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1
Kohn, Edward P. (Edward Parliament) 1968. "This kindred people : Canadian-American relations and North American Anglo-Saxonism during the Anglo-American rapprochement, 1895-1903." Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=36625.
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At the end of the nineteenth century, English-Canadians and Americans faced each other across the border with old animosities. Many Canadians adhered to familiar ideas of Loyalism, imperialism and anti-Americanism to differentiate the Dominion from the republic. In the United States, on the other hand, lingering notions of anglophobia and "Manifest Destiny" caused Americans to look upon the British colony to the north as a dangerous and unnatural entity. America's rise to world power status and the Anglo-American rapprochement, however, forced Americans and Canadians to adapt to the new international reality. Emphasizing their shared language, civilization, and forms of government, many English-speaking North Americans drew upon Anglo-Saxonism to find common ground. Indeed, Americans and Canadians often referred to each other as members of the same "family" sharing the same "blood," thus differentiating themselves from other races. As many of the events of the rapprochement had a North American context, Americans and English-Canadians often drew upon the common lexicon of Anglo-Saxon rhetoric to undermine the old rivalries and underscore their shared interests. Though the predominance of Anglo-Saxonism at the turn of the century proved short-lived, it left a legacy of Canadian-American goodwill, as both nations accepted their shared destiny on the continent and Canada as a key link in the North Atlantic Triangle.
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McKercher, Asa. "Canada, Britain, the United States, and the Cuban revolution, 1959-1968." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648348.
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Lomas, Donna Louise. "Canada’s evolution towards dominion status : an analysis of American-Canadian relations, 1919-1924." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/25458.
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The purpose of this study has been to address an imbalance existing in the historiography relating to American-Canadian relations in the period between 1919-1924. Relying primarily on American sources, this study has attempted to argue that the Canadian government had a unique opportunity to inititiate and execute an independent foreign policy by exploiting her position within the British Empire as well as her close relationship with the United States. In contrast to a number of Canadian studies which have argued that the United States impeded Canada's diplomatic growth in the post World War I period, this work maintains that the United States tried to encourage Canada to assume a more autonomous position because it was in America's interest to do so. Canada's similar attitudes with the United States towards the questions of the renewal of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, Asian immigration and Article Ten in the League of Nations' Covenant convinced the United States that the Canadian government was potentially useful to the American government in helping to protect its international interests in institutions where it was not represented. The evidence presented in this study maintains that it was the Canadian and British governments that were reluctant to carry out the final steps of appointing a separate Canadian representative to Washington in the early 1920s. As a result, Canada lost her opportunity to establish an independent
policy because the United States found alternative methods of protecting its international interests.Arts, Faculty of
History, Department of
Graduate
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Зінченко, Катерина, and Kateryna Zinchenko. "Investment relations between Canada and the United States." Thesis, Національний авіаційний університет, 2020. http://er.nau.edu.ua/handle/NAU/43562.
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In the context of global transformation in the economic integration of Canada and the USA, there is a tendency towards the internationalization of economic rela-tions and the internationalization of capital. Very close relations between Canada and the United States contributed to the geographical proximity, historical and cultural similarities of the two countries.
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McKercher, Asa. ""Not easy, smooth, or automatic": Canada-US relations, Canadian nationalism, and American foreign policy, 1961--1963." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/28409.
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An historical consensus has coalesced around the view that Canadian-American relations reached a nadir from 1961-1963. The argument is that due to differences of both personality and policy John Diefenbaker, Canada's Prime Minister, and US President John Kennedy loathed each other. Scholars have subsequently debated over who was more to blame for this, but their analyses have been incomplete because the American side has largely been ignored. As most, if not all, of the historians who have examined the Diefenbaker-Kennedy era have been Canadian, American archival sources have been used sparingly. Drawing upon the rich documentary collection in the US National Archives and the Kennedy Presidential Library, this thesis argues, in contrast to what many have contended, that US foreign policy was in fact quite complimentary towards Diefenbaker's government. This was primarily because American policy-makers were aware of the potent force of Canadian nationalism, which their experiences with Diefenbaker only confirmed.
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Court, Erin. "How transnational actors change inter-state power asymmetries : the role of the Indian diaspora in Indo-Canadian relations on migration." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:8501d594-e5c1-47e0-9a08-24b7645f29f2.
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The overall aim of this thesis is to explore what emigration state power means in relation to the rules that govern international migration. This thesis challenges the conventional view that within a bilateral migration relationship the migrant-sending state is a 'rule-taker' compelled to accept the consequences of the migrant-receiving state's immigration and integration policies. Using India-Canada migration relations as its empirical case, this thesis examines how diaspora populations can serve as a transnational resource for the sending state to mitigate power asymmetries with the receiving state in bilateral migration relations. Part I of this thesis examines the Indo- Canadian diaspora's use of Canadian tribunal, electoral and lobby channels to advance immigration and integration policy outcomes that further both the interests of the diaspora and the Indian state. Part II considers the diffuse and ideational mechanisms through which the Indian state influences the diaspora's political mobilisation abroad. The diaspora's political activities in the host state, combined with the sending state's transnational influence over facets of diaspora identity, interests and organisational capacity, register important effects on Canadian migration policy that bear on the distribution of power between sending and receiving states. These effects cannot be explained on a purely inter-state model of migration relations, but are accounted for by the framework developed and applied in this thesis. The Conclusion addresses the scope conditions under which this thesis' theoretical framework and conclusions derived within it from the single-case study may allow for a wider comparative approach across other cases in future research.
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Durflinger, Serge Marc. "The Royal Canadian Navy and the Salvadorean crisis of 1932 /." Thesis, McGill University, 1987. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=66159.
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Kellett, Ken. "Bilateral aid in Canada's foreign policy : the human rights rhetoric-practice gap." Thesis, Lethbridge, Alta. : University of Lethbridge, Dept. of Political Science, c2013, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10133/3298.
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Successive Canadian federal governments have officially indicated their support of human rights in foreign policy, including as they relate to aid-giving. This thesis quantitatively tests this rhetoric with the actual practice of bilateral aid-giving in two time periods – 1998-2000 and 2007-2009. This, however, revealed that Canada has actually tended to give more bilateral aid to countries with poorer human rights records. A deeper quantitative analysis identifies certain multilateral memberships – notably with the Commonwealth, NATO, and OECD – and the geo-political and domestic considerations of Haiti as significant and confirms a recipient state’s human rights performance is not a consideration. These multilateral relationships reflect state self-interests, historical connections, security, and a normative commitment to poverty reduction. It is these factors that those promoting a human rights agenda need to contemplate if recipient state performance is to become relevant in bilateral aid decisions. Thus, it is necessary to turn to international relations theory, in particular liberal institutionalism, to explain Canada’s bilateral aid-giving in these periods.vi, 141 leaves ; 29 cm
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Bélanger, Damien-Claude 1976. "Pride and prejudice : Canadian intellectuals confront the United States, 1891-1945." Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=100320.
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This study compares how English and French Canadian intellectuals viewed American society from 1891 to 1945. During the period under study, the Dominion experienced accelerated industrialization and urbanization, massive immigration, technological change, and the rise of mass culture. To the nation's intellectuals, many of these changes found their source and their very embodiment in the United States. America, it was argued, was the quintessence of modernity, having embraced, among other things, secularism, democracy, mass culture, and industrial capitalism.In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Canadian hostility to the United States and continental integration was expressed in two conservative discourses: that of English Canadian imperialism and French Canadian nationalism. Despite their fundamental divergence on the national question; both imperialists and nationalistes shared an essentially antimodern outlook, and anti-Americanism was their logical point of convergence.
By contrast, the most passionate Canadian defenders of American society could be found among liberal and socialist intellectuals like F. R. Scott and Jean-Charles Harvey. They saw continental integration and Canadian-American convergence as both inevitable and desirable. Intellectual continentalism reached its summit of influence during the 1930s and 1940s.
The present study is based on the analysis of some 520 texts found essentially in the era's periodical literature. Each, at least in part, explores some aspect of American life or of the relationship between Canada and the United States. Unlike most previous scholarship, which has tended to view anti-American sentiment merely as an expression of Canadian nationalism, this study is more concerned with Canadian intellectuals as thinkers on the left, the right, and the centre.
