Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Canada Emigration and immigration History 20th century'

Anglophone women, working in a new capacity as federal civil servants, exercised a significant influence on Canadian immigration policy in the interwar years. This dissertation focuses on the women's division of the Canadian Department of Immigration and Colonization, an agency charged with recruiting British women for domestic service from 1919 to 1938. The division was a product of the women's wing of the social reform movement and prevailing theories of gender difference and anglo-superiority. Tracing its nearly twenty years of operations shows how the division, initially regarded as a source of imperial strength and a means of English Canada's cultural survival, came to symbolize the disadvantages of Canada's connection to Great Britain and supposed weaknesses inherent in the female character. This institutional study explores the real and imagined connections among gender, imperialism, and the changing socio-economic landscape of interwar Canada.

This thesis examines the Philippine labor diaspora in the United States, both historical and modern, with a specific focus on the modern period of migration to midsize urban places in Indiana. The historical or pre-1965 period is marked by two successive waves of movement to the United States, each of which is based upon different labor demands for unskilled labor. The modern period was initiated by the 1965 United States Immigration and Naturalization Act and is marked by far greater volumes of Filipinos entering the country. This most recent influx is characterized by significant numbers of professionals, an expression of the regional division of `skilled' labor migration flows between developing and developed countries associated with globalization. Quantitative questionnaires and qualitative interviews with 30 FilipinoAmerican professionals in six mid-size cities in Indiana examined topics of labor recruitment practices, secondary migration patterns, and the remittance practices and group formation associated with transnational identities.
Department of Geography

My dissertation concentrates on Americans writing at home and abroad in the inter-war period and contextualizes their expatriation with reference to debates between modernist critics over the nature and substance of the American literary tradition. I clarify the definitions of terms like "exile," "emigrant," and "expatriate" central to my analysis but muddied by years of misuse. I do so with reference to coercion, a concept which I develop in accordance with recent work in the philosophy of action. At the same time I make the case for a realist, causalist hermeneutics. Next I explore the aesthetic corollary to my argument with reference to the fiction, autobiography, and literary criticism of Gertrude Stein. I argue that Stein's decision to leave America must be viewed as uncoerced, and as therefore indicative of her emigration to France. Viewed as an emigrant, and not as an exile or expatriate, Stein can be shown to manifest tendencies in her work (towards subjectivity, abstraction, and retrospection) which reflect her dissociation from, rather than ongoing connection to, America. Lastly, I look closely at the work of Van Wyck Brooks and Harold Stearns, two modernist literary and culture critics whose writings on expatriation demonstrably influenced generations of subsequent biographers and intellectual historians. Steams and Brooks can be counted among the most articulate and vociferous proponents of literary change in America, and can be situated at the poles of a vigorous debate within the literary community of their day over whether American letters were better served from within or without the United States. I contrast Brooks' civic humanism with Steams' rugged individualism and identify in the debate over expatriation a powerful analogue to ongoing debates in literary and cultural critical circles referred to as "the culture wars."

