Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Canada – History – To 1886 (New France)'

This thesis considers government finances in New France during the first half of the eighteenth century. By looking directly at government accounts from Canada and l'Ile Royale, and at the administrative structures which gave rise to them, it seeks to reconcile ostensibly rival quantitative and 'administrative' approaches to the literature on France's Ancien regime finances. Evidence is found to suggest that colonial finances emerged as an integral part of French naval finances, not as a result of deliberate policy, but as a by-product of the continued presence of naval troops in the colonies and of the early failure of the Domaine d'Occident to generate net revenue flows to France. Especially in the case of Canada, the accounts of the colonial branch of the naval treasury do not yield a continuous series of figures. Nonetheless, they provide ranges for the size, distribution and changes through time of government expenditure in the colonies, as well as indications of its importance relative to the general level of economic activity, and of the net cost to France of running its North American colonies.

The colonial contribution to the French naval shipbuilding industry in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, explored within the context of the forest from which the resources for the industry were taken, was a remarkably successful venture that came to an end with the onset of war. In the past, the end of the French naval shipbuilding industry in New France has been attributed to the action or inaction of France that resulted in the inefficient use of forest resources. Issues of interest in, organization or support of colonial efforts by France, however, were nevertheless, limited by the immutable realities of the colonial forest environment. This thesis argues that the success of the industry, considered within the appropriate context, is a consequence of colonial persistence in the face of constraints imposed by the colonial forest environment---despite these other significant issues.<br>The official correspondence, written by colonial officials in New France, record colonial efforts to supply France with timber and detail the development of a naval shipbuilding industry in the colony. These documents provide source material for a case study that demonstrates the constraints imposed by the colonial forests on the experience of colonists, timber suppliers and shipbuilders. The colonial forest was not the same as the forests in France. A simple transfer of knowledge and practice from one forest to another was insufficient to deal with the differences in climate, forest age, tree species and the extent to which human activity affected the different forests. These differences challenged the way in which colonists could use forest resources for their own needs, for export to France and for naval construction. To consider this use of resources, without considering the differences between the available materials in the colony and those available in France, is to look at the story removed from the setting in which it took place. The unique forest in the colony was the setting in which colonial shipbuilding took place. Any study of the development of this industry, or any other industry that relied on forest resources, must give consideration to the constraints and realities of that forest.

This thesis identifies in the Relations des Jésuites de la Nouvelle-France (Relations), written between 1632 and 1650, a comprehensive rhetoric of total selfoffering to Jesus Christ, a rhetoric of martyrdom, rooted in their authors' particular experience of the Christian tradition, their praying with the Spiritual Exercises (1548) of Ignatius Loyola (1491-1556), their encounters with the spirituality of the French Jesuit Louis Lallemant (1578-1635), and their exposure to various forms of Jesuit mission literature from around the world. Published annually, these Relations were the only consistent account of the unfolding French colonial project in Nouvelle- France, and a popular read among the noblesse, ecclesiastics, and pious Christians of the kingdom. Today they form an essential collection of primary sources that continue to provide a doorway into the earliest days of Canada's history. Identifying this rhetoric throughout the narratives, this study endeavours to provide a deeper historical understanding of these Relations by contextualising their content within the particular all-encompassing religious worldview of the authors who wrote them. The religious imaginations of these Jesuit authors, Paul Le Jeune (1591-1664), Jean de Brébeuf (1593-1649), Françoise-Joseph Le Mercier (1604-90), Barthélemy Vimont (1594-1667), Jérôme Lalemant (1593-1673), Isaac Jogues (1607-1673) and Paul Ragueneau (1608-1680), thus gives birth to a rhetoric in the Relations that presents Nouvelle-France as a land filled with Amerindian peoples who would only truly embrace Christianity if all of the missionaries lovingly offer their lives to Jesus Christ; just as He had done for the salvation of the entire world from sin and evil. They do so by placing their efforts on a metaphysical plane. There, the missionaries are presented as having been invited by God to join Christ crucified on a mission into a land filled with suffering and death. Where the Amerindians they evangelise must choose between a barbarous life of selfish material interest that is thought to imbue their traditions and a more human life of self-offering modelled on the Christian God. At the same time Satan, the devil, labours hard not to lose his grip on a part of the world that was as yet unaware of its true divine origins. The 'divine', the 'missionary', 'Satan', and the 'Amerindians', locked in this cosmic battle for souls that can only be won through a self-sacrificing union with Jesus Christ, combine to form the rhetoric of martyrdom in the narratives that reaches its summit as the authors describe the murders of eight of their fallen comrades, tortured and killed by some of the very people they had come to evangelise. This rhetoric, present throughout the narratives, has yet to be acknowledged, analysed, and interpreted by historians. In doing so, it is hoped that this study will deepen any reading of the Relations, advancing our understanding of their full import for both the early modern and the present-day reader.

