well and enjoys broad respect.
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Hellström, Anders, Tom Nilsson, and Pauline Stoltz. "Nationalism vs. Nationalism: The Challenge of the Sweden Democrats in the Swedish Public Debate." Government and Opposition 47, no. 2 (2012): 186–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2011.01357.x.

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AbstractIn the 2010 Swedish general elections the nationalist party Sverigedemokraterna (SD) crossed the threshold and entered parliament. The other parties in parliament reacted with strong antagonism; the mainstreaming of the ‘radical right’ had finally come to Sweden. This article analyses the media coverage of the SD following the 2006 elections, when it emerged as a high-profile party in the public arena. The presence of the SD in Swedish politics encourages both SD allies and opponents to emphasize their views on what constitutes social cohesion in Sweden. We see the public debate surrounding the SD as a rhetorical struggle between different nationalist claims.
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Jarabinský, Ivan. "Kvalita voleb do Poslanecké sněmovny Parlamentu ČR." Středoevropské politické studie Central European Political Studies Review 17, no. 3-4 (December 1, 2015): 339–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cepsr.2015.34.339.

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This text focuses on the integrity of elections to the lower chamber of the Parliament of the Czech Republic between 1998 and 2013. Its descriptive nature allows the following two main questions to be answered: What are the problems associated with Czech parliamentary elections? Can we identify any trend in the quality of these elections? The analysis employs a framework based on a “policy accountability” model of democracy previously used by Sarah Birch (2011). The analysis is based on various kinds of sources, mainly international observers’reports, laws, secondary analyses, and local news. The overall assessment of the quality of the analyzed elections is quite positive: Between 1998 and 2006 the quality of elections improved, and while it slightly deteriorated in 2010, it quickly returned back to the 2006 levels. The ability to provide equal information and the effective adjudication of disputes are identified as the most problematic aspects. Other parts of the electoral process are well-managed, with only negligible problems on the levels of electoral rules and electoral practice. The overall results differ little from the outcomes of available quantitative studies; however, they offer a deeper insight into the actual realization of demoratic electoral standards.
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Lekov, Ruslan. "Party competition in the Republic of South Ossetia, on the eve of the VI convocation parliamentary elections." Social'naja politika i social'noe partnerstvo (Social Policy and Social Partnership), no. 6 (June 1, 2020): 54–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/pol-01-2006-07.

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The dynamics of political processes and electoral competition in South Ossetia is explained by the high politicization of society. Without exaggeration, the majority of the population of the Republic was involved in the formation of party and political construction. The article analyzes the resource potential of key political parties, which gives us an understanding of how competitive the election campaign was in the elections to the VI convocation of the Parliament.
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Cameron, Scott. "Policy Forum: Independent Platform Costing—Balancing the Interests of the Public and Parties." Canadian Tax Journal/Revue fiscale canadienne 68, no. 2 (July 2020): 491–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.32721/ctj.2020.68.2.pf.cameron.

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This article provides an evaluation of the design of independent election platform costing in Canada, as established by the Parliament of Canada Act and the operating decisions of the parliamentary budget officer. The author compares the balance struck between serving the interests of the public and the interests of political parties in Canada with the balance struck in the Netherlands and Australia. Although Canada's legislation is tilted in favour of serving political parties, in practice the costing culture that evolved during the 2019 general election raised the level of debate and produced an amount of information comparable to what would be expected of a service designed to favour the public. The article concludes with a discussion of options for expanding the policy-costing service for future elections.
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Dabin, Simon, Jean François Daoust, and Martin Papillon. "Indigenous Peoples and Affinity Voting in Canada." Canadian Journal of Political Science 52, no. 1 (September 12, 2018): 39–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423918000574.