The comparative, pan-Canadian nature of this study reveals that English and French Canadian intellectuals shared common preoccupations with respect to the United States. However, the tone and emphasis of their commentary often differed. In English Canada, where political institutions and the imperial bond were viewed as the mainstays of Canadian distinctiveness, writing on the United States tended to deal primarily with political and diplomatic issues, in Quebec, where political institutions were not generally viewed as vital elements of national distinctiveness, social and cultural affairs dominated writing on the United States.
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Gillies, David 1952. "Between ethics and interests : human rights in the north-south relations of Canada, The Netherlands, and Norway." Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=41264.
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This study examines human rights in the North-South relations of three internationalist countries: Canada, the Netherlands, and Norway. It pays special attention to the integration of human rights in development aid policy, particularly the use of political conditionality. The theoretical framework examines the explanatory power of political Realism. A hypothesis linking policy assertiveness with the perceived costs to other national interests is tested by selecting Western states most likely to disprove Realist assumptions, and by choosing at least two Third World cases for each aid donor: one where economic, political and strategic interests are high, and another where the same interests are minimal or low. Three frameworks to (1) document human rights abuses; (2) evaluate national human rights performance; and (3) gauge foreign policy assertiveness serve as the methodological lenses to analyze Western statecraft and test the hypothesis.Each donor's search for moral opportunity is visible in an emerging agenda to promote human rights and democratic development. However, if the resolve to defend human rights beyond national borders is gauged by a state's willingness to incur harm to other important national interests, then Canada, the Netherlands, and Norway are seldom disposed to let human rights trump more self-serving national interests. The potential for consistent and principled human rights statecraft is frequently undermined by Realism's cost-benefit rationality.
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Lemieux, Christine. "La coopération politique bilatérale entre le Canada et les États-Unis dans le secteur énergétique : l'harmonisation des normes de fiabilité reliées au transport de l'électricité." Thesis, McGill University, 2007. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=99730.
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Do domestic variables matter in a context of bilateral cooperation? What factors positively influence the decision-making process in the case of a policy harmonization between two countries? By studying both countries' institutional differences and governmental and non-governmental actors' preferences in the energy sector, this research analyzes the bilateral cooperation between Canada and the United States regarding the creation of the Electric Reliability Organization. Although domestic institutional constraints are important to consider, I argue that both physical and economic market integration and the use of a non-governmental organization by central governments have facilitated the success of the cooperation process. Those factors have favored the convergence of decisional actors' preferences and the inclusion of the majority of actors from all sectors of the industry into the process. The analysis uses a sequential model implying the division decision-making process over foreign policy into specific stages to show the importance of domestic variables.Key words: Governmental cooperation, bilateral relations, actors' preferences, institution, energy sector, electricity, transmission network, reliability standards, market integration, restructured electricity market.
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Prevost, Helene Carleton University Dissertation Journalism and Communication. "The baie comeau policy and foreign ownership in the Canadian book publishing industry; culture, continentalism, and Canada-U.S. relations." Ottawa, 1994.
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Stern, Gabriel M. A. "Forging new identities : explaining success and failure in Canadian arms control initiatives 1990-2004." Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=102179.
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Although Great Powers are often thought to be the most influential actors in terms of international arms control efforts, during the 1990s Canada showed itself capable of successfully leading several arms control initiatives. This research sets out to (a) explain why Canada has been able to enjoy these successes while other recent Canadian arms control leadership efforts have failed, and (b) further the abstract thinking around Canadian foreign policy. This is done by introducing the Identity Management model of arms control to explain the process by which Canadian arms control processes succeed or fail, and testing it against four post-Cold War Canadian-led initiatives: the Open Skies initiative, the landmines initiative, the MOX fuel initiative, and the small arms initiative.Within the Identity Management model, Canada is classified as an Activist State, a categorisation that rejects and improves upon the popular, yet heavily flawed, Middle Power concept. Blending together critical insights from realism and constructivism, the Identity Management model focuses on the foreign policy preferences of states, distinguishing between the preferences of Great Powers, such as the United States, and the preferences of Activist States. The foreign policy preferences of Activist States are designed and promoted by important elite domestic actors, and expressed as the country's chosen identity on a given arms control issue. The Identity Management model thus postulates that while states such as Canada can express independent policy initiatives, these identities are offered up into the international system, the character of which is defined by the foreign policy preferences of Great Powers. Overall, the Identity Management model establishes that Canadian arms control initiatives are successful only when Canada's chosen identity accurately reflects the constantly changing character of the international system.
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Eyck, Tobias Albert Ten. "A Cross-national Study of Attitudes and Group Labeling: Multinational Corporation (MNC) Workers in Canada, Brazil, and West Germany." PDXScholar, 1994. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4840.
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Many studies concerning multinational corporations {MNCs) are replete with theoretical models and case studies that treat MNCs as stand-alone entities. Very little time and effort is given to understanding the context in which MNCs operate. This context includes not only the fact that MNCs transcend national boundaries (political as well as geographical), but also the meaning of work and being part of a multinational work force for those employed within MNCs. This thesis is an effort to elucidate how the political/societal/cultural contexts of different host countries affect the attitudes of those workers most directly involved with foreign-owned MNCs. By shifting the focus from the MNC to the political/societal/cultural environment of host countries, foreign-owned MNCs can be compared across national boundaries (foreign-owned MNC workers from three different countries are compared in this thesis -- Canada, Brazil, and West Germany). Finally, by grounding the workers' attitudes within social identity theory, divergent attitudes between the workers from the different countries are not only explained, but expected as well.
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MacFarlane, John. "Ernest Lapointe : Quebec's voice in canadian foreign policy, 1921-1941." Doctoral thesis, Université Laval, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/26356.
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Marcotte, Christina, and University of Lethbridge Faculty of Arts and Science. "8,893 kilometres of cooperation : applying Kingdon's model to the development of Canadian border security policy since 9/11." Thesis, Lethbridge, Alta. : University of Lethbridge, Dept. of Political Science, c2009, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10133/2469.
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Canadian border security policies are largely shaped by the asymmetrical relationship that exists between Canada and the United States. American markets are the primary destination for over eighty percent of Canadian exports, creating an economic dependence highlighted in the days following 9/11. As wait times at the American border extended to sixteen hours the importance of the shared border came sharply into focus. To ensure Canada‟s economic security the Canadian government needed to develop policies that would satisfy the American need for physical security and the Canadian need for economic security. This thesis applies John Kingdon‟s policy streams model to demonstrate and explain the subsequent development of Canadian border security policies. It also examines the institutional context for border security policies and examines two case studies: the Container Security Initiative and NEXUS.vii, 133 leaves ; 29 cm
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McElrea, Patrick D. "The office of the High Commissioner : Canada's public link to gentlemanly capitalism in the City of London, 1869-1885." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/MQ29500.pdf.
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Sisto, Joseph M. "Canada and the nuclear arms race : a case study in unilateral self-restraint." Thesis, McGill University, 1997. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=29780.
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The objective of this thesis is to determine why Canada, a state that pioneered nuclear technology, and that faced, throughout the Cold War, the Soviet threat to its national security, consistently rejected any opportunity to convert its latent nuclear capability into an indigenous nuclear weapons program. The answer to this research question must address a number of explicit contradictions in Canadian foreign policy. While Canada has, on the one hand, rejected the bomb, it has, on the other hand, pursued defence and industrial policies based upon intimate involvement with nuclear weapons. Moreover, Canada espouses, on the one hand, a clearly realpolitik view of international relations, while, on the other hand, committing to forging for itself a role as an international peace broker. It becomes, therefore, unclear which theory of international relations could adequately explain this dualism in Canadian policy formulation. This thesis argues that power and self-interest are not separable from Canada's decision to reject the bomb, and that by modifying certain precepts of realist theory, we may substantiate the hypotheses that two disincentives to proliferation are at the root of Canada's policies: first, Canada's political and geographical proximity to the United States and thus a credible U.S. nuclear umbrella; and second, prestige, where Canada interpreted both the rejection of its nuclear option and its internationalist policies as a sign of independence vis-a-vis the United States.
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Hallock, Stephanie A. "Why states cooperate : international environmental issues /." Thesis, This resource online, 1993. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-12172008-063637/.
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Ratz, D. (David). "The Canadian image of Finland, 1919–1948:Canadian government perceptions and foreign policy." Doctoral thesis, Oulun yliopisto, 2018. http://urn.fi/urn:isbn:9789526220338.