The captivity narratives have long been recognized as an important literary source. Most recently, scholars have viewed them in terms of their ethnographic value. Few, however, have considered them within the context of the history of New France.<br>This study attempts to draw attention to the richness and diversity of these documents. The chapters, built upon the basis of similarities among the narratives, explore different facets of the French colony during the years 1744-1763. Specifically, they discuss techniques of military interrogation, the Quebec prison for captives (1745-1747), French-Indian relations and how the writers of these tales viewed both the war and their enemies.

The late seventeenth century was a crucial era in establishing territorial claims on the North American continent. In order to strengthen France's hold on the Quebec colony, Louis XIV sent 770 women across the Atlantic at royal expense in order to populate New France. Since that time, these women known as the filles du roi, have often been reduced to a footnote in history books, or else mistakenly slandered as women of questionable morals. This work seeks to clearly identify the filles du roi through a study of their socioeconomic status, educational background, and various demographic factors, and compare the living conditions they had in France with those that awaited them in Canada. The aim of this undertaking is to better understand these pioneer women and their reasons for leaving France, as well as to identify the lasting contributions they made to French-Canadian culture and society.

The lack of a chronological framework for 16th and 17th century northeastern North America has impeded local and regional cultural reconstructions. Based upon the changing style of 16th and early 17th century European glass beads and the settlement patterning of the Neutral Iroquoians of southern Ontario, a chronology has been created. It provides the means to investigate native and European cultural trends during that era, and within this dissertation three topics are examined--the development of the commercial fur trade and its archaeological manifestations, an archaeological definition of the Neutral Iroquoian confederacy, and changes in European material culture recovered from pre-ca. AD 1650 archaeological contexts throughout the Northeast.

This dissertation analyzes seventeenth- and eighteenth-century French perceptions of the bodies of Indians in New France and Louisiana. It reveals that all French authors who visited New France in the early seventeenth century believed that human differences were mutable and, with instruction and land cultivation, Indians would physically and culturally assimilate into French colonial society---if Europeans did not degenerate from life in the wilderness first. Beginning in the late seventeenth century, missionary disillusionment, colonial projections of order and later Enlightenment concepts of natural rights and systems of nature prompted authors to reformulate these early perceptions. As Indians appeared unwilling or unable to adopt civilized manners, some authors concluded that natives did not possess the reason needed to do so. By the late eighteenth century, some colonial officials and European naturalists suggested that the physique and morals of North American Indians were not mutable but, instead, that Indians in French North America were permanently and essentially incapable of "improving" either their bodies or their minds.<br>Historians studying seventeenth- and eighteenth-century colonial perceptions of North American Indians have generally analyzed European depictions of Indians with twentieth-century understandings of human difference. By examining French perceptions of Indians with early modern understandings of the body, this thesis seeks to see natives through the eyes of the authors who described them.<br>The sources for this study include French travelogues and missionary accounts from New France and Louisiana which were published contemporaneously, correspondence and memoirs which have since been published and archived letters from colonial administrators writing from Canada and Louisiana.

Defence date: 13 November 2006<br>The PDF is an revised version from 2008.<br>Examining board: Prof. Laurence Fontaine, EHESS Paris/EUI Florence ; Prof. Dr. Heinz-Gerhard Haupt, Universität Bielefeld/EUI Florence ; Prof. Tamar Herzog, Stanford University ; Prof. Dr. Wolfgang Reinhard, Universität Freiburg<br>This thesis deals with métissage in New France and Canada from 1508 to 1886 - i.e. the process of cultural, social and political encounter between Indians and French and respective conversion and marriage policies, their mixed unions and derived mixed-blood offspring, the Métis and Halfbreeds. In 1508, first Indians were taken captive and brought to France; in 1886, the Act of Savages legally distinguished between “Indians” and “Metis” in Canada. Within this timeframe, colonial processes and policies of métissage, among which mixed marriages were the culmination point, are analysed. The theoretical framework of the history of concepts is employed in order to show how concepts on “race” changed and varied in the longue durée of four centuries, and how they were constructed and used in different contexts. It is held that the history of concepts is the perfect tool to analyse métissage as a concept that evolved over time, was discursively constructed and historically practiced. Métissage is treated as a Franco-Canadian rather than an Anglo-Canadian phenomenon. The fact that it was the French who pursued an officially backed policy of mixed marriages refers to Samuel de Champlain’s exclamation towards the Huron tribe in 1633: “Nos garçons se marieront à vos filles, et nous ne ferons qu´un peuple.“ Yet, rather than leading to a French nation overseas through mixed marriages, the unexpected result were Metis individuals and Metis communities that expressed nationalist demands. The premises, main questions and theoretical assumptions are posed in order to trace the development of métissage, the conflicts it engendered, and the ambivalences and contradictions inherent within it. An interpretation of métissage is offered in which métissage is considered as a policy to extend supremacy to distant corners of the world, to incorporate native peoples into this design and to, thus, cement colonial power relations. It is held that métissage is a concept imbued with racist thinking, which found its realisation in colonial policies in order to assimilate Indian populations to French culture. The concept of métissage has appeared in numerous discourses throughout history to describe cultural encounter and race mixture. While being ambivalent in meaning - itself a typical quality of a concept - it points to the colonial encounter of people of so-called different cultural “worth” and societal standing.

