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Journal articles on the topic 'Canada – Foreign relations'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 August 2024

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1

Shchukina, Tatiana. "Cultural Diplomacy in Canadian Foreign Policy." Russia and America in the 21st Century, no. 2 (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207054760015924-3.

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In furthering its foreign policy, Canada, as other countries, uses its reputation, advantage and assets to enhance its national interest, and to strengthen its state-to-state, regional and international relations. Comprising a range of instruments, a country's culture and arts stand out as having the unique potential to enrich its foreign policy. Culture and arts have long played a role in Canada's international relations. Government of Canada should develop and implement a comprehensive cultural diplomacy strategy that establish its objectives within the context of Canada's foreign policy, articulate roles and responsibilities, and identify the budgetary resources necessary for the strategy's realization.
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2

Leigh, Monroe. "Decisions of Foreign Courts: Canada." American Journal of International Law 79, no. 1 (January 1985): 139. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2202674.

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3

Komarov, Andrey N. "US-Canada Relations in the 1950s - 1980s: Consensus or Disagreement?" RUDN Journal of World History 15, no. 2 (June 2, 2023): 115–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2023-15-2-115-125.

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The purpose of the article is to finalize the impact of the relationship between the USA and Canada on the Canadian foreign policy in 1957-1984. The author focuses the reader’s attention on analysis of trends in the relations between USA and Canada, as well as the identification of the patterns of their further development. Based on the use of an appropriate historical sources and scientific literature, the article gives an idea of the characteristic features of the relationship between the USA and Canada during the premierships of John Diefenbaker, Lester Pearson, Pierre Trudeau. When writing an article, the author uses a comparative historical method, as well as an interdisciplinary approach. The first allows us to compare the development of the relations between USA and Canada in 1957-1984. The latter shows the influence of the relationship between USA and Canada on the activities of political parties in Canada. The scientific contribution of the author of the article is that for the first time in Russian historiography, he considers not just the general directions of Canada’s foreign policy, but analyzes the key of them - the relationship between USA and Canada, its evolution and dynamics. The author comes to the conclusion that the periodization of the relationship between USA and Canada reflected the complexity of their development, and the anti-americanism of Diefenbaker and Trudeau had no deep foundation. Firstly, it was the result of Diefenbaker’s personal grievances against Kennedy. Secondly, Trudeau demonstrated that Canada’s foreign policy has an independent character. However, this did not mean his departure from the relationship between USA and Canada as a major.
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4

Wai, Robert. "Trade law as foreign relations law." University of Toronto Law Journal 74, Supplement 1 (May 1, 2024): 167–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/utlj_2024_0010.

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This article reflects on the normal frame for international trade law in times of resurgent assertions of national interest in domestic politics and in foreign relations. An emphasis on national interest poses special problems when legal and economic relations are fundamentally transnational, necessarily involving multiple and complex connections across national borders and reflecting a diverse and complex pluralism within each national tradition. This is especially true in Canada, which is a society foundationally built on flows of people, goods, capital, and ideas from around the world as well as Indigenous and First Nations societies. A turn to foreign relations law, if made with a critical and transnational perspective, might offer a valuable new frame for trade law in challenging times.
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5

Nemova, L. "Foreign Investment Regulation in Canada." World Economy and International Relations, no. 7 (2014): 45–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-7-45-54.

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The article analyzes recent changes in the principles, mechanisms and practices of the FDI regulation in Canada. Since 2010, this country has been rated by the international experts as one of the best places to invest. Most of the recent FDI is flocking into the country’s resource sector – in particular into mining and oil and gas. At the same time, there’s been a radical shift in the origins of the FDI. The state-owned corporations and sovereign funds from the Asian emerging markets, mostly from China, are demonstrating their willingness and readiness to become the major foreign investors in the Canadian resource sector.
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6

Jeffrey, Leslie Ann. "Canada and migrant sex‐work: Challenging the ‘foreign’ in foreign policy." Canadian Foreign Policy Journal 12, no. 1 (January 2005): 33–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/11926422.2005.9673387.

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7

Khoroshilov, Evgeny. "Trade Relations between Canada and China in the XXI century." Russia and America in the 21st Century, no. 6 (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207054760023500-7.

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In recent decades, China has moved up among the countries that are Canada's main trading counterparties and today is its second most important economic partner after the United States. At the same time, for China, Canada's role as a supplier and a market is not so great. To the Chinese market Canada supplies mainly raw materials, agricultural and forestry products. Moreover, over the past 20 years, the structure of Canada's exports to China has changed markedly in favor of the raw materials sector. The opposite trend is characteristic of Chinese supplies to the Canadian market, where an increasing weight is enjoyed by high value-added goods, including high-tech products, as well as products of the metalworking and chemical industries. The balance of Canadian-Chinese trade is traditionally positive for China. In the first months of 2022, there were noticeable changes in the dynamics and structure of Canada's foreign trade turnover with China. There is a drop in Canadian exports to China, in particular, a reduction in the supply of agricultural and mechanical engineering products. In general, Canadian-Chinese trade relations are becoming hostage to the intensification of confrontation between China and the United States, Canada's main military-political ally and foreign economic partner.
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8

Finn, T. D'Arcy. "Does Canada need a foreign intelligence service?" Canadian Foreign Policy Journal 1, no. 3 (January 1993): 149–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/11926422.1993.9673015.