[Truncated abstract] This thesis offers a re-contextualisation of multiculturalism and immigration in Australia in the 1970s and 80s in relation to crucial and progressive shifts in gender and sexuality. It provides new ways of examining issues of belonging and cultural citizenship in this field of inquiry, within an Australian context. The thesis explores the role sexuality played in creating a framework through which anxieties about immigration and multiculturalism manifested. It considers how debates about gender and sexuality provided fuel to concerns about ethnic diversity and breaches of the 'cultural' borders of Australia. I have chosen three significant historical moments in which anxieties around events relating to immigration/multiculturalism were most heightened: these are the beginning of the 'official' policy of multiculturalism in Australia in 1973; the arrival of large numbers of Vietnamese refugees as a consequence of the Vietnam War in 1979; and 1984, a year in which the furore over the alleged 'Asianisation' of Australia reached a peak. In these years, multiple and recurring representations served to recreate norms as applicable to the white heterosexual family, not only as a commentary and prescriptive device for migrants, but as a means of reinforcing 'Australianness' itself. A focus on the body as a border/site of belonging and in turn, crucially, its relationship to the heterosexual nuclear family as a marker of 'cultural citizenship', lies at the heart of this exploration. Normative ideas of gender and sexuality, I demonstrate, were integral in informing the ambivalence about multiculturalism and ethnic diversity in Australia. Indeed, for each of these years I examine how the discourses of gender and sexuality, evident for example in parliamentary debates such as that relating to the Sex Discrimination Act 1984, were intricately tied to ongoing concerns regarding growing non-white ethnicity in Australia, and indeed, enabled it. ... In pursuing this contribution, the work draws critically upon recent innovative interdisciplinary scholarship in the field of sexuality and immigration, and draws upon a broad range of sources to inform a comprehensive and complex examination of these issues. Sources employed include the major newspapers and periodicals of the time, Parliamentary debates from the Commonwealth House of Representatives, Parliamentary Committee findings and publications, speeches and polemics, and relevant legislation. This inquiry is an interrogation of a key methodological question: can sexuality, in its workings through ethnicity and 'race', be used as a primary tool of analysis in discussing how whiteness and 'Australianness' reconfigured itself through normative heteropatriarchy in an era that claimed to champion and celebrate difference? How and why did ambiguities concerning 'Australianness' prevail, concurrent with progressive and generally politically benign periods of Australian multiculturalism? The thesis argues that sexuality – through the construction of the 'good white hetero-patriarchal family' – both informed, and enabled, the endurance of anxieties around non-white ethnicity in Australia.

L’objet principal de cette thèse porte sur l’immigration turque dans l’industrie charbonnière belge dans une séquence historique qui débute en 1956, année de la catastrophe du Bois-du-Cazier à Marcinelle (262 morts), de l’arrêt définitif de tout recrutement au départ de l’Italie pour ce secteur d’activité réputé pour sa dangerosité, de l’extension des bassins de prospection de l’industrie minière et de ses premières tentatives de recrutement en Turquie, et s’achève en 1980, année du rétablissement par les Etats membres du Benelux de l’obligation du visa d’entrée touristique pour les ressortissants turcs au lendemain de l’avènement d’un nouveau régime militaire en Turquie, annonciateur d’un nouvel afflux migratoire conséquent.

Plus largement, la thèse interroge la pertinence du postulat qui veut que les politiques migratoires conçues et mises en oeuvre par les pouvoirs publics, au cours des Golden Sixties, aient considéré les travailleurs migrants comme une main-d’oeuvre d’appoint temporaire.

La première partie de la thèse, qui porte sur la genèse de la politique d’immigration belge entre 1830 et 1960, recadre l’histoire de l’immigration turque dans l’industrie houillère belge et des politiques mises en oeuvre à son intention dans le contexte du double processus d’étatisation et de nationalisation des politiques migratoires au cours des XIXe et XXe siècles.

La seconde partie retrace la configuration des chaînes d’interdépendances qui relient les trajectoires migratoires des travailleurs migrants turcs recrutés par l’industrie charbonnière belge dans les années 1960 et 1970 aux dispositifs générés, séparément ou conjointement, par l’Etat belge, l’Etat turc, l’industrie charbonnière, les organisations syndicales et les services, associations et autres collectifs d’accueil et d’aide aux migrants pour organiser, stabiliser et intégrer cette immigration turque dans les régions minières du pays.

La troisième partie interroge le devenir de cette immigration turque au moment où les fermetures de charbonnages se succèdent et que de nouveaux besoins en main-d’oeuvre se font sentir dans les dernières sociétés charbonnières encore en activité. Elle esquisse en parallèle le processus d’étatisation des politiques d’intégration jusque-là principalement prises en charge par les modes de gestion paternalistes de l’industrie charbonnière.