L’histoire militaire du Canada sous le Régime français s’est enrichie de plusieurs travaux sur les soldats depuis l’avènement de l’histoire sociale dans les années 60. Les historiens de la justice ont aussi étudié les soldats comme groupe social. Ces études – qui ne portent pas exclusivement sur les gens de guerre – ont été faites dans une perspective quantitative. Si les historiens ont étudié la vie des soldats sous divers facettes, aucun n’a ciblé la criminalité. C’est précisément ce que ce mémoire cherche à faire, en exploitant principalement les archives judiciaires. Et plus précisément, en analysant les procès criminels intentés contre des soldats. En outre, la jurisprudence d’Ancien Régime s’est avérée fort pertinente pour comprendre le contexte de la criminalité chez les gens de guerre. Les procès ont, quant à eux, permis de découvrir les formes diverses de cette criminalité et certains facteurs qui y contribuaient. Enfin, plusieurs procès, mais aussi la correspondance des autorités coloniales ont permis de découvrir que l’armée, plus qu’un appareil de guerre, jouait un rôle dans la réhabilitation de soldats aux mœurs délictueuses.<br>Since the arrival of social history in the 1960s, the military history of Canada under the French Regime has been enriched by several studies of soldiers. Historians of justice have also investigated the rank and file as a social group. These studies – which were not exclusively devoted to soldiers – adopted a quantitative approach. Though historians have viewed various aspects of soldiers’ lives, none have singled out criminality. That is precisely what this thesis attempts to do, by exploiting principally the judicial archives. More precisely, it analyzes criminal trials involving soldiers, relying as well on Ancien Regime jurisprudence to help place soldiers’ criminality in perspective. The trials offer a view of the different forms of this criminality and of some of the contributing factors. Lastly, several trials in addition to the colonial correspondence show that the army, not just a war machine, also played role in the rehabilitation of soldiers inclined to criminal behavior.

Cette thèse consiste en une étude comparative du métier d’intendant au Canada et dans les généralités de Bretagne et de Tours dans la première moitié du 18e siècle (1700-1750). Elle s’appuie sur l’intendant pour s’interroger sur l’existence de spécificités dans l’exercice du pouvoir en contexte colonial par rapport au contexte métropolitain. Considéré par la plupart des historiens de la France d’Ancien Régime comme le personnage clé de l’évolution politique qui aurait fait passer la monarchie de sa phase judiciaire jusqu’à sa phase dite « administrative », l’intendant de justice, police et finance ou commissaire départi est au coeur des débats sur l’absolutisme et son rôle de première ligne dans l’oeuvre de centralisation monarchique en fait le sujet idéal pour observer la portée réelle de ce régime sur le terrain. L’examen du fonctionnement de l’intendance est un préalable obligé pour qui veut comprendre les rapports entre administrateurs et administrés et mieux cerner la capacité de régulation de l’État. Dans le cadre des attributions définies par sa commission, quelles sont les tâches qui l’occupent concrètement ? Cette thèse s’intéresse à l’intendant du point de vue de sa pratique, en s’appuyant sur la description interne des sources produites par l’intendant pour décortiquer ses mécanismes d’intervention. Deux types de documents sont analysés successivement, soit la correspondance, incluant les pièces jointes et les documents de travail, et les actes de portée réglementaire, incluant les ordonnances et les arrêts du Conseil d’État. Chemin faisant, nous avons fait la rencontre des individus et groupes qui sollicitent l’intervention de l’intendant, levant le voile sur les rapports de pouvoir et les interactions qui le lient à ses supérieurs, aux justiciables et aux institutions locales. L’exercice permet de poser en des termes nouveaux l’action de ce personnage dont on connaissait les attributions et principales décisions, mais beaucoup moins leur logique sous-jacente.<br>This thesis consists in a comparative study of the intendant’s métier in Canada and in the généralités of Bretagne and Tours in the first part of the eighteenth century (1700-1750). The thesis relies on the intendant to consider the existence of specificities in the exercise of power in the colonial context by comparison with the metropolitan context. Considered by most of the historians of France Ancien Regime as the key person of the political evolution to push through the monarchy from its judicial phase to its « administrative » phase, the intendant of justice, police and finance or commissaire départi is in the core of the debates on absolutism and his front line role in working to centralize the monarchy makes him the ideal subject to observe the real impact of this Regime. The examination of the functioning of the intendancy is an absolute prerequisite to understand the relation between administrators and administered and identifies the State will to control. As part of the defined attributions by his commission, what are the tasks that occupy him concretely? This thesis is about the intendant from the point of view of his pratique, relying on the description of the material produced by the intendant to examine his mechanisms of interventions. Two types of documents are successively analysed, namely the correspondence including the appendix and the working documents, and judgments, including the ordinances and the arrêt du Conseil d’Etat. In this process, we met individuals and groups who require the intervention of the intendant, lifting the veil on the power relationship that ties him to his superiors, to the claimants awaiting justice and to local institutions. This exercise allows to set in new terms the action of this personage on which we knew the attributions and main decisions but much less the underlying logic.