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9

Dimock, Blair. "Review: Canadian Foreign Policy: Canada among Nations." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 46, no. 3 (September 1991): 571–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070209104600312.

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10

Keenleyside, T. A. "Review: Canada: Foreign Servicea, a Rich Broth." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 49, no. 3 (September 1994): 686–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070209404900313.

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11

Antokhiv-Skolozdra, Olesya, and Khrystyna Sholota. "ESTABLISHMENT OF BASIC APPROACHES TOWARDS FOREIGN POLICY OF CANADA." Scientific Journal of Polonia University 56, no. 1 (June 1, 2023): 301–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.23856/5643.

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The article deals with Canada’s foreign policy conceptual orientations on the world arena. Historically, Canada’s endeavor to define its position on both global and regional levels correlated with a number of factors, like the impact of the world super-powers, establishing international organizations (UN, NATO, OSCE), relations with the European countries in the realm of integrational processes on the European continent. The aim of the article is analysing basic principles of foreign policy formation in a post-war period and covering the main approaches: Continentalism, Europeanism and Internationalism. Methods of research involve systemic and chronological approach in theoretical analysis based on transdisciplinary scholars’ investigation. The outcome of the research ensures multilateral approach towards realizing Canada’s role in the world politics. Chronological analysis of transatlantic policy may result as follows: Canadian foreign policy effectively involves alternative external orientations, aimed at diversification of international relations, with the objective of its personal role as both neutral and active representative of international environment.
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12

Goncharenko, Anatoliy. "The European Union in international relations of Canada at the end of XX – beginning of XXI century." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 33-34 (August 25, 2017): 90–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2016.33-34.90-95.

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Canada and the EU had a common vision of the fundamentals of the international relations system in the late XX – early XXI century and the need to respect the principles of international law. Canada in this matter has always acted together with other international actors on a coalition basis, accumulating defense potential. The EU has seen in Canadians close partners who share its values and have similar approaches to resolving conflict, so there are prospects for development of bilateral cooperation in the international arena. This was possible also due to the emergence of the Common foreign and defense policy of the EU and the implementation of important steps towards the development of European security policy and defense (ESDP). Therefore, at least a hypothetical European defense identity allows Canada to establish international cooperation with the EU in the defense sphere. Ottawa sought to demonstrate that Europe remains important to Canadian and international security interests, so he ESDP must not lead to the destruction of traditionally close relations between Canada and the European partners. Constitutive remains also link Europe with Canada in the framework of NATO. After the Maastricht Treaty of 1992 and the terrorist attacks of 2001, the EU is particularly interested in boosting relations with Canada. Despite the unity of views and approaches to solving most of the problems of international relations in the late XX – early XXI century between Canada and the EU, a common component in bilateral relations is still far from perfect, leaving the prospects for improving the Canadian-European cooperation on the international arena. Keywords: Canada, the European Union, international relationships, foreign policy
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13

Viakhireva, Natalia. "The Arctic as a New Priority for Canada-US Relations and Canadian Foreign Policy." Russia and America in the 21st Century, no. 2 (2024): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207054760030139-9.

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In 2023, a number of analytical articles analyzing Canada's role in the world were published. The Canadian researchers agree that the country's foreign policy interests are concentrated within the North American continent. Experts call the Arctic and the North a priority area of bilateral Canada-US relations and Canadian foreign policy in general. The discussion of this issue has also been developed at the official level. Protection of sovereignty in the Arctic is among the priorities of Canadian policy, as well as cooperation with the U.S. on the modernization of NORAD. In turn, an analysis of U.S. official documents allows us to conclude that Canada and the United States share the same assessment of risks and threats in the Arctic and that the United States is interested in deepening cooperation with Canada on issues related to ensuring the security of the Arctic region and the North American continent.
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14

Bélanger, Jacques, Christian Lévesque, Patrice Jalette, and Gregor Murray. "Discretion in employment relations policy among foreign-controlled multinationals in Canada." Human Relations 66, no. 3 (November 29, 2012): 307–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0018726712457194.

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15

Pikalo, Jernej, and Mitja Durnik. "The Concept of Awkward Powers in Foreign Relations." Politička misao 60, no. 2 (June 28, 2023): 93–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.20901/pm.60.2.05.

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This paper addresses a specific phenomenon concerning power concepts in‎ Canadian and EU foreign policies. As is widely known, the liberal-democratic ‎platform has dominated global relations after the end of the Cold War. Implemented ‎power approaches are studied from theoretical perspectives of liberalism/‎constructivism standpoints and their realist critique. Canada has been ‎presented mostly as a middle power in international relations trying to find‎ its specific role as a mediator and balancer among superpowers. On the other ‎hand, the EU is classified predominantly as a normative power with tendencies ‎to act as a great power from some point of view. In the paper, we analyse ‎both entities through the recent concept of ‘awkward power’, whereby states ‎have a so-called “dubious character”, acting in-between the potential of great‎ and middle powers.‎
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16

Mank, Randolph. "Reflections on the Role of Non-state Actors in Canada–Asia Relations." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 11, no. 4 (September 27, 2016): 427–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-12341334.