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AbstractStudies interested in Indigenous voting in Canada tend to focus on socio-economic, cultural and political factors that explain their lower levels of electoral participation. While highly relevant given Canada's ongoing reality as a settler-colonial state, these studies are of limited help in making sense of recent increases in electoral engagement in Indigenous communities across the country. Using data from four elections between 2006 and 2015, this study focuses instead on why some Indigenous individuals vote and how they vote. Our analysis suggests that one of many possible reasons for the recent surge in Indigenous turnout has to do with the candidates presenting themselves for elections. Higher voter turnout in Indigenous communities corresponds with a higher proportion of Indigenous candidates. This trend is consistent with the literature on affinity voting. We also find that political parties who present an Indigenous candidate receive more votes in constituencies with a high proportion of Indigenous voters.
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McGregor, R. Michael, and Cameron D. Anderson. "The Effects of Elections Canada's Campaign Period Advertising." Canadian Journal of Political Science 47, no. 4 (November 28, 2014): 813–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423914001061.

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AbstractVoter participation is widely viewed as invaluable by democratic theorists, and a large majority of members of the Canadian public believe that low turnout weakens Canadian democracy. In response to decreasing rates of turnout in federal elections, Elections Canada has run advertising campaigns during the last several election campaigns encouraging Canadians to participate by voting. Using Election Canadian Study data from 2006 and 2008, this note examines the effect of Elections Canada's advertisements upon turnout and the partisan outcome of elections. Results reveal that the ad campaigns have effects upon both factors. The ads increase turnout among segments of the population with traditionally low turnout rates and are associated with an overall decrease in the Conservative party's vote share.
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Guragain, Yuba Raj. "International Support for Democracy in Nepal." Global Focus 1, no. 1 (April 30, 2021): 83–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.21776/ub.jgf.2021.001.01.6.

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This study explores the roles of international communities in the democratization process particularly in the post-conflict contexts of Nepal. Based on the main courses of Constituent Assembly Elections of 2008 and 2013 on the background of the civil war (1996 - 2006) and peace process, the analyses of related data showed that international community assisted not only to the peace process through playing different roles such as of a facilitator, a technical supporter, a monitor, a diplomatic good office in the peace process but also as a technical and generous supporter to Election Commission for managing free, fair and credible elections. The support was to the Election Commission, the peace process, to the legislature parliament and all these have made more contributions on institutional and managerial aspects for democracy promotion while equal focus has to be on the people’s level for deliberative democracy.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Canada. Parliament – Elections, 2006"

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Attanasio, Kyle J. "The implications of elections on actions of senators and members of parliament in Canada." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/34977.

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Elections are traditionally characterized as mechanisms capable of aligning the interests of representatives with those of voters. The absence of elections for the Canadian Senate has drawn criticism precisely because there is no mechanism to ensure the accountability of senators to the electorate. That said, the constant requirement incumbent on MPs to respond to one’s constituents has positive and negative implications, as does senators’ freedom from the constraints of re-election. In this paper, I show how MPs and senators operate under different conventions of party discipline and have a propensity to advance different types of private members’ bills. In the Commons, the drive for re-election and the demands of party discipline motivate MPs to advance locally or regionally focused policy. In contrast, the absence of elections and greater independence from party allows senators to view policy through a more pan-Canadian lens than MPs. Thus, my data casts the absence of elections in a more optimistic light, showing that freedom from the constraints of re-election actually allows senators to serve as valuable complements to MPs. The necessities of modem democracy dictates that the people must have a hand in choosing who represents them, yet shifting to an elected Senate may not accord with the collective needs of the country.
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Hunt, Richard. "Mapping the 2006 Canadian election : a user-controlled multilayered overlay map of federal electoral districts /." 2007. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:MR29285.

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Thesis (M.Des.)--York University, 2007. Graduate Programme in higher education.
Typescript. Includes bibliographical references. Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:MR29285
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Jenkins, Richard W. "Campaigns, the media and insurgent success : the Reform party and the 1993 Canadian election." Thesis, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/9979.