La figure des « pionniers » et des « pionnières » est devenue un référent culturel identitaire fondamental dans le développement de la mémoire collective québécoise. Nous montrons que ces objets culturels s’intègrent et participent à la représentation identitaire imaginée et conçue à l’intérieur d’un discours visant à affirmer une identité fondée en bonne partie sur l’histoire des Canadiens issus de l’immigration française du XVIIe siècle. La conjoncture politique du XIXe siècle favorise l’émergence d’un récit patriotique et d’un discours nationaliste conservateur, tissés par certains auteurs et appuyés par les élites politiques et les membres du clergé. Ces discours ont contribué à construire la nation canadienne et à l’inscrire dans un passé lointain et glorieux - dans l’imaginaire des « civilisations ». Dans cette perspective, l’objet culturel « pionnier » et l’objet culturel « filles du roi » sont mobilisés avec force dans la construction du passé magnifié de la nation canadienne. Nous nous intéresserons donc à la construction de l’image de ces deux figures pionnières dans les récits sur les origines nationales, ainsi qu’à leur utilisation dans le développement d’un sentiment identitaire canadien-français.<br>The “ pioneer ” figure has become a fundamental cultural identity referent in the development of Québec folk memory. We show that these cultural objects are integrated and take part in imagined identity representation, devised from within a discourse seeking to establish an identity based in large part on the history of Canadians descending from 17th century French immigrants. The political climate of the 19th century favoured the emergence of a patriotic account and a nationalistic conservative discourse, formulated by certain authors and approved by the political elites and clergymen. This discourse contributed to building the Canadian nation and inserting it in a distant and glorious past of “ imaginary civilizations ”. In this perspective, the construction of a magnified past of the Canadian nation relied heavily on the cultural objects “ pioneer ” and “ King’s Daughters ”. We explore these two pioneer figures’ changing image in accounts of national origins, and their use in developing a French Canadian sense of identity.

Les communications entre la France et le Canada, au XVIIIe siècle, étaient caractérisées par un rythme annuel marqué par les saisons et les aléas de la traversée de l’océan Atlantique. Louis-Guillaume Verrier est le procureur général du roi au Conseil supérieur de Québec entre 1728 et 1758. Né en France et déménagé à Québec pour joindre le Conseil supérieur à l’âge de 37 ans, il nous a laissé environ 200 lettres qu’il a reçues au cours de ces 30 années. À la lecture de ces documents, on comprend l’importance d’une bonne organisation pour faire en sorte que les lettres parviennent à leur destinataire de façon efficace. Toutes sortes de personnes écrivent à Verrier, que ce soit des membres de sa famille proche ou de simples connaissances qui désirent obtenir un service pour leur proche au Canada. Les parents et amis du procureur général donnent des nouvelles de leur santé et souhaitent que celle de leur correspondant soit tout aussi bonne. Verrier reçoit aussi beaucoup de nouvelles en lien avec la politique européenne ou les affaires administratives et judiciaires de la métropole. Cela témoigne (indirectement) de sa volonté de rester au courant de ce qui se passe dans le monde qu’il a quitté et traduit à la fois un attachement pour sa contrée d’origine et les gens qu’il ne voit plus, mais également l’espoir d’y retourner un jour pour y poursuivre sa carrière. Habitant d’un monde atlantique, Louis-Guillaume Verrier appartient à la fois au Canada où il réside et à la France où les missives de ses proches le transportent chaque année.<br>Communications between France and Canada, in the 18th century, were defined by an annual rhythm marked by the seasons and the dangers of crossing the Atlantic. Louis-Guillaume Verrier was the king’s attorney-general at the Conseil supérieur of Québec between 1728 and 1758. Born in France, he moved to Québec to join the Conseil supérieur at the age of 37. He left us around 200 letters that he received during those 30 years. By reading these documents, we understand the importance of a good organization to make sure that the letters reach their addressee efficiently. All kinds of people write to Verrier, from close members of his family to mere acquaintances who wish to obtain services for a relative in New France. Family and friends of the attorney-general send news of their health and hope that their addressee’s is good too. Verrier also receives a lot of news concerning European politics and administrative or judiciary matters. This reflects (indirectly) Verrier’s desire to be kept informed of what goes on in the world that he left behind, pointing to his attachment to his motherland and the people that he no longer saw, but also a desire to return someday to continue his career. Living in an Atlantic world, Louis-Guillaume Verrier belongs at the same time to Canada, where he lives, and to France, where his relatives’ letters take him each year.

