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Journal articles on the topic 'Campaigns of Germany'
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1
Ageev, Rostislav Evgenevich. "The Evolution of Electoral Technologies in Germany and the Bundestag Elections of 1998." Исторический журнал: научные исследования, no. 1 (January 2023): 62–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2023.1.39773.
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The subject of the study is the federal election campaigns of the main competitors in the German Bundestag elections of 1998 - the CDU and the SPD. The object of the study is the evolution of German political culture related to the practice of conducting federal election campaigns. The purpose of this work is to analyze the election campaigns of the CDU and the SPD in 1998 to identify new elements of the professionalized, "Americanized", modernized campaign of the SPD, which, against the background of the traditional CDU campaign, contributed to the victory of the Social Democrats and the coming to power in Germany of the "red-green" coalition led by Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder. The scientific novelty of the article is that the effectiveness of election campaigns is considered as one of the significant factors influencing the outcome of the party-political struggle, and the 1998 elections are considered as one of the turning points in the evolution of German political culture in terms of party election campaigns. The successful SPD campaign, which abandoned many traditional elements and actively borrowed new electoral practices from the United States and Great Britain, had a significant impact on the modernization of the forms and methods of electoral struggle of the main parties in Germany in the next two decades.
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Gattermann, Katjana, and Franziska Marquart. "Do Spitzenkandidaten really make a difference? An experiment on the effectiveness of personalized European Parliament election campaigns." European Union Politics 21, no. 4 (July 8, 2020): 612–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116520938148.
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This article investigates the impact of pan-European candidates in European Parliament election campaigns. It focusses on the two 2019 nominees for the European Greens, who were Dutch and German, respectively. We conducted a pre-registered experiment in the Netherlands and Germany in early April 2019 to test the effects of (non-)personalized campaign posters on (a) turnout intention and (b) vote intention for the Greens alongside possible mediating effects of campaign and candidate evaluations. Our results suggest that while personalized campaigns as opposed to non-personalized campaigns may not matter per se for turnout and vote intention, individual candidates can make a difference in European elections, particularly with respect to vote intention. As such, the results have important implications for our understanding of European Parliament election campaigns.
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Siebeneicher, Sven, Ilker Yenice, and Carolin Bock. "Financial-Return Crowdfunding for Energy and Sustainability in the German-Speaking Realm." Sustainability 14, no. 19 (September 27, 2022): 12239. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su141912239.
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The transformation of the energy system is among the most relevant topics of the current public debate in the German-speaking realm. Crowdfunding is suitable for promoting sustainable development, such as financing renewable energies. We investigate success determinants of financial-return crowdfunding to understand how this financing technique can contribute to realizing sustainable development, such as the energy transition. We conduct a cross-platform study and consider sustainably oriented campaigns to answer two research questions: First, what determinants influence financial-return crowdfunding success? Second, how does a sustainable orientation affect these success determinants? We rely on signaling theory to investigate the effect of quality signals. We consider four meta-platforms that aggregate campaigns with sustainable and other funding purposes, obtaining a dataset of 434 financial-return crowdfunding campaigns, mainly from Austria and Germany. We use hierarchical linear regression models for our statistical analysis. Our findings indicate that sustainable orientation alone does not significantly affect crowdfunding success. Entrepreneurs can increase their chances of campaign success by raising the interest rate unless their campaign has a sustainable orientation. In sustainably oriented campaigns, the effect of the interest rate is compensated. Finally, we find no significant evidence suggesting that the campaign duration affects sustainable or non-sustainable crowdfunding success.
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Busch, Peter. "The “Vietnam Legion”: West German Psychological Warfare against East German Propaganda in the 1960s." Journal of Cold War Studies 16, no. 3 (July 2014): 164–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00472.