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Abstract Perceptions of Finland and Finns held by Canadian government decision-makers underscore the relations between the two countries. The individuals involved had definite views of what Finland and Finns were like and these images were at times openly expressed or inferred from the archived government departmental files. Using an analysis of images, the evolving bilateral relations between Canada and Finland from the recognition of Finnish independence in 1919 until the early Cold War in 1948 can be understood from the Canadian perspective. The images are analyzed on a scale in terms of their positive or negative connotations. Positive images regarded Finland as a friendly, Northern, country, a borderland, cultured, Western, modern, progressive, liberal, and democratic. When these images were applied to Finns they were seen as honest, hardworking, reliable and the payers of debts. On the opposite end of the spectrum, Finland was an enemy and a trade competitor. The Finnish people could also be seen with negative images as dangerous and radical. These images existed before the establishment of diplomatic relations and carried over to interactions involving immigration, the League of Nations, trade, and scientific exchanges. They are also evident in relations between the two countries during the Winter War, in the decision to declare war against Finland during the Continuation War, during the armistice period, the peace process, and the during the early Cold War when normalized relations were established. The findings suggest that relations between Canada and Finland were most often impacted by events in Europe. The images of Finland and Finns did not directly impact relations as such, since the policies and actions taken were based on what decision-makers considered realistic assessments of the situation, as well as Canada’s national interests and capabilities. However, the images appear frequently as a means to narrow the range of acceptable options, rationalizations for specific polices, and justification for particular actionsTiivistelmä Kanadan hallituksen päätöksentekijöiden näkemykset Suomesta ja suomalaisista korostavat maiden välisiä suhteita. Hallituksen arkistot paljastavat, että päättäjillä oli selvä näkökuva Suomesta ja suomalaisista, ja siihen viitattiin joko avoimesti tai peitetysti. Kanadan ja Suomen suhteet Suomen itsenäisyyden tunnustamisesta vuonna 1919 aina kylmän sodan alkuun saakka vuonna 1948 ovat ymmärrettävissä Kanadan näkökulmasta käyttämällä näkökuva-analyysia. Näkökuvat analysoidaan joko positiivisella tai negatiivisella asteikolla. Positiiviset näkökuvat Suomesta kuvaavat sitä ystävällisenä, pohjoisena rajamaana, joka oli sivistynyt, länsimainen, nykyaikainen, edistynyt, suvaitsevainen ja demokraattinen. Suomalaiset nähtiin rehellisinä, ahkerina, luotettavina ja velkansa maksajina. Asteikon toisessa päässä Suomi nähtiin vihollisena ja kauppakilpailijana. Suomalaiset voitiin myös nähdä negatiivisesti vaarallisina ja radikaaleina. Nämä näkökuvat olivat läsnä ennen maitten välisten diplomaattisuhteiden perustamista, ja jatkuivat vuorovaikutuksissa koskien siirtolaisuutta, Kansojen liittoa, kauppaa ja tieteellistä vaihtoa. Ne ovat myös nähtävissä suhteissa talvisodan aikana, päätöksessä julistaa sota Suomea vastaan jatkosodan aikana, aserauhan aikana, rauhanteon aikana sekä paluussa normaaleihin suhteisiin kylmän sodan alussa. Euroopan tapahtumilla näytti olevan myös suuri vaikutus Suomen ja Kanadan suhteisiin. Näkökuvat Suomesta ja suomalaisista eivät suoranaisesti vaikuttaneet maitten suhteisiin, koska käytännöt ja toiminnat perustuivat päättäjien mielestä realistiseen arvioon tilanteista sekä Kanadan kansallisista eduista ja kyvyistä. Tästä huolimatta näitä näkökuvia käytettiin usein rajoittamaan hyväksyttävien vaihtoehtojen valikoimaa, järkeistämään tiettyjä käytäntöjä sekä oikeuttamaan joitakin toimintoja
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Isaac, Annette. "Education reform in the Eastern Caribbean : implications of a policy and decision-making program by an external donor." Thesis, McGill University, 2001. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=37901.
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This study analyzes the participation of foreign donors in long-term education reform in the small countries of the Organization of Eastern Caribbean States (OECS). Central to this reform is the development of suitable and sustainable policy and decision-making structures, a relatively new activity for the sub-region's planners and educators. This research seeks to investigate how Canada's input into strengthening and supporting these key policy and decision-making structures of the education reform project may affect the sub-region's expectations for a more indigenous and relevant education system.The background for these issues arose out of my familiarity with the challenges facing OECS Ministries of Education in reconciling their own needs in education with the interests of the donor community. In addition, in colonial times, Britain had considerable influence on every aspect of education in the Caribbean, and, in the post-colonial period, Canada had long-term involvement in human-resource development in the sub-region. This raises questions of the viability of reform of the OECS education system to reflect its own development priority needs, culture and values, when a foreign force is significantly involved in funding the development of the key policy and decision-making structures. How dependent are the OECS countries on Canadian assistance to implement their education reform agenda? The dynamics between aid and sovereignty are also of critical importance, given the Eastern Caribbean's history of colonialism and dependency. These issues have frequently been debated in the context of international assistance in the OECS but, to date, there has not been much in-depth qualitative research on such topics, from the academic community.
Drawing on dependency theory, and on qualitative research techniques, this thesis critically examines the historical, social, and international development factors of significance in such an inquiry. The study also makes recommendations for future relationships between the donor community and the OECS in the education sector.
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Rogers, Ann C. M. "Murder by slander? : a re-examination of the E.H. Norman case." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/28274.
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On 4 April, 1957 Egerton Herbert Norman, Canada's Ambassador to Egypt, committed suicide in Cairo. Norman's death was a direct result of sustained American allegations that he was threat to western security.
The controversy surrounding his suicide was rekindled in 1986 with the publication of two biographies of Norman. James Barros contends in No Sense of Evil that Norman should have been removed from his high position in Canada's Department of External Affairs because he constituted a security risk. Barros hypothesises about the possibility of a DEA cover-up of Norman's Marxist past (Norman had briefly been a member of the British Communist Party when he was a student at Cambridge) and indeed suggests that Minister of External Affairs, Lester B. Pearson might have been Moscow's ultimate 'mole' who, by defending Norman, was protecting his espionage ring.
In Innocence is Not Enough, author Roger Bowen takes issue with such interpretations of Norman's life, scholarship and career. Although Norman had been a Communist, Bowen concludes that no evidence exists to suggest that he was disloyal to Canada. Norman was caught up in a maelstrom of anti-communist hysteria which caused him to be unjustifiably vilified and harassed by the agents of McCarthyism in an era of Cold War paranoia.
Instead of choosing a side in the current debate, I have sought to widen it by approaching the story of Norman as a case study in Canadian foreign policy. An examination of Canadian internal security policies in the postwar era, Canada's relationship with the United States and Great Britain, and of Norman himself reveals that the issue at hand is far too complex to be amenable to easy analysis. This thesis was written with the achievement of a more objective analysis as its primary goal.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
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Carbuccia, Chloe. "Les manifestations du nationalisme canadien et la relation Etats-Unis-Canada (1963-1984)." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018AIXM0078.