Cette thèse aborde également, mais dans une moindre mesure, l’immigration originaire de Turquie avant 1960 et l’immigration turque qui se développe au cours des années 1960 et 1970, en marge de celle organisée en faveur de l’industrie charbonnière, à destination d’autres régions et secteurs d’activité du pays (Bruxelles, Anvers, Gand, Ardennes, etc.).

Son angle d’approche dépasse par ailleurs la seule immigration turque en Belgique et la seule politique migratoire belge. Elle s’intéresse ainsi, à travers des analyses comparées, au cas de l’immigration marocaine, qui lui est contemporain, ou encore à la politique migratoire néerlandaise, à l’origine d’un phénomène de désertion massive de l’industrie houillère belge par les ouvriers mineurs turcs.
Doctorat en Histoire, art et archéologie
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Ce travail vise à approfondir certains aspects de l’expérience des francs-maçons et laïques italiens qui ont été exilés en Belgique, suite à la persécution opérée contre eux par la dictature de Mussolini.

En effet, les premières associations qui ont été poursuivies légalement par le dictateur italien ont été les associations maçonniques et celles de la Libre Pensée. Jusqu’au il y a quelques années, l’historiographie ne pouvait pas analyser davantage les conséquences de cet exil, faute d’accès aux archives de ces associations.

À présent, il nous a été possible d’étudier cette documentation qui nous a permis de démontrer que certains francs-maçons et libres-penseurs italiens, qui ont pris la décision de quitter leur pays afin suite aux persécutions de la dictature, avaient été des exilés politiques et avaient trouvé asile dans certains pays européens grâce aux réseaux maçonniques et laïques qui y existaient déjà depuis la fin du XIXe siècle. La Belgique a été l’un de ces pays d’accueil, mais en outre elle avait été le pays où ces réseaux étaient nés et s’étaient le plus efficacement développés.

C’est cette généalogie des réseaux maçonniques et laïques qui nous a permis d’expliquer pour quelles raisons, même si la Belgique n’a pas été le principal pays d’accueil des exilés maçons et laïques italiens, un certain nombre d’entre eux y sont passés ou s’y sont installés avec l’aide de la Franc-maçonnerie et de la Libre pensée belges, pendant leur exil./

The aim of my research project is to investigate further into the experience of the Italian free-masons and free-thinkers who had to go on exile as a consequence of their persecution by the Mussolini dictatorship. As a matter of fact, the first associations to be persecuted by the Italian dictator were the free-mason and free-thinkers associations, but till few years ago, the contemporary historiography hadn’t really focused on the consequences of these actions because of the limited access to the Archives of these associations.

It was only at the beginning of this century that these documents were found and have been left at the disposal of the researchers.

The study of part of these documents allows me to demonstrate that these free-masons and free-thinkers who had taken the decision to leave their country, in order not to accept the dictatorship, were political emigrants and

that they found asylum in some European countries thanks to the free-mason and free-thinker networks that they had established since the end of 19th century. Belgium was one of these countries, but more importantly the one

where the relation networks concerned were born and developed.

This fact allows us to explain the reason why a lot of Italian free-masons and free-thinkers passed in Belgium or some of them lived. Even if Belgium wasn't the country to which the most of these people exiled.

Doctorat en Histoire, art et archéologie
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

This work examines the histories of the Latino population of Washington County, Oregon, and explores how and why ethnic Mexican and other Latino individuals and families relocated to the county. It relies heavily on oral history interviews conducted by the author with ethnic Mexican residents, and on archival newspaper sources. Beginning with the settlement of a small number of tejano families and the formation of an ethnic community in the 1960s, a number of factors encouraged an increasing number of migrant Latino families--from tejanos to Mexican nationals to Central and South Americans to indigenous migrants of various nationalities--to settle permanently in the county. This work studies how the growth and diversification of the population altered the nature of community among Latinos, how changing social conditions and the efforts of early community builders improved opportunities for new arrivals, and how continuing migration has assisted in processes of cultural replenishment.