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It is well recognized that the 1993 election campaign catapulted the Reform party into the national political scene, but our understanding of how this was possible is quite limited. Drawing on the work in cognitive psychology on attitude change, the work on the news media coverage of elections, and the political science work on election campaigns, this thesis locates the impetus for Reform's success in the dynamic flow of information about the party that was available in television news broadcasts and voters' likelihood of being persuaded by that information. This link is developed by an analysis that makes use of a content analysis of the 1993 campaign, the 1993 Canadian Election Study, and a merged analysis of the election and news data. The Reform party began the campaign as a minor component of the news coverage of the election, but the news media coverage changed dramatically. Reform was provided with more news access than its support indicated it deserved and that coverage focused on what became a major theme of the election; the welfare state and the role of government. Coverage of Reform underwent a further change as it both decreased and focused on cultural issues during the last two weeks of the campaign. Using a two-mediator model of attitude change, the analysis shows that people who were predisposed to agree with Reform's anti-welfare state message and who were likely to be aware of the news information, changed both their perceptions of the party and increased their support for the party. Further support for the impact of the media is derived from the analysis of voter response to the second change in news coverage. The analysis suggests that campaigns do matter, but that the size of the impact is dependent upon the underlying uncertainty associated with the parties and candidates, and on the degree to which the information flow of the campaign changes. The information flow contributes to both learning and priming among people who receive and accept new information. While voters respond reasonably to new information, the outcome will depend on what information voters are given and what information actually reaches the habitually unaware segments of the population.
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Drukier, Cindy Carol. "Life at the fringes of Canadian federal politics: the experience of minor parties and their candidates during the 1993 general election." Thesis, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/4575.

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This thesis marks the first attempt to systematically study Canadian minor parties. Minor parties, as distinct from third parties, are those that acquire less than 5 percent of the national vote (usually much less than one percent) and have never sent an MP to Ottawa. We know little about parties as a group except that their numbers have steadily proliferated over the last 20 years and that this growth shows no signs of abating. The goal of this paper is fill the knowledge gap surrounding minor parties and to assess the health of electoral democracy in Canada. Specifically, nine minor parties are studied through the experiences of their candidates during the 1993 federal election. The findings presented are based on data collected from government sources and on surveys and interviews administered to a sample of minor party candidates who ran in the greater Vancouver area. The dissemination of political beliefs not represented in mainstream politics was the dominant reason candidates gave for participating in elections. Winning is a long term ambition, but not expected in the short run for the majority of parties. Despite their modest aims, minor parties and candidates are unduly fettered in their ability to effectively compete in elections and communicate with the public. Minor party campaigns typically have scant political resources, including money, time and workers; electoral laws — concerning registration thresholds, broadcasting time allotments and campaign reimbursements — designed to promote fairness, disadvantage the system's weakest players; and subtle biases on the part of the press, debate organizers and potential donors close important channels of communication. Of these factors, money emerged as the most important, with media exposure — or the lack of it — a close second in terms of determining a party's competitiveness. The National Party, with superior resources, was often an exception to the above characterization, but ultimately, media neglect sealed its fate as a marginal party. Notwithstanding the great odds facing minor parties, winning is not impossible given the right alignment of factors. The Reform Party did it in 1993, providing other small parties with hope and an example to follow.
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Sovka, Roseanne M. "Interest group involvement in constituency election campaigns." Thesis, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/1468.

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This study explores the range and variance of interest group activity in constituency campaigns in the 1988 federal election as reported in the Constituency Party Association dataset created in 1991 for the Royal Commission on Electoral Reform and Party Financing. SPSSPC+ was used to analyze the relationships between variables in four main areas: political party affiliation, geographic variables, constituency association characteristics, and the specific issues the interest groups were promoting or opposing. The most significant finding was that interest groups were actively involved in half of the riding association election campaigns, either supporting or opposing local candidates. The cursory treatment of electoral involvement in the interest group literature provides an inadequate explanation for this widespread phenomena. This study provides an initial profile of interest group involvement in constituency campaigns. The exploration of the data revealed that interest groups were more likely to be involved in the local campaigns of candidates associated with the governing party. They were less likely to be involved in Quebec constituency campaigns, and more likely in wealthy competitive riding campaigns. The most frequently mentioned issues that motivated interest groups locally were abortion, followed by free trade.
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Books on the topic "Canada. Parliament – Elections, 2006"