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Cette thèse étudie l'attitude de l'exécutif américain face aux manifestations de nationalisme canadiens ou s les gouvernements Libéraux de Lester Bowles Pearson (1963-‐1968) et de Pierre Elliott Trudeau (1968-‐79/1980-‐84). Le nationalisme canadien multiforme est ici envisagé comme un objet sous le regard de l'exécutif américain ainsi qu'un facteur potentiel dans la relation États-Unis/Canada. Sous le gouvernement Pearson, le nationalisme canadien ainsi que la recherche de la prospérité poussent les gouvernements des deux côtés de la frontière à mieux coopérer. Face à des décisions de l'administration Nixon (1968-‐74) et sous l'impulsion de pressions nationalistes intérieures, le gouvernement Trudeau opte pour des politiques qui visent à réduire la vulnérabilité de l'économie canadienne envers celle de son voisin. Ces mesures contribuent à légitimer l'intervention du gouvernement fédéral, renforcer son rôle et l'unité nationale canadienne. L'étude de la perception du nationalisme canadien par Washington montre non seulement une évolution du ton employé envers Ottawa mais également une maturation de la relation. Les politiques indépendantes du Canada poursuivies par les gouvernements Libéraux et la poursuite de l'intérêt national par Washington vont de pair avec une concertation accrue entre les deux voisinsThis dissertation focuses on the United States' perception of Canadian nationalism under the Liberal governments of Lester Bowles Pearson (1963-‐68) and Pierre Elliott Trudeau (1968-‐79/1980-‐84). Various forms of Canadian nationalism are looked at from Washington's perspective and seen as a potential factorin U.S./ Canadian relations. Under Pearson's government, Washington and Ottawa defended their economic interests and worked hard to improve cooperation partly as a response to Canadian nationalism. Then the Nixon administration (1968-‐74) took a series of economic and monetary measures that encouraged the Trudeau government to take action in order to reduce the vulnerability of the Canadian economy, deemed too dependent on its neighbour's. The Third Option policies contributed to legitimizing and reinforcing the role of the federal government, which helped shape national identity. Studying how Washington saw Canadian nationalism demonstrates that the U.S./ Canadian relationship matured over twenty years. If Washington defended its national interests and Ottawa sought an independent path, consultations till increased between the two countries
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Kennedy, Christine 1978. "Norm entrepreneurship : Canada's tips to tipping." Thesis, McGill University, 2008. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=116011.
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Although the influence of normative ideas on the behaviour of states occupy an evermore significant place in political science and international relations, important questions remain with respect to how international norms come into existence. International norm scholars have been criticized for failing to demonstrate how actors might forge and change norms. How do norm entrepreneurs influence the process of norm development? Further, under what conditions are norm entrepreneurs likely to be successful in norm diffusion? To begin answering these questions, this paper draws on constructivist insights to present a model of norm evolution highlighting the role of the norm entrepreneur and conducts an interpretive case study methodology to provide an empirical illustration. It examines the evolution of the "Responsibility to Protect" (R2P) norm with particular attention to the norm entrepreneurial role of Canadian foreign policy to highlight how norm-building processes are inextricably intertwined with agents who are engaged in fostering nonnative change.The R2P is considered to be a nonnative breakthrough in international relations and has emerged as an important instrument for upholding and promoting human security. While Canada has been praised for its leadership in promulgating the R2P, there is little empirical scholarship that links the development process of the R2P norm to Canadian foreign policy. How has Canada, with no demonstrative material capability, been able to advance the R2P on the international stage? This thesis develops an understanding of how agents can shape an international norm by acting as a "tipping agent" in the process of norm creation. It concludes by identifying the possibilities and limitations of norm entrepreneurs to influence world politics.
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Gafuik, Nicholas. "More than a peacemaker : Canada's Cold War policy and the Suez Crisis, 1948-1956." Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=83103.
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This paper will rather seek to uncover and emphasize Cold War imperatives that served as significant guiding factors in shaping the Canadian response to the Suez Crisis. The success of Canadian diplomacy in the 1956 Suez Crisis was in the ability of Secretary of State for External Affairs Lester B. Pearson and his Canadian colleagues to protect Western interests in the context of the Cold War. Suez threatened Anglo-American unity, and the future of the North Atlantic alliance. It also presented the Soviets an opportunity to gain influence in the Middle East. The United Nations Emergency Force ensured that Britain and France had a means to extricate themselves from the Crisis. Canada wished to further protect Western credibility in the eyes of the non-white Commonwealth and Afro-Asian bloc. It was, therefore, important to focus international attention on Soviet aggression in Hungary, and not Anglo-French intervention in Egypt.
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Macfarlane, Daniel W. D. "To the Heart of the Continent: Canada and the Negotiation of the St. Lawrence Seaway and Power Project, 1921-1954." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/19685.
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The St. Lawrence Seaway and Power Project, built cooperatively between 1954 and 1959 by Canada and the United States, is the largest navigable inland waterway in the world and the largest borderlands project ever undertaken jointly by two countries. This thesis combines diplomatic, political, and environmental history to chart the course of domestic and international negotiations, particularly in the 1945-1954 period, that resulted in the bilateral 1954 agreement to build the seaway. The focus is on the Canadian federal government and to a lesser extent the U.S. federal government, as well as involved state and provincial governments and their public power utilities. These negotiations are extremely revealing in terms of the history of Canadian-American relations, and this thesis also examines issues connected to North American attitudes toward water resources, state-building, high modernism, and technology in the early Cold War period.
After a number of failed attempts at a cooperative waterway, in the late 1940s the Liberal government of Louis St. Laurent began to explore the possibility of an all-Canadian seaway, and backed by widespread public support, had adopted this as policy by 1952. The drive for an all-Canadian seaway stemmed from various forms of nationalism which framed the St. Lawrence as an exclusively “Canadian” resource that was intimately tied to Canadian identity. However, the Truman administration and different American interests deemed a unilateral Canadian waterway to be an economic and national security threat to the United States, and delayed the requisite power licenses needed for Canada to undertake the transborder St. Lawrence project. Canada partly contributed to this situation by repeatedly making vague offers to leave the door open for American involvement in the hopes that this would expedite the hydro aspect of the project. The Eisenhower administration also stalled Ottawa’s efforts to “go it alone” until American participation was finally sanctioned by Congress in 1954 and the requisite licenses were granted. The St. Laurent government then reluctantly acquiesced to the American desire for a joint endeavour in order to maintain harmonious Canada-U.S. relations, although Canada did extract key concessions from Washington about the shape and placement of the project.
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Campbell, Margaret Isabel Catherine. "Harmony and dissonance : a study of the influence of foreign policy goals on military decision-making with respect to the canadian NATO brigade in Germany, 1951-1964." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp02/NQ54006.pdf.
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Gillies, David 1952. "Commerce over conscience : Canada's foreign aid programme in the 1980s." Thesis, McGill University, 1986. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61150.
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This study is an examination of recent changes in the organisation and activity of Canada's foreign aid programme. Three conceptually distinct categories form the theoretical framework of the study: (a) contending approaches to the study of international relations; (b) contending conceptions of economic growth and development; and (c) contending approaches to the aid policy-making process. The study examines the multiple objectives underlying Canada's aid programme, develops and interprets a series of "aid quality" indices, and undertakes a detailed examination of the aid policy process. Emphasis is placed on tracing the specific combination of domestic "push" and international "pull" factors which have pressured Ottawa into initiatives promoting a closer linkage of the aid and trade facets of government activity. Attention is also drawn to the impact of these initiatives on the developmental objectives of the programme.The principal finding of the study is that while Canada's aid programme has until recently been able to maintain a precarious balance between the opposing forces of philanthropy and self-interest, there are now unmistakable signs of a deliberate effort to tilt the programme in a more commercial direction. In this trend, the single case of Canada mirrors a more general pattern towards an increasingly commercial orientation in most donor aid programmes.
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Touhey, Ryan. "Exercising Canada's autonomy in foreign relations, the King government and the Irish question in World War II." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/MQ58514.pdf.
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Frits, Paul K. "Measures affecting domestic and foreign competition in the Canadian computer-telecommunications sector." Thesis, McGill University, 1989. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=59390.
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The thesis examines the Canadian policy and law affecting those services sectors affected by the provisions of the Canada - U.S. Free Trade Agreement which relate to telecommunications, enhanced network services, and computer/information services.In particular, constitutional law and administrative law in telecommunications matters are examined. Also examined in detail are those provisions of the Free Trade Agreement which affect the regulatory measures relating to the telecommunications transport sector and regulatory measures relating to other services which extensively utilize telecommunications, computer and information services.
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Payette, Jean-François. "Quelle politique étrangère ? Étude critique sur les relations internationales du Québec." Thesis, Lyon, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016LYSE3073.