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The historical tension between the powers of states and the rights of individuals sets the context for this look at the evolving role of non-state actors in international relations. Global connectivity has diluted state power, blurred borders and added a new dimension of non-state actor empowerment. The author’s firsthand observations, drawn from a career as a Canadian diplomat, bear witness to the ever-increasing role of non-state actors in foreign policy and international relations. This practitioner’s perspective presents some personal observations on how non-state actors have helped to shape Canada–Asia relations, with brief and selective examples from the author’s work in and on Indonesia, Japan, Myanmar, Afghanistan and Pakistan. The piece also offers some concluding thoughts on the significance of this phenomenon for the broader conduct of international relations and the study of foreign policy.
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17

CASIS. "Why is Canada Involved in Mali?" Journal of Intelligence, Conflict, and Warfare 2, no. 2 (November 21, 2019): 8. http://dx.doi.org/10.21810/jicw.v2i2.1064.

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On June 20th 2019, the Canadian Association for Security and Intelligence Studies (CASIS) Vancouver hosted Dr. Edward Akuffo at its roundtable meeting titled “Why is Canada involved in Mali?” Dr. Akuffo is an Assistant Professor of International Relations in the Department of Political Science at the University of the Fraser Valley. He holds a PhD in International Relations from the University of Alberta, MA in International Relations from Brock University, and BA Political Science from the University of Ghana, Legon. His research is focused on Canada’s security and development policy in Africa, interregional security cooperation, human security and humanitarian law in Africa, and BRIC-Canada relations. His work has been in Global Change, Peace & Security, and African Security Review. He is also the author of the recent book, Canadian Foreign Policy in Africa: Regional Approaches to Peace, Security, and Development (Ashgate). Dr. Akuffo was a fellow of the Canadian Consortium on Human Security (CCHS).
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18

Huebert, Rob, Maxwell A. Cameron, and Maureen Appel Molot. "Democracy and Foreign Policy: Canada among Nations 1995." International Journal 51, no. 1 (1995): 187. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40203776.

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19

Hnilusha, S. I. "Peculiarities of the relationship of the Ukrainian-Canadian «special partnership»." Analytical and Comparative Jurisprudence, no. 5 (December 30, 2022): 13–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2788-6018.2022.05.1.

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The more than century-long history of Ukrainians in Canada led to the formation of unique Ukrainian-Canadian relations, which were later legally consolidated as a «special partnership» in the Joint Declaration on a Special Partnership between Ukraine and Canada dated March 31, 1994. Both Ukraine and Canada were colonies of two empires. After all, Canada, as a state, arose as a result of the colonization of the territory of North America by two competing European nations: the French and the Anglo-Saxons. In turn, the western part of Ukraine once belonged to the Austro-Hungarian Empire, and the eastern part to the Russian Empire. The colonial past of both states determines their certain historical kinship, which is one of the specific features of the «special partnership» relationship between our countries. However, the formation and development of Ukrainian-Canadian «special partnership» relations took place under the influence of the super-powerful Ukrainian diaspora in Canada, which, being one of the most powerful and organized, not only plays a prominent role in the political life of its country, but also acts as a decisive factor that determines the specificity of Ukrainian - Canadian relations. The Ukrainian community in Canada is one of the most powerful, organized and active. As a result, a prominent role in the political and cultural life of Canada. The Ukrainian community of Canada managed to positively integrate into the country's non-ethnic society, at the same time preserve its identity and act as a reliable partner of Ukraine in the implementation of internal democratic reforms and improvements in foreign policy positions. Having variable instruments of influence on international politics, it used the most effective strategy for achieving its own goals, the essence of which is to influence the policy formation of the host state. The Ukrainian diaspora played a significant role in shaping the image of independent Ukraine in Canada, in popularizing Ukrainian domestic and foreign policy, which contributed to the formation of friendly and mutually beneficial relations between the two countries and found its logical continuation in the form of the establishment of first diplomatic relations, and later «special partnership» relations between Ukraine and Canada.
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20

Antokhiv-Skolozdra, O. M. "Canada-EU relations in political sphere." Актуальні проблеми філософії та соціології, no. 27 (April 8, 2021): 140–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.32837/apfs.v0i27.935.