L’esclavage des Autochtones et des Noirs au Canada français est peu connu dans l’historiographie. Ce mémoire comble les lacunes de la littérature démographique existante sur cette population marginalisée en estimant la mortalité des esclaves avec les techniques de l’analyse des transitions. Au travers de ces analyses, ce mémoire répond à la question suivante : quelle est l’intersection du genre et de l’ethnie dans le risque de mortalité des esclaves du Québec ancien entre 1632 et 1834 ? Pour y parvenir, j’ai créé la BDPEQA (Base de données de la population esclave du Québec ancien) à partir des données qualitatives compilées dans le Dictionnaire des esclaves et leurs propriétaires par Marcel Trudel (1990). Une analyse descriptive des données de la BDPEQA montre que la population esclave du Québec ancien de 1632 à 1834 est composée à 65% d’esclaves autochtones et 35% d’esclaves noirs. Ces esclaves vivent surtout à Montréal et la moitié d’entre eux vivent sous le régime français. Ensuite, un calcul des médianes au décès et une analyse de survie est effectuée à l’aide des courbes de survie de Kaplan Meier et des régressions multivariées effectuées avec la méthode de Cox, pour évaluer l’association entre le risque de décès avant 40 ans et l’ethnie, le genre, la zone de résidence, les épidémies ainsi que les périodes. On découvre alors que les Autochtones décèdent à un âge médian de 17 ans et les Noirs à un âge médian de 40 ans. Cette étude démontre aussi que les hommes autochtones sont les esclaves les plus à risque de décéder jeunes, peu importe le milieu de vie, la période ou les épidémies.<br>The enslavement of Indigenous peoples and persons of African origin by French Canadians is seldom addressed in the historical demography of Québec. Even less is known of the mortality patterns of these two groups. This master’s mémoire fills the gaps in the existing demographic literature on this marginalized population, by estimating slaves’ mortality risk with event history analysis. Through these analyses, this master’s mémoire answers the following question: what was the role of gender and ethnicity in determining slaves’ mortality risk? To achieve this objective, I compiled biographical information about the enslaved population of Québec in the BDPEQA (Database of the slaves in ancient Quebec) from qualitative data in the Dictionnaire des esclaves et leurs propriétaires by Marcel Trudel in 1990. A descriptive analysis of the BDPEQA data shows that the enslaved population of Québec from 1632 to 1834 is composed of 65% Indigenous peoples and 35% Blacks, lived mainly in Montréal, and during the French regime. Descriptive analyses of biographical data from the BDPEQA (with Kaplan-Meier survival curves and median ages at death) as well as Cox regression models of slaves’ risk of death before age 40 indicate that Black slaves had better survival chances than their Indigenous counterparts. Indeed, Indigenous slaves had a median age at death of 17 years compared to 40 years for Black slaves. In addition, Indigenous men have the highest risk of dying, regardless of living environment, period or observation or exposure to epidemics.

On s’est intéressé dans les années 1950 à 1970 à la disparition d’une bourgeoisie canadienne qui aurait dû faire la transition du capitalisme marchand vers l’industrie. Les réflexions historiennes avaient cependant commencé par la fin, tentant de définir les conséquences historiques à long terme de la « Conquête » sur un groupe encore mal connu qui, en principe, incluait des marchands. Notre thèse s’inscrit dans la lignée des travaux états-uniens et européens qui ont permis de revoir, souvent dans une optique culturelle, les marchands occidentaux de l’époque moderne. À partir du cas précis d’un marchand équipeur montréalais et de sa lignée, nous voulons tout d’abord établir si la culture négociante des marchands, au sens large du terme, était du même ordre que celles des métropolitains qui avaient des commerces semblables. Deuxièmement, nous voulons cerner la marge de manœuvre individuelle face aux contraintes des conditions ambiantes ainsi que le rôle des réseaux dans l’évolution de la carrière des marchands. Enfin, nous souhaitons définir la conception de soi de ces derniers, à travers l’examen de leur style de vie et des rôles qu’ils pouvaient jouer dans leur milieu. Pour le faire, nous avons choisi de ratisser « en largeur » dans des sources multiples, y compris des livres de comptes, et de creuser « en profondeur » pour en extraire le maximum de données. L’enquête a été menée à travers la longue carrière de l’équipeur Jean Alexis Lemoine dit Monière (1680-1754) qui s’est installé à Montréal en 1715. Lemoine est connu de la postérité grâce à l’étude de Louise Dechêne qui l’avait suivi jusqu’en 1725. Elle en a tracé un portrait, amplement repris par la suite, qui a fait de lui l’exemple type de marchand équipeur. Or, Monière n’est peut-être pas typique, il pourrait même être un cas-limite. En le suivant jusqu’à sa mort, nous avons exploré toutes les possibilités qui se sont offertes à lui. Nous avons aussi fait une large place aux legs matériel et immatériel de son père Jean Lemoine, et à ce que Monière a transmis à son fils, Pierre Alexis, ainsi qu’à quelques neveux. En encadrant Monière de son père, immigrant rouennais, de ses frères et de son fils, nous avons pu observer l’émergence d’un métier, celui d’équipeur. Nous avons examiné comment Monière, décédé en 1754, a été préparé à exercer son métier et comment il concevait la pratique de ce dernier. Cette démarche a permis de mieux comprendre la culture (au sens large) des gens de la marchandise au Canada. En utilisant une variété de sources et en faisant appel à une démarche micro-historique, nous souhaitons avoir répondu, vingt-cinq ans plus tard, au vœu de Dale Miquelon de regarder, dans la mesure du possible, le monde de la marchandise avec les yeux des acteurs de la période pour répondre aux interrogations des gens d’aujourd’hui.<br>From the 1950s to the 1970s, historians’ attention was turned towards the disappearance of a bourgeoisie canadienne which should have made the transition from commercial to industrial capitalism. These studies began, so to speak, with the end, in attempting to define the long-term historical consequences of the Conquest on an as-yet ill-defined group that in principle included some merchants. This thesis follows new investigations in both Europe and the USA which have permitted to look anew, often with a cultural history approach, at merchants of the Early Modern period. Focusing on a Montreal merchant outfitter (marchand équipeur) and his family, the investigation first seeks to determine if the Canadian merchants’ culture (broadly defined) was similar to that of their French counterparts who worked on the same business level. A second aim is to evaluate the leeway available to individuals in face of the general conditions of the trade and the role of networks in the merchants’ career. Finally, the thesis attempts to define the self-conception of these men while looking at their lifestyle and the various roles they played in their community. To complete such a study, we have chosen to look « wide and deep » like micro-historians have before us. The study examines the long life of the équipeur, Jean Alexis Lemoine dit Monière, who chose to settle in Montreal in 1715 and whose career Louise Dechêne had followed until 1725. After her, historians have since pictured Monière as a typical marchand équipeur. But he might not have been typical, he might even have been a « limiting case ». The thesis follows him to the end of his life and looking for all the opportunities that were offered to him along the way. It accords considerable importance to the material and immaterial legacy of his father, Jean Lemoine, and to what Monière passed on to this son, Pierre Alexis and a few nephews. Situating Monière between his father who emigrated from Rouen, his brothers and his own son, permits us to see the emergence of a profession, that of équipeur. We look at how Monière, who died in 1754, was prepared to embrace the merchant’s profession and how he perceived the way he should work as an équipeur. This study affords a better understanding of merchants’ culture, broadly conceived, in early French Canada. Exploring a variety of sources and using a micro-historical approach, we hope to have followed Dale Miquelon’s suggestion to look (again) at the merchants’ world with the eyes of the people of the times in order to answer today’s questions.