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Le Québec est l’un des États fédérés les plus actifs en relations internationales. Toutefois, l’étude de ses activités extérieures présente tout de même une certaine atonie. Disciplinairement écartées, analytiquement restreintes «[l]es relations internationales du Québec ont été étudiées comme un sous-produit des relations internationales ». On peut alors imaginer, sur la base de cette affirmation du professeur Luc Bernier, l’attention portée, par la communauté scientifique, sur la nature de ces activités. Ce «sujet n’a été qu’exploré, particulièrement dans sa dimension théorique », écrivait la ministre Louise Beaudoin. En effet, il est rarement question, dans la littérature, d’exploration de la substance de cette activité québécoise. Rares sont les chercheurs qui ont approfondi rigoureusement ce sujet. Quelle interprétation peut-on donner à cette activité internationale québécoise ? Quels sont le contenu, la texture et la nature de cet objet ? Comment définir celui-ci ? Quels sont les repères théoriques et conceptuels pour baliser scientifiquement les relations extérieures du Québec ? Dans un contexte de scientificité, il est particulièrement «légitime de s’interroger sur la teneur et la nature de cette action » québécoiseIn matters of international relations, Quebec is one of the most active federated states. Nevertheless, the study of its external activities suffers from atony. Disciplinarily divergent and analytically restricted, “Quebec’s international relations were studied as a by-product of international relations ». Based on this quote from Professor Luc Bernier, we can imagine the limited consideration that the scientific community gave to the nature of those activities. As written by Minister Louise Beaudoin, “This subject was only explored, especially in its theoretical dimension ”. In fact, the exploration of the substance of those activities was rarely discussed in literature. There are very few researchers that rigorously wrote on the subject. Which interpretation may be given to Quebec’s international activities? What is the content, the texture and the nature of this object? How can we define it? What are the theoretical and conceptual landmarks to scientifically circumscribe Quebec’s external relations? In a context of scientificness, it is especially “legitimate to question ourselves on the content and the nature of this action » from Quebec. A literature review quickly reveals that it is generally accepted to describe this activity as “foreign policy”. If analysts diverge as to when Quebec’s foreign policy took form, many subject matter experts support the idea that Quebec was able to adopt such a tool. This foreign policy is usually mentioned and taken for granted both from the researcher and the decision maker. Its ontological foundations are rarely questioned. Since Quebec foreign relations were considered as an object of study , it is almost impossible to count the number of books, articles, publications and ministerial statements that are using this wording of external or foreign policy. As such, it has become part of the usual vocabulary of the discipline. Sometime used for the sake of easiness or convention and sometime selected as part of an informed epistemological choice, this question of Quebec’s foreign policy appears nowadays as “institutionally” established since it is rarely investigated and for all practical purpose never questioned. Even authors using different notions such as paradiplomacy to name Quebec’s international activities will also consider it as a foreign policy . At the same time, the increasingly rare researchers that still support the idea that foreign policy cannot be applied to Quebec’s international reality are not investigating the nature of this activity…The relevance of this thesis is precisely that it examines this topic. As such, in a scientific paradigm it is especially important to ask the following; does Quebec have a foreign policy? Considering the increasingly common thesis that a sovereign state, on the basis of the transmutation of the international system, is “no longer the sole protagonist of foreign policy” and that in consequence “external policy is no longer conducted solely at state level », namely the “materiality” of foreign policy outside of a nation-state , the question of the existence of a “foreign policy for Quebec” could seem quite simple at first glance, supporting the idea that such a tool is deployed by the province of Quebec. Nevertheless, this answer is more complex and delicate than what could be gathered from a cursory glance. It resides in the definition that we give to the concept of « foreign policy » as well as within the operationalization of this notion to Quebec’s international reality. Only this exercise will definitely enable us to support or reject the existence of Quebec’s foreign policy. The objective of this study is precisely to review Quebec’s foreign policy in light of the ontological parameters of this notion of external policy, in order to know if it complies with Quebec’s international reality. The question can be framed as follow; at which conditions can Quebec have a foreign policy?
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Khazaeli, Susan. "Atomic Middle Power: Canada’s Nuclear Export and Non-Proliferation Policy." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/38298.
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This dissertation examines Canada’s nuclear export and non-proliferation policy. It demonstrates that contrary to the received wisdom on nuclear behaviour, Canada does not think ‘strategically’ in the nuclear field. I argue that while the decision-making of great powers may be straightforward in the nuclear field, non-great powers can afford to be more ambivalent and even less cautious.
The focus of the dissertation is on Canada’s nuclear export decisions from the 1950s to the late 1970s. My contention is that middle powers, like Canada, are rarely influenced by military-strategic interests, but that they, nonetheless, act according to their own particular self-interests when determining whether or not to export nuclear materials and technology.
In looking at Canada’s nuclear decision-making from its entry into the nuclear age until the late 1970s, the dissertation offers three findings. First, Canada does not make decisions that fit a military-strategic calculus. Second, Canada is often ambivalent in the nuclear field. I argue that Canada can afford to be ambivalent because constraints on its decision-making do not stem primarily from security concerns or existential threats but from beliefs as to what Canada should do and should be in global affairs. Finally, Canada’s nuclear export and non-proliferation policies have been defined primarily by its place – both real and imagined – in the world as a middle power.
The argument rests on insights draw from liberal IR theory as well as domestic politics explanations of nuclear behaviour. My contention is that Canada’s decision-making has been influenced by domestically held beliefs and perceptions of its identity – that is, where Canada ranks on the figurative power spectrum and what values it professes in relation to other actors in the international system. My research thus makes a contribution to the literature on nuclear supply and on the broader literature on nuclear behaviour, more generally.
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Leiren, Olaf Hall. "A Hobson’s choice : the recognition question in Canada-China relations, 1949-1950." Thesis, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/10446.
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This paper examines events surrounding Canada's negotiations on the question of
recognizing the People's Republic of China in 1949 and 1950, and the reasons why the
negotiations failed. The focus is on the work of officials in the Canadian Embassy in
Nanking and External Affairs in Ottawa, particularly External Affairs Minster Lester B.
Pearson. Both Nanking and External Affairs, Ottawa, strove to promote recognition,
which was approved in principal by the Canadian government but never actualized.
Pearson and his department, spurred by Canadian officials on the ground in China,
chiefly Ambassador T. C. Davis and his second-in-command, China specialist Chester
Ronning, favoured early recognition, as a means of influencing the Communist
government away from total dependence on the Soviet Union. The Canadian government
weighed the desirability of recognition against what it saw as the necessity of solidarity of
the North Atlantic alliance with the United Kingdom and the United States, in particular,
against what they perceived as the machinations of the Soviet Union in its perceived drive
for world domination. In the final analysis the Canadian government, fearful of alienating
the United States, opted for solidarity of the Western Alliance on the recognition
question. The focus of the essay, based in large measure on External Affairs documents
and the Pearson Papers, is to look at the recognition question and how it played out, in
Canadian domestic terms, rather than in terms of Great Power relationships, which is
largely the preoccupation in the historiography. A brief window of opportunity occurred
in late 1949 and early 1950, when Canada might have recognized without potentially
serious repercussions on Canada-US relations. That moment passed quickly and the
outbreak of the Korean War and China's entry in the conflict against UN forces,
essentially destroyed any opportunity for Canada and Communist China to develop
normal relations.
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Webster, David. "Canadian-Indonesian relations 1945-63 : international relations and public diplomacy." Thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/17019.
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Canadian foreign policy towards Indonesia during the governments of Louis St. Laurent
(1948-57) and John Diefenbaker (1957-63) was conditioned by Canada's place in the North
Atlantic alliance, seen as more central to national interests. The most direct Canada-Indonesia
connections were forged by non-government "public diplomats." This thesis utilizes the theory of
"mental maps" as a way of understanding how diplomats imagined the world. Policymakers1
mental maps gave prominence to Europe and the North Atlantic. Southeast Asia appeared only as
a periphery needing to be held for larger "free world" goals. Ottawa viewed Indonesia through the
prism of its alliances and multilateral associations. Canadian diplomacy towards Indonesia was
often designed to preserve the unity of the North Atlantic alliance.
During the Indonesian national revolution, Canadian representatives on the Security Council
acted to help their Netherlands allies. They found a compromise solution that helped to prevent
splits within the North Atlantic alliance and the Commonwealth. Policymakers were working out
a diplomatic self-image: Canada as mediating middle power. This was a process of myth making
in which actions taken for alliance reasons were remembered as part of a global peacemaking
mission. However, Ottawa avoided involvement in the second Indonesian-Dutch decolonization
dispute over West New Guinea (Papua). Development aid also became part of Canada's
diplomatic self-perception. Canada sent aid through the Colombo plan, intended to restore global
trade and fight the cold war with non-military weapons. Canadian aid to Indonesia was negligible,
primarily wheat.