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The article considers the peculiarities of formation and development of relations between Canada and the European Union in political sphere. It points out that the common essence of approaches to modern international relations serves as a potential basis for building bilateral cooperation on the issues of establishing political cooperation. In the course of research on Canada’s foreign policy it was noted that there is a number of features that are due to both internal context and external factors. In particular, it refers the peculiar nature of Canadian statehood, the existence of two linguistic communities, geographical location, and immediate neighborhood with the United States. It emphasizes the similarity of Canada’s positions with the approaches of European countries to solving a number of problems of modern world development. The importance of maintaining the transatlantic connection is among the significant issues. At the same time, it should be taken into account that there are peculiarities of establishing and maintaining relations between Canada and the European Union. On the one hand these are the relations with a strong multinational association and on the other – with each individual member state. It is noted that, despite the long historical tradition in the relationship, the potential for cooperation between Canada and the EU is only partially used. It highlights the need for Canada to reach a new level in its relations with the European Union, provided that it maintains close relations with the United States of America. Areas of mutual interest, as well as problematic aspects of negotiations on a strategic partnership agreement between Canada and the European Union have been identified. Although Canada–EU relations are bilateral, they are evolving in a broader international context. It is analyzed that Canada can be a valuable partner for the European Union in the field of international relations. This country should strive to be involved in the preparation of important international decisions in order to build common positions and ensure a sufficient level of coordination between the parties.
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Labrecque, Charles-Louis, and Scott Harrison. "Canadian provinces and foreign policy in Asia." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 73, no. 3 (September 2018): 429–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702018791583.

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Non-central governments in Canada have become increasingly active on the world stage, most notably in the Asia Pacific region. The scholarly works on Canada’s foreign policy in Asia tend to focus either on the federal government as the main actor, or on the “other diplomacies” of non-governmental actors; little attention has been paid to the increasing role of non-central governments in Asia. This article, therefore, contributes to the discussion by documenting and evaluating Canadian provinces’ international activities in the Asia Pacific. It also situates these activities within Canada’s foreign policy in the region, and assesses how important provinces have become in Canada–Asia relations. This paper first reviews the literature on non-central governments and foreign policy to expose the key forces pushing and pulling Canadian provinces to be increasingly active internationally. It then details the provinces’ international activities in Asia, and locates them within Canada’s foreign policy in the region.
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22

Woo, Yuen Pau. "What is the People’s Republic of China to Canada? Towards a rethinking of bilateral relations." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 76, no. 1 (March 2021): 145–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702021996315.

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Relations with the People’s Republic of China (PRC) will be the single biggest Canadian foreign policy challenge for the foreseeable future. The trajectory of bilateral relations will be shaped, above all, by US–PRC strategic competition. Canadian views on the PRC are defined by a litany of problems in the current relationship, with relatively little reflection on the broader and longer-term problématique. This article, adapted from a November 2020 speech to the Canada–China Friendship Society of Ottawa, proposes a reconceptualization of the PRC as Canada's “global neighbour.” On virtually all the issues that matter to Canada, the PRC is in our neighbourhood, and we are in the PRC’s, whether we like it or not. The article offers five principles for the conduct of relations with Beijing—emphasizing the importance of independence in Canadian foreign policy in the context of a Sino–US great power conflict that is likely to persist for decades.
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23

Thomson, Jennifer. "What's Feminist about Feminist Foreign Policy? Sweden's and Canada's Foreign Policy Agendas." International Studies Perspectives 21, no. 4 (January 24, 2020): 424–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isp/ekz032.

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Abstract Across politics and public discourse, feminism is experiencing a global renaissance. Yet feminist academic work is divided over the burgeoning use of the term, particularly in reference to economic and international development policy. For some, feminism has been co-opted for neoliberal economic ends; for others, it remains a critical force across the globe. This article explores the nascent feminist foreign policies of Sweden and Canada. Employing a discourse analysis of both states’ policy documents, it asks what the term “feminist” meant in preliminary attempts at constructing a feminist foreign policy. It argues that although both use the term “feminist,” they understand the term very differently, with Sweden centering it in domestic and international commitments to change, while Canada places greater emphasis on the private sector. This suggests that this policy agenda is still developing its central concepts, and is thus ripe for intervention on the part of policymakers and civil society organizations.
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Sjolander, Claire Turenne. "Two solitudes? Canadian foreign policy / politique étrangere du Canada." Canadian Foreign Policy Journal 14, no. 1 (January 2007): 101–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/11926422.2007.9673456.

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25

Daudelin, Jean. "Foreign Policy at the Fringe: Canada and Latin America." International Journal 58, no. 4 (2003): 637. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40203889.

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26

Welch, David A. "Review: Canada: Canadian Foreign Policy and International Economic Regimes." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 48, no. 3 (September 1993): 570–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070209304800311.

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27

Desrosiers, Marie-Eve, and Haley J. Swedlund. "Rwanda’s post-genocide foreign aid relations: Revisiting notions of exceptionalism." African Affairs 118, no. 472 (August 15, 2018): 435–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/ady032.