This study examines the discrimination against Japanese immigrants in U.S. naturalization law up to 1952 and how it was covered in the Oregonian newspaper, one of the oldest and most widely read newspapers on the West Coast. The anti-Japanese movement was much larger in California, but this paper focuses on the attitudes in Oregon, which at times echoed sentiments in California but at other times conveyed support for Japanese naturalization. Naturalization laws at the turn of the century were vague, leaving the task of defining who was white, and thus eligible for naturalization, to the courts. Japanese applicants were often denied, but until the federal government clarified which immigrants could or could not become citizens, the subject remained open to debate. "Ineligibility to naturalization" was often used as a code for "Japanese" in discriminatory land use laws and similar legislation at the state level in California and in other western states. This study highlights several factors which influenced Oregonian editorials on the subject. First, the fear of offending Japan and provoking war with that empire was a foremost concern of Oregonian editors. California's moves to use naturalization law to prevent Japanese immigrants from owning land were seen as dangerous because they damaged relations with Japan and could lead to war. The Oregonian went so far as to recommend Japanese naturalization during the First World War. However, war and foreign relations were federal issues, thus the second theme seen throughout Oregonian editorials was deference to federal authority on questions related to naturalization. While suggesting that naturalization for existing immigrants might be good policy, the Oregonian urged the federal government to settle the matter. Once the Supreme Court ruled against Asian naturalization in 1922 and 1923, the Oregonian dropped its push for such rights. Nativism was another theme that influenced opinions at this time, and before 1923 the Oregonian generally opposed extreme nativist positions, while at the same time advocating for limits to Japanese immigration and against mixed marriages. This paper does not deal with the incarceration of Japanese Americans during World War II because naturalization was not the issue for the anti-exclusion movement at the time. Citizenship did not give the Nisei, second generation Japanese American citizens, any protection against their wartime removal from the West Coast. This study returns to the issue of naturalization for Japanese immigrants after the war, as a number of Issei, first generation Japanese immigrants, still lived in the United States but were denied citizenship, even though most had been in the country for decades at that point. There was less opposition to Japanese naturalization after the war due to the noted loyalty of the Japanese during the war, the focus on human rights as an issue promoted by the new United Nations, and Cold War politics which demanded better relations with Japan and thus fairer treatment of Japanese living in the United States. The Oregonian editorials reflected the shift in public opinion throughout the country in favor of lifting the racial bar to citizenship. Japanese Americans in Oregon were active in the campaign to change U.S. naturalization law. The issue was more important to the Japanese American community than it was to the Oregonian editorial board by then, as other Cold War events took precedence on the front and op-ed pages of the newspaper.

This study considers the question of whether immigrant women in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries had similarities in their experiences as immigrants to the United States. Two time periods were examined : the years between 1815 and the Civil War and the years since 1965 . As often as was possible, first- person accounts of immigrant women were used. For the nineteenth century women, these consisted of published letters and diaries and an occasional autobiography. For the contemporary women, published accounts and interviews were used. Twenty- six women from sixteen different countries were interviewed by the author. The interviewees were from a broad spectrum of educational, socioeconomic, and religious backgrounds. The first chapter discusses reasons for emigration, the difficulties of leaving one's home, and the problems of the journey. The second chapter considers some of the problems of adjusting to a new environment, such as adapting to new kinds of food and housing, feelings of isolation, separation from family and friends, language problems, and prejudice. The third chapter deals with family issues. It examines how living in a culture with new freedoms and opportunities affected relationships with husbands and children. Many immigrant women, either by choice or necessity, worked outside the home for the first time after immigrating, which changed a woman's role within the family. This chapter also looks at the difficulty of watching one's children grow up in a culture with different expectations and standards of behavior. The conclusion drawn from this study is that many women who have immigrated to the United States, even those from very different times and situations, have had a surprising number of experiences and emotions in common as part of their immigrant experience