While bilateral relations were limited, non-state actors operating within North America-wide
networks forged more important connections. Canadian advisers to Indonesia's National Planning
Bureau mapped out a development path based on Western models. McGill University's Institute
of Islamic Studies promoted the "modernization" of Islam. Indonesia under Sukarno (1945-65)
tried to avoid dependence on aid, but welcomed investment by oil companies such as Asamera
and bought de Havilland aircraft from Canada. The seeds for the economic policies of Suharto's
New Order (1965-98) were sown during this period by Indonesians based in the Planning Bureau
and at McGill. Public diplomacy had a more enduring effect than government policy.Arts, Faculty of
History, Department of
Graduate
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Wolansky, Randall. "Conflicting values ; "official" and "counter" meta-narratives on human rights in Canadian foreign policy - the case of East Timor." Thesis, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/11468.
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Belief in human rights is a value central to the Canadian self-image. Canadians view
the development of Canada's international peacekeeping role and overseas development
assistance program in the post-1945 era as the foreign policy manifestation of this belief.
It has led to the national myth of the country as a "Humanitarian Middle Power".
Canada's response to Indonesia's oppressive occupation of East Timor (1975 - 1999)
contradicted this national myth. The concept of meta-narrative, of political mythmaking,
is used to examine the reasons why the Liberal and Progressive Conservative
governments in Ottawa during this period perceived Canada's national interest in
maintaining a strong economic relationship with Jakarta over the protection of human
rights in East Timor. These "Official" meta-narratives were countered by Canadian
human rights activists, such as the East Timor Alert Network, who stressed the primacy
of human rights in foreign-policy decision-making. Ultimately, this debate represents a
conflict of values in Canadian society. The "Official" meta-narrative has developed
since World War II in active support of the capitalist world-system dominated by the
United States, whereas the "Counter" meta-narrative challenges the morality of that
system. The "Humanitarian Middle Power" myth, which is at the core of the Canadian
identity vis-a-vis the international community, is not completely invalid, but it is greatly
limited by the firm adherence of Canadian governments to the world economic structure.
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Gass, Philip Robert. "Silenced debate : the centralized nature of Chrétien foreign policy." Thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/15450.
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This thesis applies the 'government from the centre' thesis, as put forth by Donald
Savoie in his book Governing from the Centre: The Concentration of Power in Canadian
Politics, to the creation of foreign policy during the Chretien government. Savoie argues
that the centre of Canadian government, meaning the Prime Minister and his advisors,
dominated government policy and have forced other bodies, formerly involved in policy
creation, into an advisory role.
The thesis starts with an examination of the central theory as well as the views of
its opponents; followed by a brief history of the department and its relation to the centre
of government over the years.
This is followed in chapters two and three by a study of Chretien himself as well
as an examination of other actors in the foreign policy process. By determining the roles
of each individual, and how much power each carried to formulate and initiate policy, the
'government from the centre' model is tested.
Finally, the international landmine ban created during the late 1990's is used as a
case study to show exactly how the centre dominated foreign policy creation when
Chretien was Prime Minister. This case initially suggests that the Foreign Affairs
Minister is the dominant player in foreign policy creation. Upon further study however,
it is determined that the centre controlled the process. 'Governing from the centre' is
alive and well in Canadian politics, and is the rule rather than the exception in foreign
policy.
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MacCallion, Gregory John. "Defining human and national security in military interventions : Australia and Canada in Somalia and Afghanistan." Phd thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/155775.
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Since the introduction of the concept of human security in 1994, debates have raged regarding the definition and applicability of the concept. Proponents of human security have sought to define the concept so that it may be utilised, whereas critics of human security have argued that the concept is too broad and amorphous to be adopted or utilised by states in international relations. This thesis examines two states; Australia, which has never utilised the term, 'human security,' in its declaratory policies; and Canada, a state that, for a time, was one of the most vocal proponents of the concept in its foreign policy statements. The research examines the two countries' military interventions in Somalia (1992-1995 - prior to the introduction of human security as a concept) and Afghanistan (2001-2013 - after the concept's introduction) to establish if, and to what extent, human security featured in and/or shaped their missions. Drawing upon an analysis of Australia's and Canada's declaratory policies and implementation approaches for each mission, this thesis presents a unique analytical framework that assesses the degree of norm internalisation of human security by the two states. It argues that human security is both co-opted and adapted by states in military interventions when the limitation of traditional national security approaches is recognised and when such actions are in alignment with national values. This thesis finds that the core concept of human security can be, and has been, operationalised at the implementation level, regardless of whether the state has a clearly defined declaratory policy of human security or not. Further, states now perceive the core concept of human security as a necessary condition for mission success in military interventions; military security, alone, is no longer enough. The thesis concludes with the argument that, for states, the concept of human security works better in practice (implementation) than it does in theory (declaratory policies). Indeed, when it comes to incorporating the fundamental elements of human security in military interventions, this thesis argues, it is the practices of human security that drives, and helps create, policies based on human security.
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Brglez, Karen. "Canada at the end of the Cold War: the influence of a transatlantic 'middle power' on German unification." 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1993/30210.
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This thesis deals with the question of whether the Canadian government was a partner or an onlooker in the diplomatic process of German unification at the end of the Cold War. Rather than focusing on the major powers that were directly involved in determining the external aspects of German unity, Canada’s involvement as a middle power is explored. Canadian participation in ending the Cold War can be traced back to Trudeau’s efforts to further détente. Canada facilitated the international relaxing of tensions until the election of the Mulroney government. The shift in foreign policy revealed the reluctance of the new government to soften hostilities. As a result, the Mulroney government endorsed the American and West German agenda for German unification since it positioned a united Germany as a security and economic partner in the western alliance against the Soviet Union and strengthened Canadian security in the post-Cold War period.
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Trilokekar, Roopa Desai. "Federalism, foreign policy and the internationalization of higher education : a case study of the International Academic Relations Division, Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade, Canada /." 2007. http://link.library.utoronto.ca/eir/EIRdetail.cfm?Resources__ID=510556&T=F.
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Fennell, Carson Douglas. "Determinants of Canadian policy : an analysis of Bill C-9 : the Jean Chrétien pledge to Africa act." 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/852.
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??zg????, Umut Social Sciences & International Studies Faculty of Arts & Social Sciences UNSW. "In the name of emancipation? Interrogating the politics of Canada?s human security discourse." 2007. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/40573.
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Canada has actively incorporated human security into its foreign policy framework ever since the first articulation of human security in the 1994 United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Annual Report. The Canadian Government has been at the forefront of promoting the concept internationally, thereby identifying Canada as one of the leading 'humanist-activist' states. This thesis, however, takes a more skeptical approach towards the emancipatory claims of Canada's human security discourse. It argues that, despite its overarching humanistic tone, the question of who is secured through the language and operationalization of human security remains problematic. In examining Canada's human security discourse in reference to this central question, this thesis analyses the promotion and operationalization of human security within Canada and abroad. The central argument of this thesis is that with its overwhelmingly statist and liberal language, Canada's interpretation of human security is far from being a challenge to the traditional ontological claims of security as being the provider of political order. The Canadian human security agenda is driven by a traditional fear of national insecurity. It aims to secure national unity and identity in Canada, and its national and economic security abroad, by promoting the ideals of liberal democratic peace. Drawing upon the insights of critical security studies and post-structuralist approaches to international relations, this thesis reveals several meaning-producing effects of Canada's human security discourse. First, domestically, it perpetuates the truth claims of the discourse of Canadian identity by naturalizing the idea of Canadian goodness. Canada's human security discourse enhances the social control of the population by masking 'human insecurities' within Canada. Second, by framing 'failed' and 'fragile' states as a threat to Canadian security and liberal international order, the Canadian Government perpetuates the constant struggle between the zones of peace and the zones of chaos, and overcodes human security with simultaneously a statist and universalist language that aims to control as well as emancipate the 'borderlands' Third, while Canadian discourse on human security claims to encourage a bottom-up approach to security, it works ironically as an elitist policy which endorses an ideal form of governance in Canada and abroad.
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Bishop, Adam. "With Them And Against Them: Canada's Relations With Nicaragua, 1979-1990." Thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10012/4681.