Les médecins et autres écrivains de l’Ancien Régime qui ont décrié les effets néfastes de la mise en nourrice l’ont tenue en partie responsable de la forte mortalité infantile. L’habitude de confier l’allaitement et les soins de l’enfant à une femme autre que sa mère est présente dès le XIIIe siècle dans les milieux aristocratiques français. Bourgeois et autres citadins feront de même dès le XVIIe siècle. Transportée outre-Atlantique par les colons du Canada, la mise en nourrice a laissé de nombreuses traces dans les sources paroissiales, notariales et judiciaires de la colonie. Les démographes et historiens se sont penchés sur le phénomène dans le cadre d’études portant sur différents groupes sociaux (noblesse, « bourgeoisie ») ou populations (ville de Québec et l’ensemble du Canada sous le Régime français). Ils ont privilégié l’étude des nourrissons et de leurs familles. Ce mémoire s’intéresse à la mise en nourrice à Montréal et aux alentours des années 1680 aux années 1760. Il s’emploie d’abord à suivre le parcours de 436 nourrissons, décédés pour la plupart en bas âge : milieu socio-professionnel des parents connus, profil démographique, lieu d’accueil par une nourrice. Il étudie ensuite 245 femmes qui ont pris soin de ces enfants : leur parcours migratoire, les différents paramètres socio-démographiques de leur existence. Plusieurs de nos observations correspondent à celles d’autres chercheurs ou, du moins, ne les contredisent pas, tout en offrant une perspective montréalaise sur le phénomène. Au chapitre de l’inédit, citons l’élargissement, au XVIIIe siècle, de la gamme des professions exercées par les pères de nourrissons, ainsi que l’existence de plus d’un profil de nourrice, du point de vue de l’âge (et de la capacité à allaiter), de l’état matrimonial et du degré de vulnérabilité.<br>The physicians and other Ancien-Régime writers who denounced the harmful effects of wetnursing assigned part of the blame for high rates of infant mortality to the practice. The habit of entrusting the nursing and care of one’s child to a woman other than its mother had taken hold among French aristocrats by the thirteenth century. Bourgeois and other city-dwellers had followed suit by the seventeenth century. Brought across the Atlantic by the colonists of Canada, wet-nursing left many traces in the colony’s parish, notarial and judicial records. Demographers and historians have investigated the phenomenon in studies on different social groups (nobility, « bourgeoisie ») or populations (Quebec City or French-Régime Canada as a whole). They were particularly interested in the infants and their families. This thesis studies wet-nursing in and around Montréal from the 1680s to the 1760s. It begins by following the trajectory of 436 nursed children, most of whom died in infancy : the socio-professional group of the parents (when known), demographic profile, place of residence of the wet-nurse to whom they were entrusted. It then examines 245 women who took care of these children : their migration patterns and the different socio-demographic parameters of their lives. Although they offer a Montréal perspective on wet-nursing, several of the observations correspond to (or at least do not contradict) the results of other studies. New findings include the eighteenth-century widening of the range of infants’ fathers’ professions, as well as the existence of more than one profile of wet-nurse, from the point of view of age (and capacity to nurse), marital status, and degree of vulnerability.