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Abstract This article studies donor–government relations in Rwanda since the end of the 1994 genocide. The notion that Rwanda enjoyed or enjoys exceptional relations with donors because of guilt regarding their inaction during the genocide is widespread in the literature and in policy circles. To assess this myth, the article first looks at aid trends for Rwanda and comparable countries, and then takes an in-depth look at aid relations with two average-size donors: Canada and the Netherlands. It demonstrates that Rwanda is not as exceptional as claimed, but instead should be considered one amongst a group of exceptional cooperation partners. The article further highlights that donors operated informally immediately following the genocide, but soon renormalized aid relations, and that there has always been a complex set of rationales determining donor behaviour regarding Rwanda.
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Nossal, Kim Richard. "The North Atlantic anchor: Canada and the Pacific Century." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 73, no. 3 (September 2018): 364–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702018792909.

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This paper surveys Canada’s ambivalence towards the Asia Pacific, and seeks to put that ambivalence into the broader context of the dominant strategic perspective in Canada that has privileged, and continues to privilege, a North Atlantic focus for Canadian foreign and defence policy. It argues that Canada’s laggardly approach to Asia Pacific diplomacy can be best explained by the widespread perception among Canadians—and their government—that the North Atlantic alliance should remain the key driver of Canadian foreign and defence policy. Indeed, this geostrategic outlook has actually intensified with the election of Donald J. Trump and his unorthodox approach to the transatlantic alliance and the liberal international order. I argue that this North Atlantic outlook, so dominant for so much of Canada’s history, will continue to anchor Canadian foreign and defence policy, making Canada’s engagement in the Asia Pacific more problematic.
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Bulka, Oleh. "Particularity of Canada-Mexico bilateral relations (from beginning to entry into force NAFTA Agreement)." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 6 (2018): 31–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2018.06.31-41.

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The article is devoted to the particularity of Canada-Mexico bilateral relations in the period from their beginning to signing and entry into force the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). It is noted that from the time of first contacts bilateral relations between two countries have developed unevenly with periods of increase and periods of decline. It is determined that in the history of Canada-Mexico relations before signing NAFTA can be identified four main periods. The first one is a period of early contacts that lasted from the end of XIX century to the establishment of the official diplomatic relations between Canada and Mexico in 1944. In this period of time ties between the two countries were extremely weak. The second period lasted from 1944 to the end of the 1960s. This period clearly shows the limits of cooperation between Canada and Mexico after the establishment of the official diplomatic ties, but it is also possible to see a certain coincidence between the values and diplomatic strategies of these countries. The third period of Canada-Mexico relations lasted from the beginning of the 1970s to the end of the 1980s. During this period, both Canada and Mexico try to diversify their foreign policy and strengthen the organizational mechanism of mutual cooperation. But it is also shown that despite the warm political rhetoric, there was some distance in Canada-Mexico relations. The fourth period of the relations lasted from the late 1980s until the NAFTA treaty came into force in 1994. At that time Canadian and Mexican governments began to give priority to economic relations over political and diplomatic ones. It was revealed that the main influencing factors of bilateral relations between Mexico and Canada were the impact of third countries, especially the United Kingdom and the United States, regional and global economic conditions, and the attitude to the bilateral relations of the political elites of both countries.
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30

Vengroff, Richard. "Domestic Diversity and Foreign Policy Making in Canada." International Studies Review 11, no. 1 (March 2009): 190–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2486.2008.01836.x.

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31

Ahmad, Hassan M. "Judicializing Foreign Affairs: The Canada-Saudi Arms Deal and the Implications of Transnational Tort Litigation." Windsor Yearbook of Access to Justice 37, no. 1 (May 16, 2022): 189–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.22329/wyaj.v37i1.7193.

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In the recent past, the ability to challenge Canadian government action with foreign relations elements has spilled over from administrative law into tort law. At the same time, tort actions against multinational corporations for human rights violations abroad have also seen a surge in Canadian courts, culminating in the Supreme Court’s recent decision in Nevsun Resources Ltd. v. Araya. This article addresses some doctrinal elements of a potential transnational tort claim against the Canadian government and a Canadian arms manufacturer pursuant to human rights violations arising from the 2014 Canada-Saudi Arms Deal [CSAD]. It also explores consequential effects that Canada’s burgeoning transnational tort laws can have on Canada-Saudi relations as well as the Canadian defence industry. Overall, this article uses the CSAD as one real-life scenario in which private law litigation can have broader effects on a country’s foreign relations and domestic economy. In this instance, the judiciary’s power to exact extra-judicial consequences illustrates how tort litigation can curtail the behaviour of governmental and commercial actors.
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Komkova, Elena G. "The Latest Changes in Canada's Foreign Policy: Three Perspectives." Russia and America in the 21st Century, no. 2 (2024): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207054760030153-5.

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Finding itself in a situation where its relations with China, India, Russia, Saudi Arabia and Iran are spoiled, Canada is looking for a way out in adjusting its doctrine and foreign policy. But unlike in the old days, we are not talking about a White Paper on foreign policy. High–ranking members of the Liberal cabinet in their personal capacity, Deputy Prime Minister Сhrystia Freeland and the Minister of Foreign Affairs Mélanie Joly, make conceptual assessments and proposals. The third participant in the correspondence discussion is the Chief of the Defence Staff, General Wayne Eyre. Which side will take Prime Minister Justin Trudeau and will he even indicate his preferences? The answer is not yet obvious.
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Saideman, Stephen M. "What the Afghanistan mission teaches Canada." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 72, no. 1 (March 2017): 131–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702017694616.