The purpose of this essay is to find out to what female migration from Sweden to Britain looked like in 1894, 1914, 1925, and 1940, and to what extent any changes seen were affected by the economy and political changes to women’s rights. In order to do this I have analysed statistics found in archive material, in addition to literature relating to migration into Britain, the economy, and women’s rights, in order to see if there is a correlation between changes in the statistics presented and changes in society. In doing this, I found that although there are immense changes to the rights of women between 1894 and 1940 in both Sweden and Britain, such as the right to vote, the right to equal work, and the right to equal pensions, migration patterns lean much further towards the economical changes than the political changes. The biggest of these economic factors in Britain was quite clearly the industrial revolution, which affected multiple sectors of work for every type of person. Meanwhile Sweden had a situation where there was an excess of women in the country, and 90% of those that worked were agricultural workers, leading to a large outlier of ‘pigor’ or female farmhands who emigrated in 1894.
Syftet med denna uppsatsen är att undersöka hur kvinnlig migration från Sverige till Storbritannien såg ut under år 1894, 1914, 1925 och 1940. Jag har även undersökt till vilken grad eventuella ändringar, av migrationen, påverkades av ekonomin och även de politiska förändringarna gällande kvinnliga rättigheter. För att uppnå syftet har jag analyserat statistik samlad från arkivmaterial. Detta tillsammans med litteratur kring migration till Storbritannien, ekonomin och kvinnliga rättigheter, för att kunna se ifall det finns en korrelation mellan skillnaderna i den presenterade statistiken och hur samhället ändrades. Genom att göra detta fann jag att fastän det finns stora skillnader i kvinnornas rättigheter mellan 1894 och 1940 i både Sverige och Storbritannien, som till exempel rösträtten, rätt till arbete och rätt till samma pension som män, så lutade ändringen i migrationen mycket mer åt i hur ekonomin ändrade sig än själva politiken. Den största ekonomiska faktorn i Storbritannien var den industriella revolutionen, vilket påverkade många olika arbetssektorer för alla i samhället. Under tiden detta pågick i Storbritannien fann Sverige sig i en situation där det fanns ett överflöd av kvinnor i landet, varav 90% arbetade inom jordbruket. En följd av situationen var den konstaterade utflyttningen av många pigor till Storbritannien år 1894.

La thèse analyse l'évolution de la législation de la nationalité du Grand-Duché de Luxembourg du Code civil des Français (1803) à la loi toute récente de 2008, avec une étude détaillée de la période qui va de l'indépendance du pays (1839) au début de la Seconde guerre mondiale (1940). L'étude dégage l'influence importante de la législation des pays voisins sur cette évolution.L'histoire de l'Etat-nation, des migrations et de la politique migratoire est également abordée.

The dissertation analyzes the evolution of the nationality legislation of the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg from the French Code civil (1803) till the most recent law of 2008.
Doctorat en Histoire, art et archéologie
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Dans ce travail on essaye de donner une définition et une historicisation de ce qu’on appelle « littérature italienne de la migration ». Il y a tout de suite une distinction à faire entre les écrivains étrangers qui écrivaient en italien avant le grand flux migratoire des années ’80 et ceux qui sont issus de cette vague, dont la thèse s’occupe dans une manière plus spécifique (années 1989-2007). Les changements sociaux et culturels que les nouveaux immigrés ont apporté, ont transformé l’Italie de pays d’émigration en pays d’immigration. Au niveau littéraire ces écrivains ont d’abord utilisé un langage standard, pour se faire comprendre du public et pour témoigner les difficultés du voyage migratoire et de l’intégration ;les dernières œuvres, pourtant, analysées dans la deuxième partie de la thèse, ont été écrites par des écrivains qui manipulent plus facilement la langue italienne, utilisant un plurilinguisme témoin d’un lien très stricte entre oralité et écriture, et entre langue d’origine et langue d’accueil. Enfin, les oeuvres des écrivains italophones postcoloniaux et de ceux issus de la deuxième génération peuvent rapporter la littérature italienne contemporaine avec des autres situation (France, Allemagne, Angleterre, Etats Unis) qui semblent très similaires.