Les historiens ont eu tendance à effacer les femmes de leurs écrits lorsqu’il était question des élites de la Nouvelle-France ; ce concept a longtemps été associé au monde masculin. Le choix d’exclure la gent féminine n’est pas surprenant lorsque l’on sait que les définitions rattachées à l’élite proviennent principalement de la profession, ainsi que de la place occupée par les gens dans les institutions ou dans les structures de pouvoir. À cette époque, la majorité des femmes n’occupaient aucune fonction décisionnelle ; elles étaient maintenues, ‘’grâce’’ au patriarcat, dans la sphère domestique. Malgré ces constats, ce mémoire s’intéresse tout de même à la pertinence d’une définition de l’élite au féminin. Nous essayons donc de démontrer que les femmes en Nouvelle-France avaient aussi des lieux de rassemblement élitaire. Pour y parvenir, nous étudions le parcours des principales officières de la confrérie des Dames de la Sainte-Famille (Montréal) entre 1724 et 1760. Afin de connaître leur statut socio-économique, ce mémoire s’emploie à relever divers éléments caractéristiques : statut socio-professionnel de leur père et de leurs maris, les montants des douaires et des préciputs dans leurs contrats de mariage, l’âge au premier mariage, le nombre de naissances ainsi que la mortalité infantile. Ces divers indicateurs révèlent que la majorité de ces dames provenaient effectivement d’un milieu élitaire. Pour consolider cette conclusion, ce mémoire analyse ensuite le comportement de ces femmes en lien avec une des caractéristiques propres aux élites soit le réseautage. Il s’intéresse particulièrement à la pratique du marrainage ; qui sont les parrains et marraines des officières, qui sont les marraines de leurs enfants et de qui elles sont les marraines. Cette dernière partie du mémoire vient à son tour confirmer la dimension élitaire des officières de la Sainte-Famille.<br>When it was about of New France's elitism, historians have tended to erase the women from their writings; this concept has long been associated with the male world. The decision to exclude the feminine gent is not surprising when we know that the definitions attached to the elitism, primarily come from the profession as well as the places of people in the institutions or in the structures of power. At that time, most of women haven't held a decisional function; they were maintained, ''thanks'' to patriarchy in the domestic sphere. Despite these findings, the memory is still interested in the relevance of a feminine elite definition. So, we try to show that women in New France also had elite gathering places. To achieve this, we study the journey of the main Officers of the Holy Family Ladies’s brotherhood (Montreal) between 1724 and 1760. In order to know their socio-economic status, this memory is used to know some characteristic elements: the socio-professional status of their fathers and husbands, the amounts of dowries and préciputs in their marriage contracts, the age at first marriage, the births and the infant mortality. These varied indicators show that actually the majority of these ladies came from an elitist environment. To consolidate this conclusion, the memory analyzes the behavior of these women in connection with the distinct characteristic of elites : the networking. Networking is particularly interested in the practice of godmothering ; who are the Officers' sponsors, who are the godmother of their children and from whom are they the godmothers. This last part of memory come to confirm the elitist dimension of Officers of the Holy Family.

La présente recherche se propose de retracer la vie et l’œuvre du père jésuite Jean Pierron (1631-1701), qui, venu de Lorraine, a contribué à la réouverture des missions iroquoises en Nouvelle-France. Arrivé dans la colonie en juin 1667, Pierron, se fit introduire auprès des populations autochtones par Jean Talon, après quoi il eut en charge un territoire d'environ une demi-douzaine de villages agniers de la vallée de l'Hudson. Après avoir livré ses premières impressions, le jésuite mit au point son programme apostolique, faisant appel à une méthode « audio-visuelle » fondée sur le dessin didactique. Mais le jésuite fut aussi un formidable voyageur, qui se rendit non seulement en Iroquoisie, mais aussi en Nouvelle-Angleterre. Il semble bien que ce soit grâce à de précieux réseaux de connaissances en dehors de ceux de la Compagnie de Jésus qu'il put entreprendre un tel voyage. La biographie de ce missionnaire-polyglotte, diplomate et peintre, souligne entre autre choses, l’importance du contexte stratégique et politique plus vaste des missions françaises en Amérique au XVIIe siècle.<br>The following study is devoted to the Jesuit father Jean Pierron (1631-1701). Arriving from Lorraine in 1667, Pierron participated in the Catholic mission to the Mohawk of the Hudson Valley, after being formally introduced to delegates of this nation by the intendant Jean Talon. Working in a half-dozen villages, Pierron designed an audiovisual method of conversion based upon didactic drawings and paintings. The missionary was also an energetic traveller, both within Mohawk territories and to the English colonies. These journeys point to Pierron’s earlier experiences and more precisely, to the network of contacts he seems to have developed in Europe. In sum, the life of this polyglot missionary, diplomat and painter underscores the importance of the broader strategic and political context of the Jesuit missions.