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This paper considers some of the lessons that can be drawn from Canada’s experience in Afghanistan. It focuses not just on the military but also on the rest of the government, two prime ministers, the opposition, the media, and the public. While the primary lesson might be “do not do this kind of thing again,” there are other lessons to draw that apply to Canada’s foreign and defence policies every day.
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Eden, Lorraine. "Foreign direct investment in Canada: Charting a new policy direction." Canadian Foreign Policy Journal 2, no. 3 (January 1994): 43–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/11926422.1994.9673041.

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35

Juneau, Thomas. "A realist foreign policy for Canada in the Middle East." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 72, no. 3 (August 24, 2017): 401–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702017725045.

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36

Thérien, Jean-Philippe, and Gordon Mace. "Identity and Foreign Policy: Canada as a Nation of the Americas." Latin American Politics and Society 55, no. 2 (2013): 150–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2013.00197.x.

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AbstractUsing Canada's relations with the Americas as a case study, this article seeks to better understand the link between identity and foreign policy. It argues that there is a gap between the Canadian government's recent efforts to construct a state identity increasingly turned toward the Americas and Canadians' national identity as it is expressed through public opinion. It concludes that the most plausible explanation for this gap probably has to do with Canada's European cultural heritage. The analysis shows that the projection of national identity into foreign policy is a much more complex process than the projection of state identity.
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Juneau, Thomas. "A surprising spat: The causes and consequences of the Saudi–Canadian dispute." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 74, no. 2 (June 2019): 313–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702019855347.

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In August 2018, Saudi Arabia expelled the Canadian ambassador to Riyadh, recalled its own ambassador in Ottawa, and imposed sanctions on Canada. This overreaction to tweets by the Canadian foreign ministry demanding the release of jailed activists was consistent with the pattern of foreign policy assertiveness that has accompanied the rise of Mohammed bin Salman (MbS). The Saudi–Canadian spat is not very important: bilateral ties were never essential for either country. But the dispute carries lessons for Canada and its allies as they reflect on future ties to the Kingdom. This partnership was always necessary but costly. MbS, however, has amplified and exposed these costs. By bringing unprecedented scrutiny to Saudi actions, recent events have opened a window of opportunity for Canada and its allies to re-evaluate relations. They should increase pressure on Riyadh to change the costliest aspects of its policies. Should this fail, they should downgrade the partnership.
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38

Mackenzie, Hector. "Canada among nations 2008: 100 years of Canadian foreign policy." Journal of Transatlantic Studies 8, no. 2 (June 2010): 187–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14794011003760319.

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39

Kupchyk, Oleh. "APPOINTMENT OF THE SOVIET UKRAINE’S REPRESENTATIVE OF THE USSR EMBASSY IN CANADA IN THE EARLY 1920S (BASED ON ARCHIVE DOCUMENTS)." American History & Politics: Scientific edition, no. 17 (2024): 103–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2024.17.9.

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Being involved in the implementation of Soviet foreign policy, Soviet Ukraine achieved international recognition in the early 1920s and established relations with neighboring countries and leading European states. Canada, where a large Ukrainian community had already lived, became a separate direction of foreign policy activity in Soviet Ukraine. Therefore, the aim of the article is to highlight the participation of the USSR in organizing the implementation of the Soviet policy towards Canada in the early 1920s through the prism of archival documents. The scientific novelty of the article lies in the fact that for the first time archival documents related to the appointment of Ukrainian SSR’s representative to the USSR’s Embassy in Canada, as well as the preparation of the «Regulations on the Counselor for Ukrainian Affairs of the USSR’s Embassy in Canada» have been introduced into the scientific circulation. The methodological basis of the research was the methods of historical and source research. The conclusions. In the article, through the prism of documents of the Central State Archive of Supreme Bodies of Power and Government of Ukraine and Central State Archives of Foreign Archival Ucrainica, the issue of the appointment of a representative of Soviet Ukraine SSR to the Embassy of the USSR in Canada in the early 1920s is highlighted. It is rightly stated that the Kremlin’s strategic goal was the creation of a «World socialist republic». Export to foreign countries of the Bolshevik revolution became the means of its implementation. Soviet Ukraine then played a major role in attempts to establish Soviet power in neighboring Poland and Romania. However, the million-strong Ukrainian community in Canada conditioned the involvement of Soviet Ukraine in the implementation of Soviet foreign policy on the territory of this country. Thanks to these documents, it became clear that the Ukrainian Council of People’s Commissars understood the importance of appointing a representative of Soviet Ukraine to the USSR’s Embassy in Canada. In the end, Ivan Kulyk was appointed.
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40

Doxey, Margaret, and Tom Keating. "Canada and World Order: The Multilateralist Tradition in Canadian Foreign Policy." International Journal 49, no. 1 (1993): 158. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40202918.