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Canada, Elections. Report of the Chief Electoral Officer of Canada following the November 27, 2006 by-elections held in London North Centre and Repentigny =: Rapport du directeur général des élections du Canada sur les élections partielles tenues le 27 novembre 2006 dans London-Centre-Nord et Repentigny. Ottawa, Ont: Elections Canada = Élection Canada, 2007.

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1944-, Pammett Jon H., and Dornan Christopher, eds. The Canadian federal election of 2006. Toronto, Ont: Dundurn, 2006.

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Canada, Elections. By-elections, November 27, 2006: Official voting results : London North Centre, Repentigny = Élections partielles du 27 novembre 2006 : résultats officiels du scrutin : London-Centre-Nord, Repentigny. Ottawa, Ont: Chief Electoral Officer of Canada = Directeur général des élections du Canada, 2007.

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Chris, Dornan, and Pammett Jon H. 1944-, eds. The Canadian general election of 2004. Toronto: Dundurn Press, 2004.

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Canada, Elections. Report of the Chief Electoral Officer of Canada following the May 12, 2003 by-election held in Perth-Middlesex and the June 16, 2003 by-elections held in Lévis-et-Chutes-de-la-Chaudière and Témiscamingue. Ottawa: Elections Canada, 2004.

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Canada, Elections. Serving democracy: A strategic plan, 1999-2002. [Ottawa]: Elections Canada, 1998.

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Canada, Elections. Report of the Chief Electoral Officer of Canada on the 37th general election. Ottawa: Elections Canada, 2001.

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Canada, Canada Elections. 36th General Election 1997 and 37th General Election 2000 official voting results. Ottawa: Chief Electoral Officer, 2000.

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Canada, Elections. Official voting results following the May 24, 2005 by-election held in Labrador. [Ottawa]: Chief Electoral Officer of Canada, 2005.

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Canada, Canada Elections. Modernizing the electoral process: Recommendations from the Chief Electoral Officer of Canada following the 37th general election. Ottawa: Elections Canada, 2000.

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Book chapters on the topic "Canada. Parliament – Elections, 2006"

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"EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT ELECTIONS." In British Electoral Facts 1832-2006, 187–206. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315261300-21.

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Lindquist, Evert A. "Canada’s Response to the Global Financial Crisis." In Policy Success in Canada, 457–77. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192897046.003.0023.

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Abstract Canada was a top-performing jurisdiction in response to the 2008–09 Global Financial Crisis for three reasons: it had a relatively prudently regulated banking and financial sector, a relatively strong balance sheet and well-managed budget process, and the government’s policy response and focus of this chapter—the Economic Action Plan (EAP)—quickly provided significant infrastructure funding to all levels of government The EAP was designed and announced in early 2009 by a new Conservative minority government led by Prime Minister Harper, which was later rewarded with a majority government in the May 2011 federal election. However, this retrospective success masks considerable controversy and a near-death experience early on for that newly elected government: after introducing its Economic Statement in November 2018, the government almost fell as three opposition parties joined forces for an imminent vote of non-confidence, leading to a controversial but shrewd request to prorogue Parliament and introduce a new budget in six weeks. This chapter describes how government regained its bearings, pivoted, and quickly developed a new strategy: it introduced a radically different budget and mobilized ministers and the public service to implement a national infrastructure program with a variety of partners, and launched a bold branding and advertising strategy, along with a reporting system. Relying on the ‘policy success’ literature (McConnell, 2010), this chapter argues that, despite pushing the boundaries of public advertising, the EAP as a time-limited intervention can be viewed as a process, programmatic, and political success.
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