Ce mémoire propose d’analyser les représentations françaises du rôle des femmes dans l’univers cérémoniel wendat à l’époque de la Nouvelle-France. Divisé en deux parties, il explore d’abord les représentations des femmes à l’époque de la France d’Ancien Régime, en se concen-trant d’une part sur les représentations symboliques, puis, d’autre part, sur les perceptions sociales des femmes d’Ancien Régime. Pour ce faire, nous consultons un vaste répertoire d’ouvrages d’histoire socioreligieuse qui permet de pénétrer dans l’épistémè française d’Ancien Régime en ce qui a trait aux représentations des femmes. La deuxième partie est réservée à l’analyse ethno-historique des représentations françaises du rôle de la femme dans l’univers cérémoniel wendat à l’époque de la Nouvelle-France. L’ensemble des écrits français constituant la littérature de con-tact franco-autochtone est utilisé afin d’étudier ces représentations des rituels liés à la « fécondi-té », à la « guérison » et enfin « funéraires ». Au final, l’analyse révèle que, si les observateurs français attestent de l’aspect « complémentaire » et « égalitaire » de la dynamique interaction-nelle genrée gouvernant l’univers cérémoniel wendat, ils étaient incapables d’en capter toute l’ampleur et la valeur d’intégration car ils évaluaient la valeur des comportements cérémoniels wendat selon leur degré d’adéquation ou d’inadéquation au projet de colonisation française et d’évangélisation chrétienne.<br>This thesis proposes to analyze the French representations of the role of women in the Wendat cerermonial universe at the time of New France. Divided into two parts, it first explores the representations of women in France’s Ancien Régime period, focusing on symbolic represen-tations on the one hand and, on the other hand, on the social perceptions of Ancien Régime women. To do this, we consult a vast repertoire of works of socioreligious history which makes it possible to penetrate the French episteme of Ancien Régime regarding the representation of women. The second part is devoted to the ethno-historical analysis of French representations of the role of women in the Wendat ceremonial universe during the New France era. All the French writings constituting Franco-Native contact literature are used to study these representations of rituals re-lated to “fertility”, “healing” and finally “funeral”. In the end, the analysis reveals that, while French observers attest to the “complementary” and “egalitarian” aspect of the gendered interac-tional dynamics governing the Wendat ceremonial universe, they were unable to capture the full extent and value of integration because they assessed the value of ceremonial wendat behaviors according to their degree of adequacy or inadequacy to the project of French colonization and Christian evangelization.

Ce mémoire propose d’analyser la portée des dynamiques de pouvoir intersectionnelles – inter et intra sexe, ethnie et catégorie sociale, comprises comme étant des catégories identitaires articulés – au sein de l’appareil judiciaire montréalais du XVIIIe siècle. Pour ce faire, les archives de procès pour meurtre servent de matériau de base, le crime constituant de façon inhérente la prise ultime de pouvoir d’un individu sur un autre, soit celle de lui enlever la vie. L’analyse se concentre d’une part sur les dynamiques de pouvoir entre les individus, en accordant une importance particulière à l’agentivité des principaux acteurs concernés, et d’autre part, sur les dynamiques de pouvoir entre les individus et l’État, soit entre les sujets et leur roi, dispensateur de toute justice. Le meurtre est ici compris comme un acte de pouvoir violent, mais aussi comme une perturbation de l’ordre social que doit rétablir la justice en punissant le coupable. Se posent alors plusieurs questions : est-ce que l’entrecroisement des catégories identitaires du genre, de la race et de la catégorie sociale influence le cours de la justice? Si oui, comment? À l’inverse, la justice est-elle appliquée différemment selon l’intersectionnalité du sexe, de l’ethnie et de la catégorie sociale des prévenus et victimes? C’est ce que nous déterminons en analysant les dynamiques de pouvoir dans les procès judiciaires pour meurtre de la juridiction de Montréal au XVIIIe siècle, d’abord, sous l’angle du genre dans le premier chapitre, puis sous celui des ethnies dans le second chapitre et enfin, sous celui des catégories sociales dans le troisième chapitre.<br>This thesis analyses the influence of intersectional power dynamics – inter and intra sex, ethnicity and social category, seen as articulated identity categories – within the eighteenth-century Montreal judiciary system. Murder trial archives serve as the basis for this analysis, the crime of murder in and of itself implying the exercise of total power by one person over another, by taking away his or her life. On one hand, the proposed analysis will focus on power dynamics between individuals, according a special attention to the agency of the principal actors. On the other hand, it will focus on power dynamics between the individuals and the State, in other words between subjects and their king, dispenser of justice. The crime of murder of course suggests an act of power, but also implies a disruption of social order, which justice must restore by punishing the guilty party. We then ask: do the identity categories of gender, race and social category influence the course of justice, and if so, how? Inversely, is justice applied differently according to the intersectionality of the suspect or the victim’s sex, ethnicity and social category? We will answer those questions by analyzing power dynamics in the murder trials of the jurisdiction of Montreal in the eighteenth century; first, from the angle of gender in chapter 1, from that of ethnic groups in the second chapter and finally, from that of social categories in the third chapter.