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Canada's relations with Nicaragua changed greatly during the 1980s after the Sandinista National
Liberation Front (FSLN) came to power in a revolution which overthrew the Somoza dynasty. For the
first few years of the new regime in Nicaragua, Canada provided little support, declaring that
Canadians had no significant interests in the country and there was no reason for them to get involved
in Central America's ongoing conflicts. When Brian Mulroney first came to power with Joe Clark as
his Secretary of State for External Affairs, the Progressive Conservatives generally held to the course
set by the previous Liberal government. However, as the 1980s went on the Conservatives began
providing Nicaragua with more bilateral aid, and became increasingly involved in the regional peace
process known as Esquipulas; this culminated in Canadian peacekeepers entering the region in 1990 as
part of a UN peacekeeping force. The major impetus for the government's change in attitude was the
strong and consistent pressure placed on the government by the Canadian public. Aid raised privately
by Canadians for Nicaragua overshadowed government aid for much of the decade, making the
government response look weak. The support of the Canadian public for action in Central America
was the major factor which pressured the federal government into becoming more involved in
Nicaragua, even though the government was not as supportive of the new regime in Nicaragua as a
large portion of the Canadian public often was.
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Singh, Anita. "Stephen Harper's India Policy: The Role and Influence of the Indo-Canadian Diaspora." 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10222/13160.
Full textAbstract:
Ethnic interest organizations have not been considered a salience influence on foreign policy. Traditionally, democratic theory suggests foreign policy should be determined by the will of the general population, rather that the limited and segregated interests of minority groups. Specifically in Canadian foreign policy, ethnic groups have also had limited access to decision-makers because of increased centralization of Canadian foreign policy. In contrast, the literature on Canada-India relations suggests there is an important foreign policy impact by the large, economically progressive Indo-Canadian Diaspora which has actively attempted to improve relations between these states. This dissertation addresses this obvious contrast, showing how the community has overcome the challenges traditionally associated with ethnic groups and foreign policy. Centrally, the research finds that Indo-Canadians have been active and successful foreign policy participants, influencing implementation, perceptions-editing and direct foreign policy between the two countries. This is determined by two characteristics: first, the Harper government’s decision to actively improve economic relations with New Delhi has opened important cess points for the Indo-Canadian community. Give their intimate knowledge of India’s business and economic environment, the Diaspora has been involved in various overseas missions, consultations and networking between the Canadian government and various stakeholders. Second, ethnic group influence is determined by the community’s internal organization, including the composition of their membership, financial resources and political strategies. With these characteristics, the dissertation assesses three interest organizations: the Indo-Canada Chamber of Commerce (ICCC), the Canada-India Business Council (C-IBC) and the Canada-India Foundation (CIF). By conducting a within-case analysis, it finds that each organization has a niche role within Canada-India relations – in Diaspora representation (ICCC), business and trade relations (C-IBC) and policy-related advocacy (CIF). Centrally, this dissertation speaks to the evolving relations between the state and society in Canadian foreign policy. It offers a challenge to earlier work in this field, resulting in theoretical, methodological and policy-oriented advancement of a nascent body of literature, suggesting avenues for further investigation.
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Zhao, Jierui. "Chinese Foreign Direct Investment in North America: Comparing Canadian and U.S. Attitude." Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10012/7944.
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As China’s economy becomes larger—naturally, the global outflow of China’s foreign direct investment (FDI) has also been increasing at a rapid pace. One of the most popular regions for Chinese investment today is North America. Yet despite China’s great enthusiasm to invest in Canada and the US, Chinese firms have received much antagonism in North America. Often times, Chinese acquisitions are viewed in a negative light, and are even denied on grounds which appear to be erroneous. This study asks an important question: what are the political reasons and conditions behind the acceptance and rejection of recent Chinese FDI in North America? To answer this question, this study analyzed and compared Canada and the US in great detail. By observing the sectorial distribution of Chinese FDI, the institutional constructs, as well as the most controversial cases of Chinese takeovers in both countries, the study has found that hegemonic competition and institutional structure plays a major role in the evaluation of Chinese FDI. Hegemonic competition creates the perception that Chinese FDI is a threat in the US, while the institutional structure in US allows the negative perceptions of China to influence the FDI evaluation process. Derived from the two major factors, secondary factors such as the policy preference of lawmakers, as well as the type of FDI itself are also important determinants of Chinese FDI in North America. As a result, Chinese FDI is more likely to be denied in America. While in Canada, due to the absence of a Sino-Canadian rivalry, Chinese FDI is perceived with more normalcy. Hence, Chinese FDI is less likely to be denied in Canada.
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"The correlation between personal jurisdiction and the enforcement of foreign judgments (a comparative law study about Canada, the United States and Mexico)." Tulane University, 2007.
Find full textAbstract:
Canada, the United States and Mexico offer a very interesting microcosm. On one side these three countries have strong economic, commercial and cultural ties with each other, but on the other hand there are significant and contrasting differences among each one of them. Differences in paradigms, approach, concepts, structures, procedures, et cetera While Canada is a Constitutional Monarchy with a Parliamentarian form of government, the U.S. and Mexico are Republics with a Presidential system. These three countries are known to be federal States, but their actual practice of federalism is very different in each one of them Furthermore, while Mexico's legal system belongs to the Romano-Germanic Tradition; most of the U.S. and Canada belong to the tradition of the Common Law. And yet there is even more, at different levels Puerto Rico and Louisiana in the United States, as well as Quebec in Canada are rooted in the Romano-Germanic Tradition. Accordingly, the Common Law and the Romano-Germanic traditions have to coexist harmoniously in the interaction that the domestic systems of Puerto Rico, Lousiana and Quebec have with the federal sphere of their respective counties This is the legal context in which our three countries have to coexist, interact and work together, and I think that these goals may only be achieved successfully if we understand and respect our respective legal identities in terms of that which is unique to each other, in terms of that which is different in each other, in terms of the goals that we do not have in common, in terms of the common goals that we have in common, in terms of that which we may want to achieve together, and also in terms of that what we can and should learn from each other Still, I truly believe that there are many important lessons that Mexico and world have to learn from these functional coexistences. At least in Canada this situation has driven to produce important developments in that what today is known as the Canadian Bijuralism. And even more, in my opinion---without having conscience of it---Canadians are developing the model that will frame supra-national law and global legal interaction in the twenty-first century In this sense, it would be ideal---and even desirable---to count with a broader and comprehensive view of the interaction between globalization the Law, as well as its actual effects and implications, but my goal is rather monographic This work aims to discuss one specific issue, the correlation between the assumption of personal jurisdiction by the issuing court over non-resident defendants (when the defendant has not appeared before the court, has challenged its jurisdiction or has not expressly submitted to such jurisdiction) and the enforcement of foreign judgments in the three countries of the North American subcontinent, namely Canada, the United States and Mexicoacase@tulane.edu
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Deslongchamps, Hugo L. "Le réengagement du Canada dans les Amériques : déficits démocratiques, intégration économique et insécurité." Thèse, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/12491.
Full textAbstract:
En 2007, le premier ministre Stephen Harper a annoncé que le renouvellement de l’engagement du Canada dans les Amériques était une priorité internationale pour son gouvernement. Le document qui a formalisé la nouvelle priorité accordée à l’hémisphère occidental stipule que le Canada s’est engagé à faire progresser concurremment la démocratie, l’intégration économique et la sécurité. Cette recherche a pour but de remettre en cause le discours officiel en analysant la politique du Canada à l’égard de la Colombie et du Honduras. L’étude sur le cas colombien porte sur les effets de l’intégration économique sur les droits humains et la sécurité. Elle montre que le texte de l’accord de libre-échange Canada-Colombie et les évaluations d’impact sur les droits humains n’abordent pas convenablement les risques entourant les investissements canadiens et que leurs lacunes diluent l’engagement d’Ottawa envers la protection des droits humains et la résolution du conflit. L’étude sur le cas hondurien porte sur l’impact des déficits démocratiques et de l’insécurité sur l’intégration économique. Elle montre que le virage à droite qui a suivi le coup d’État de 2009 a permis au gouvernement canadien d’entreprendre des négociations de libre-échange bilatérales et de prendre part à la réforme du code minier du Honduras, tandis que les déficits démocratiques et l’insécurité ont empêché la population hondurienne de participer d’une manière significative au processus d’intégration économique. Nous concluons que ces deux cas contredisent le discours officiel dans la mesure où l’objectif de l’intégration économique a été atteint aux dépens des autres objectifs.In 2007, Prime Minister Stephen Harper announced that the renewal of Canada’s engagement in the Americas was an international priority for his government. The document that formalized the new emphasis on the western hemisphere stipulates that Canada is committed to advancing democracy, economic integration, and security simultaneously. The purpose of this research is to challenge the official discourse by examining Canada’s policy towards Colombia and Honduras. The Colombia case study focuses on the effects of economic integration on human rights and security. It argues that the text of the Canada-Colombia free trade agreement and the human rights impact assessments do not adequately address the risks posed by Canadian investments and that their shortcomings dilute Ottawa’s commitment to human rights protection and conflict resolution. The Honduras case study is concerned with the impact of democratic deficits and insecurity on economic integration. It shows that the rightward shift that followed the 2009 coup d’État allowed the Canadian government to undertake bilateral free trade negotiations and take part in the reform of the Honduran mining code while democratic deficits and insecurity prevented the meaningful participation of the Honduran people in the economic integration process. I conclude that these two cases contradict the official discourse, as the goal of economic integration has been reached at the expense of the other objectives.