ENGLISH: On this work we want to give a definition about “Italian Migrant Literature”. There is a difference between writers came in Italy before or after the migration’s fluxes on the 80’s. With this social and cultural changes, Italy became immigration country. First, migrant writers used a standard language, to have a big public and to talk about migration. Last works are more interesting because they use a plurilingualism that can show the relationship between oral and write. Finally, Postcolonial Italian writers and Second Generation writers make a connection with the literary situation in the other countries (France, Germany, Britain, United States).

Doctorat en Langues et lettres
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

In October 1875 the Canadian government reserved a tract of land along the southwest shore of Lake Winnipeg for the exclusive use of Icelandic immigrants. This was part of a larger policy of reserving land for colonization projects involving European immigrants with a common ethno-religious background. The purpose of this policy was to promote the rapid resettlement and agricultural development of Aboriginal territory in the Canadian Northwest. The case of the Icelandic reserve, or Nýja Ísland (New Iceland), provides a revealing window into this policy, and the ways in which it intersected with the larger processes of colonization in the region during the late nineteenth century. The central problem that this study addresses is the uneasy fit between "colonization reserves" such as New Iceland and the political, economic and cultural logic of nineteenth-century liberalism. Earlier studies have interpreted group settlements as either aberrations from the "normal" pattern of pioneer individualism or communitarian alternatives to it. This study, by contrast, argues that colonization reserves were part of a spatial regime that reflected liberal categories of difference that were integral to the extension of a new liberal colonial order in the region. Using official documents, immigrant letters and contemporary newspapers, this study examines the Icelandic colonists’ relationship to the Aboriginal people they displaced, to other settler groups, and to the Canadian state. It draws out the tensions between the designs and perceptions of government officials in Ottawa and Winnipeg, the administrative machinery of the state, and the lives and strategies of people attempting to navigate shifting positions within colonial hierarchies of race and culture.

Based on archival work in England, Scotland, the United States, Canada and Australia, my dissertation expands the traditional purview of diplomatic history into the international dimensions of the social and cultural realms. My study treats doomed attempts to reconstruct previously-held notions of hierarchy and deference as encapsulated in the Empire Settlement Act (ESA) in the wake of the dramatic changes to the world order resulting from World War I. To counter the emergence of Japan as a world power, under the auspices of the ESA, British Columbia and Western Australia, the two most distant outposts of the “white” British Empire in the Pacific, imported poor Celtic farmers and militiamen from northern Scotland in an attempt to retain their “British” identity, which they felt was threatened by Japan on the one hand, the Japanese in their midst on another, and local “nationalisms” on a third. This dissertation argues that such schemes were undermined by the conflicting priorities of Britain and the Dominions, the tensions between laissez-faire and excessive centralized control, the disconnect between government, capital and labor, the valuations of self-help within highly circumscribed situations, the conflict between the themes of rejuvenation and permanent regression, the fight between an idiosyncratic rural ideal and the reality of the urbanized and industrialized world of the twentieth century, and the inconsistent application of supposedly inviolable Social Darwinist ideals. The birth and death of plans to recruit Hebridean crofters to British Columbia and Western Australia in the 1920s reveals a great deal about the fluidity surrounding concepts of identity and security in a very unstable time. The debates surrounding the status of the Hebridean Scots, especially vis-à-vis their British compatriots and the Japanese, are an extreme window through which the much wider dialogues taking place regarding the status of the British Empire both internally and on the global stage, on the changing role of race as the final determinant of one’s identity and status, and the clashes between the Victorian and the modern ways of defining and conceiving of Empire, can be viewed and debated.
text