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41

Nossal, Kim Richard. "Review: Canada among Nations 2008 100 Years of Canadian Foreign Policy." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 65, no. 1 (March 2010): 255–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070201006500116.

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42

Anastakis, Dimitry. "From Independence to Integration: The Corporate Evolution of the Ford Motor Company of Canada, 1904–2004." Business History Review 78, no. 2 (2004): 213–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25096866.

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In the century since its founding, the Ford Motor Company of Canada has evolved from a relatively independent entity within the Ford empire, with a strong element of minority ownership and its own overseas subsidiaries, to a fully integrated and wholly owned part of Ford's North American operations. The unique emergence and transformation of Ford-Canada among Ford's foreign enterprises is explained by Canada's changing automotive trade policies, the personal relations of the Ford family with its Canadian offspring, and a corporate strategy pursued by Henry Ford's successors and the American Ford company, which sought to bring Ford-Canada more directly under Detroit's control.
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43

Aggestam, Karin, Annika Bergman Rosamond, and Annica Kronsell. "Theorising feminist foreign policy." International Relations 33, no. 1 (November 27, 2018): 23–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0047117818811892.

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A growing number of states including Canada, Norway and Sweden have adopted gender and feminist-informed approaches to their foreign and security policies. The overarching aim of this article is to advance a theoretical framework that can enable a thoroughgoing study of these developments. Through a feminist lens, we theorise feminist foreign policy arguing that it is, to all intents and purposes, ethical and argue that existing studies of ethical foreign policy and international conduct are by and large gender-blind. We draw upon feminist International Relations (IR) theory and the ethics of care to theorise feminist foreign policy and to advance an ethical framework that builds on a relational ontology, which embraces the stories and lived experiences of women and other marginalised groups at the receiving end of foreign policy conduct. By way of conclusion, the article highlights the novel features of the emergent framework and investigates in what ways it might be useful for future analyses of feminist foreign policy. Moreover, we discuss its potential to generate new forms of theoretical insight, empirical knowledge and policy relevance for the refinement of feminist foreign policy practice.
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Chapnick, Adam. "The origins of Canada’s feminist foreign policy." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 74, no. 2 (June 2019): 191–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702019850827.

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In January 2019, a leading Canadian foreign policy blog, OpenCanada.org, declared that “[u]nder the government of Justin Trudeau, Canada has embraced a feminist foreign policy—gradually at first, and with fervor over the past year.” Although critics have debated the policy’s effectiveness, the embrace, if not also the fervor, was indisputable. By 2019, the Trudeau government’s second foreign minister, Chrystia Freeland, was proclaiming Canada’s feminist approach to international relations openly and regularly. The international community had also noticed. This article investigates the origins of the new Canadian foreign policy “brand.” It finds that, contrary to popular thinking, the prime minister himself played at most a minor role in the initiation of what became a full-fledged transformation of Canada’s global image.
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45

Lemco, Jonathan. "Canadian Foreign Policy Interests in Central America: Some Current Issues." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 28, no. 2 (1986): 119–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165776.

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Canadian Prime Minister Brian Mulroney is faced with a number of difficult choices concerning Canada's foreign policy in Central America. These choices are particularly problematic because their repercussions may have an important impact on Canada- US relations. On the one hand, the Prime Minister must heed public opinion in Canada which favors increased government concern about human rights and economic development in Central America. On the other hand, he must consider American security interests and not irritate or embarrass the United States and President Reagan in particular.Canada's middle power status puts it in a difficult quandary, for it seeks to retain an independent role in Central America, while it finds its influence circumscribed by its proximity to the US superpower. Its ability to wield tangible authority is thus severely attenuated. Canada's asymmetrical relationship with the United States allows it a certain degree of latitude in formulating foreign policy but imposes important constraints as well.
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46

Stasiulis, Daiva, and Abigail B. Bakan. "Negotiating Citizenship: The Case of Foreign Domestic Workers in Canada." Feminist Review 57, no. 1 (September 1997): 112–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/014177897339687.

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This paper argues that most conceptualizations of citizenship limit the purview of the discourse to static categories. ‘Citizenship’ is commonly seen as an ideal type, presuming a largely legal relationship between an inidividual and a single nation-state – more precisely only one type of nation-state, the advanced capitalist post-war model. Alternatively, we suggest a re-conceptualization of citizenship as a negotiated relationship, one which is subject therefore to change, and acted upon collectively within social, political and economic relations of conflict. This dynamic process of negotiation takes place within a context which is shaped by gendered, racial and class structures and ideologies; it also involves international hierarchies among states. Citizenship is therefore negotiated on global as well as national levels. This conceptualization is demonstrated by way of identifying one particular set of experiences of negotiated citizenship, involving foreign domestic workers in Canada. As non-citizens originating from Third World conditions, this is a case involving women of colour workers, highly prone to abusive conditions, and under the direction of employers who are more affluent First World citizens and predominantly white women. Original survey data based on interviews with Caribbean and Filipino domestic workers in Canada are used to demonstrate the varied, creative and effective strategies of two distinctive groups of non-citizens as they attempt to negotiate citizenship rights in restrictive national and international conditions.
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Azzi, Stephen. "Minority governments and Canada’s confused foreign investment policy." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 75, no. 4 (December 2020): 503–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702020980749.