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Metcalfe, Heather M. "“It’s All About War: Canadian Opinion and the Canadian Approach to International Relations, 1935-1939.”." Thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1807/17800.
Full textAbstract:
Heather Metcalfe
Doctoral Abstract, Ph.D. program, 2009
Department of History, University of Toronto
“It’s All About War: Canadian Opinion and the Canadian Approach to International Relations, 1935-1939.”
Canadians in the 1930s did not appear eager to focus on foreign affairs. The social and economic difficulties caused by the dislocation of the Great Depression meant that international developments often seemed remote and irrelevant. However, despite this focus on domestic issues, many Canadians were concerned with the trend of international events. As a result, the debate regarding the appropriate Canadian response remained an ongoing, if underlying, factor. In addition, the political issues raised by Canadian foreign policy, particularly through the Canadian involvement in the British Commonwealth and the League of Nations, meant the issue could not simply be ignored.
During the later part of the decade, as the possibility of international conflict became ever more likely, increasing numbers of Canadians turned their attention to Canada’s international role. They also turned their attention to what this debate meant in terms of the Canadian sense of identity. These individuals were concerned as well with the response of Canadian public opinion to involvement overseas. This question, of the nature and susceptibility of Canadian public opinion to attempts to direct it, remains an intriguing one. The nature of this response remained open to question, and was the subject of significant debate among Canadian intellectuals, politicians and public figures. In response, a number of individuals and groups, including members of the Canadian press, attempted to influence Canadian public opinion. Many also pressured the Canadian government, led by William Lyon Mackenzie King’s administration, to play a more active role in shaping public opinion. Canadian intellectuals, for instance, influenced by contemporary writings on public opinion, seemed convinced of their natural role as ‘shapers’ of public opinion, particularly in a time of domestic and international crisis. These assumptions, and the ways in which Canadian public opinion both responded to, and rejected these attempts at direction, provide an interesting window into the question of public opinion, particularly in regards to international events. The debate regarding the Canadian response to the crises of the late 1930s can thus aid in gaining a greater appreciation of how public opinion shifts in response to outside challenges and the attempts to influence its course.
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Lefrançois, Eric. "La politique étrangère du Canada envers la Chine de 1984 à 2015 : l’impact de la centralisation de la prise de décision et l’influence des élites." Thèse, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/21171.
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Offenberger, Bryce. "The way forward: reforming Canada's foreign intelligence community." 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1993/18321.
Full textAbstract:
Canada’s foreign intelligence community as a whole has not received significant attention by the government and the public, and as a result it is still largely arranged to deal with the Cold War-era rather than the challenges of the 21st century. This thesis examines the issue by assessing Canada’s current foreign intelligence community regarding intelligence collection, analysis, and accountability. It argues that the structure of Canada’s foreign intelligence analysis is relatively disorganized and that a new foreign intelligence analysis organization would improve overall effectiveness, as well as potentially solve many issues the community faces. Canada’s lack of a dedicated foreign human intelligence agency is also addressed, but this thesis argues that before such an initiative could be feasible, let alone needed, it must first be supported by greater oversight and accountability measures alongside a better-organized intelligence analysis and assessment capability.
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St-Amour-Blais, Josette. "Intégrer les études d'impact des droits de la personne au processus législatif canadien : une étude de cas sur des changements apportés à la loi sur l'immigration et la protection des réfugiés concernant les étrangers désignés et les pays d'origine désignés." Thèse, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/12528.
Full textAbstract:
Le 28 juin 2012, le Parlement canadien adoptait des modifications à la Loi sur l’immigration et la protection des réfugiés introduisant des changements importants dans le traitement des demandes de protection faites à partir du Canada. Ces modifications incorporent deux nouveaux concepts en droit canadien, le premier étant le pays d’origine désigné, qui figure sur une liste. Ces pays considérés comme « sûrs » sont désignés par arrêté par le ministère de la Citoyenneté et de l’Immigration. Les pays d’origine désignés ne peuvent être source de réfugiés, et les demandeurs d’asile provenant de ces pays reçoivent un traitement particulier. Le deuxième concept est celui d’« étranger désigné » : le ministre de la Sécurité publique et de la Protection civile peut désigner des arrivées de migrants comme étant irrégulières, si ces derniers se présentent aux frontières canadiennes sans les documents réglementaires. Ces étrangers sont obligatoirement mis en détention, et leur demande d’asile, le cas échéant, reçoit aussi un traitement particulier. Ces dispositions soulèvent de nombreuses questions concernant leur validité en vertu de la Charte canadienne des droits et libertés et du droit international. Dans un premier temps, ce mémoire a pour objet de montrer qu’il existe une lacune dans le processus législatif canadien. Lorsqu’un gouvernement est majoritaire au Parlement, il peut faire adopter ses projets de loi sans informer adéquatement l’opposition et les électeurs sur les risques qu’ils présentent de violer les droits et libertés de la personne. À notre avis, cette lacune est problématique, car à notre avis, des lois sont adoptées en violation de la constitution et plus particulièrement de la Charte canadienne des droits et libertés sans que le gouvernement ait à se justifier. Ce mémoire explore l’idée d’utiliser les études d’impact sur les droits de la personne, un modèle d’analyse des lois, règlements et politiques publiques qui vise à évaluer et faire connaître les impacts qu’ils ont ou peuvent avoir sur les droits fondamentaux des personnes affectées. Les cas de la France, de la Grande-Bretagne et de la Commission européenne seront analysés. Ce mémoire examine les dispositions concernant les pays d’origine désigné et les étrangers désignés en vertu de la Charte canadienne et du droit international. Nous concluons que si ces dispositions avaient fait l’objet d’une étude d’impact sur les droits de la personne, le Parlement et les Canadiens auraient été informés des risques de violation des droits fondamentaux des demandeurs d’asile concernés.On the 28th of June 2012, the Parliament of Canada adopted modifications to the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act (IRPA), introducing important changes in the way claims for refugee protection from inside Canada are treated. These modifications bring about new concepts in Canadian law. The first is the notion of “designated countries of origin”. By ministerial Decree, the Minister of Citizenship and Immigration designates countries that do not usually produce refugees. Asylum seekers from these countries will face some important changes in the treatment of their application. The second one is the status of “designated foreign national”; it gives the Minister of Public Safety and Emergency Preparedness the authority to designate as irregular the arrival of migrants who are not in possession of regulatory documentation. This designation leads to mandatory detention. The designated foreign nationals will also face specific treatment. These dispositions raise questions about their validity with respect to the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. As a first step, the object of this master’s thesis is to show that there is an information gap in the Canadian legislative process. A majority government is able to pass into law any of its own bills as it controls both the Executive and the Legislature. The government is not bound to inform adequately the opposition parties nor the electors about the risks of any bill. In our opinion, this is an obvious gap since some bills are adopted without the government having to provide justifications, even if they run the risk of being in violation of the Constitution and more particularly of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedom. This thesis explores the idea of using Human Rights Impact assessments (HRIA): an analysis model evaluating the impact of laws, regulations and public policies on human rights. The cases of France, Great Britain and the European Commission are used in this analysis. Finally, this thesis analyzed “designated country of origin” and “designated foreign national” dispositions of the IRPA in regard to the Canadian Charter and international law. We conclude that if these dispositions had been analyzed using a HRIA prior to their adoption, the Parliament and Canadians would have been informed about the risk of violation of the concerned asylum seekers’ fundamental rights.