The expansion of fruit, vegetable and horticultural (FVH) production in California and Andalucia has been contemporaneous with a decline in 'native' farm labor and restrictions on lower-skilled migration. Resulting increases in the populations of unauthorized farmworkers have contributed to mounting tension over the rights and numbers of migrants in Spain and the United States. Yet, the similarities in farm labor outcomes contrast with the distinct geographical, temporal, sociocultural and institutional conditions in which these labor markets have evolved. Using Californian and andaluz FVH as exemplars, the dissertation explores the problem and problematization of unauthorized migration in the United States and Spain from 1985 through 2005. Four primary themes -uncovered in interviews with migration researchers, advocates, union representatives, employers and migrants -guide assessment of the relationship between the reproduction of illegality and the regulation of migration and FVH production: the (1) recruitment and (2) retention of unauthorized farmworkers and the role of (3) interest groups and (4) the state in migration and farm labor policymaking. Legislation, mass media and US and Spanish census and survey data illustrate demographic, economic and political shifts over this period. The study illuminates the primary, but not always direct, role of policies and politics in the magnitude and composition of migration and settlement patterns in both countries. Laissez faire regulation and symbolic enforcement have shaped the ethnic, legal and gender composition of the farm labor market. Political and structural constraints, as well as economic pressures, have institutionalized illegality in FVH agriculture, subverting the cost of human rights to the price of food. Coupled with economic growth, this outsourcing in situ has spurred labor market intermediation and fostered poverty in rural communities; agreement on a farm labor fix has been limited, although not eclipsed, by public contestation over illegal migration.

This study deals with Cold War Okinawa and the genesis of the emigration program that was organised by the U.S. military during the 1950s. As result of the postwar agreements with Japan, the United States occupied the Ryukyu Islands and began to build a series of military complexes in the Island. The emigrational movement from Okinawa to Bolivia was part of a security policy planned by the U.S. authorities to maintain social and political stability in the Ryukyu Islands. Therefore, the study of the Okinawan emigration program in the 1950s highlights the fact that security considerations may play an important part in migration, and thus that both sender and receiver states may play a major role in international migration. The Ryukyuan emigration program is analyzed utilizing the Hegemonic Stability Theory since it can be applied to the relation between the world's hegemonic nation and international migration. The selection of Bolivia as the first hosting country is also studied since the U.S. authorities tried not only to put forward security policies in Okinawa but also assist friendly governments.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)
In 1901, three German American candidates ran for the office of mayor in Fort Wayne, Indiana. The winner, Henry Berghoff, had emigrated from Germany as a teenager. This thesis examines the election discourse in the partisan press for signs of ethnic tension. The first chapter places Fort Wayne in historical context of German immigration and Indiana history. The second and third chapters investigate the editorial pages for evidence of ethnic tension. I also reference a few articles of an editorial nature outside of the editorial pages. The second chapter provides background information about the election and examines indications of the candidates’ ethnicity and references to the German language papers. The third chapter considers the editorial comment about Germany, the intertwining of ethnicity and the issues, and ethnic name-calling. In order to identify underlying bias for or against Germany and to better understand the context of the references to German ethnicity, the fourth chapter explores the portrayal of Germany in the Fort Wayne papers.

This study examines the relationships between intercultural theory, German Studies (in South Africa) and post-war migration literature written in Germany. Migration literature as intercultural literature, and German Studies adopting an intercultural philosophy are thus associated by an intercultural aspect that also links both to a global network of intercultural relations. The study places emphasis on relationships rather than areas of research. This means that areas of research are looked at in terms of how they relate to other areas of research and other contexts. The underlying idea is that intercultural understanding can be taught at an academic level as an avenue towards building intercultural competence. At the same time, theories of an intercultural understanding should be informed by experiences that helped build intercultural competence.
Thesis (Ph.D.) - University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2009.