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Three case studies demonstrate that federal limits on foreign investment in Canada have been motivated by political not economic considerations. The cases—the abortive 1963 tax on foreign takeovers, the 1973–1974 creation of the Foreign Investment Review Agency, and the 2008 and 2010 decisions to block the purchase of two Canadian companies—shared many features. All three involved minority governments that were vulnerable to shifts in public opinion. All three governments were skeptical about turning away foreign capital. Yet all three undertook measures to limit investment. All three then abandoned the policy as soon as political circumstances changed. This decision-making process helps explain why Canadian foreign investment policy has often been confused and inconsistent.
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Condon, Bradly J. "From NAFTA to USMCA: Two’s Company, Three’s a Crowd." Latin American Journal of Trade Policy 1, no. 2 (January 4, 2019): 30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5354/0719-9368.2018.52140.

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The renegotiation of NAFTA was surrounded by a dramatic atmosphere, just as Canadian Minister of Foreign Affairs Chrystia Freeland predicted. The negotiations took place against a backdrop of unilateral trade measures, President Trump’s mercantilist approach to trade policy, and the United States’ specified preference for bilateral trade deals. This article argues that, for the most part, economic, political and cultural relations in the NAFTA countries are bilateral in nature, but with important trilateral production chains in specific sectors, most notably in the automotive sector. Beyond these trilateral sectors, the relationship between Canada and Mexico plays a relatively minor role. However, replacing NAFTA with bilateral agreements would have placed Canada and Mexico at a disadvantage, relative to the United States, in terms of attracting foreign direct investment. Nevertheless, Canadian and Mexican interests do not always coincide, nor do their negotiating positions. For example, Mexico was willing to give up Chapter 19 dispute settlement for trade remedies, whereas Canada insisted on keeping it in place. In end, USMCA Chapter 10 preserves this dispute settlement mechanism for all three parties. Canada was willing to give up NAFTA Chapter 11 on foreign investment disputes, whereas Mexico accepted a modified version. The result is a trilateral agreement with significant bilateral elements, as well as global elements that will serve as a possible model in future megaregional and multilateral negotiations.
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Ponomareva, Daria, and Aleksey Kubyshkin. "Genetic discrimination in foreign legislation and law-enforcement practice." SHS Web of Conferences 134 (2022): 00071. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/202213400071.

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The article is devoted to the problematic issues of legal regulation of public relations arising from protection against discrimination based on genetic status in the legislation and law enforcement practice of a number of foreign countries (Australia, Canada, the United States of America). The authors analyzed the concept of discrimination based on genetic status, formulated in the legal acts of states; an attempt was made to present their own interpretation of this term. The article provides an overview of the international legal framework for the regulation of public relations arising from countering discrimination based on genetic status, as well as key acts of leading foreign jurisdictions. The authors paid special attention to the analysis of law enforcement (judicial) practice, illustrating the problems associated with genetic discrimination, the main directions of the development of such practice are highlighted. In conclusion, the authors contemplate on the advisability of implementing relevant foreign experience into the Russian legal system
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50

Buriak, K. M. "FEATURES OF CONFLICT-OF-LAWS REGULATION OF INTERNATIONAL WORK RELATIONS." Constitutional State, no. 41 (March 17, 2021): 103–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.18524/2411-2054.2021.41.225615.

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The article provides a comprehensive legal study of the basic principles of conflict-oflaws and legal regulation of work, complicated by a foreign element. It is determined that work relations complicated by a foreign element include: work of local citizens with foreign employers outside their country; foreign business trips of citizens to work abroad; work at enterprises owned by foreign entrepreneurs on the territory of their state; work of foreigners in the host state. It is noted that conflict-of-laws issues in the field of work relations complicated by a foreign element arise due to the specifics of the national legislation of each of the countries and the inconsistency of private international law in this area. The article analyzes the peculiarities of work of foreigners in Austria, Brazil, Canada, China, Romania, USA, Tunisia, Hungary, Ukraine, France, Germany, Czech Republic, Sweden, Switzerland, Japan. Based on the analysis it is concluded that the working conditions of emigrants are regulated by Public Law Regulations, which are mandatory and less humane in their content than the general conditions established by the general labor legislation and collective agreements. Foreign workers are directly dependent on entrepreneurs due to threats of expulsion, language difficulties, lack of professional training and other reasons. It is characterized by free overtime work, non-provision of vacations and sick leave. The article describes the conflict-of-laws bindings, which regulate work relations complicated by a foreign element, namely: the law of the autonomous will of the parties, the law of the place of performing of work, the law of the location of the employer, the law of the place of conclusion of an employment contract, the principle of the employer's personal law, the law of citizenship (domicile), the law of the flag, the principle of the closest connection. The features of the operation of conflict-of-laws bindings regulating work relations complicated by a foreign element in countries of different legal families are considered
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