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Studies in the wake of the “cultural turn” in diplomatic history have shown that propaganda and public diplomacy were key aspects of Western Cold War strategy. This article expands recent literature by focusing on propaganda practices at the grassroots level, making use of West and East German archival records to trace information campaigns in relation to the Vietnam War. In addition to explaining the organization of East German propaganda campaigns, the article explores the methods used by the psychological warfare section of West Germany’s Ministry of Defense. This section maintained an unofficial network that helped publish “camouflaged propaganda” at home as well as in France and Great Britain. Germany’s Nazi past was an important aspect of East Germany’s campaign that accused West Germany of having deployed a “Vietnam Legion.” Interestingly, Germany’s Nazi legacy also cast a shadow over the methods West German psychological warfare experts relied on to counter East German accusations.
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Moosmayer, Dirk C., and Alexandre Fuljahn. "Consumer perceptions of cause related marketing campaigns." Journal of Consumer Marketing 27, no. 6 (September 14, 2010): 543–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/07363761011078280.
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PurposeBy replicating two seminal studies on cause‐related marketing (CRM) campaigns, this paper aims to investigate the influence of gender and of donation size on consumer perception of firm behavior, consumer attitude to product, consumer goodwill toward the CRM campaign, consumer perception of the benefit to the NPO, and consumer attitude toward CRM.Design/methodology/approachAn online experiment was conducted with 306 students from a German university to evaluate their responses to a CRM campaign. The presented campaign supported a German children's charity, and varied with regard to donation size.FindingsConsumer perception of firm behavior, consumer goodwill toward the CRM campaign, and consumer attitude to product vary significantly by gender. Donation size has a significant influence on consumer goodwill toward the CRM campaign and on consumer perception of the benefit to the NPO. The impact of donation size is rooted in external perceptions, and partly moderated by gender.Research limitations/implicationsThe chosen non‐forced stimulus presentation may overestimate the measured impact. The applied stimuli may underlie specific gender characteristics that influence responses. Further research might thus apply forced stimulus exposure designs to a broader set of causes and products.Practical implicationsResults imply that CRM campaigns promise to be particularly suitable for promoting products to women. When addressing men, small donations appear to be sufficient.Originality/valueThe authors expand existing research in three ways. Campaign impact is differentiated by consumer attitudes toward the company, toward the product, and toward the NPO. The article shows that the impact of donation size is gender‐specific. By investigating CRM response in Germany, the study regionally expands existing research.
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Mushaben, Joyce Marie. "Kan-di(e)-dat?" German Politics and Society 36, no. 1 (March 1, 2018): 31–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2018.360102.
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Angela Merkel’s four national election campaigns offer a unique opportunity to explore the salience of gender in defining “competent leadership” in unified Germany. Women-friendly themes were deliberately avoided by the candidate and her party during her first two campaigns, but Merkel’s personal popularity rendered gender a positive asset during her third run for the Chancellorship in 2013. The 2017 campaign accorded new salience to gender as an electoral variable, albeit with a twist. The new dilemma for Germany’s first female leader was rooted in the need to win back alienated, if apolitical conservative men, attracted to an increasingly xenophobic Alternative for Germany. Although the GDR gender regime actively supported working women, eastern men appear to feel particularly threatened by the concrete advances towards gender equality witnessed across Germany since unification.
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Flade, Falk, and Sławomir Kamosiński. "‘Kapitalisten’ and ‘Prywaciarze’. A Comparison of Nationalisation Campaigns in the GDR and Poland." Studia Historiae Oeconomicae 39, no. 1 (December 1, 2021): 163–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/sho-2021-0007.
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Abstract This paper compares nationalisation campaigns in the German Democratic Republic and socialist Poland, with particular focus on industry. It is based on secondary literature as well as material from both the German and Polish statistical offices. The main finding is a surprising lack of simultaneity in the nationalisation campaigns in the two countries, which possibly had a significant impact on the course of economic transformation in East Germany and in Poland.
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Karcher, Katharina. "Violence for a Good Cause? The Role of Violent Tactics in West German Solidarity Campaigns for Better Working and Living Conditions in the Global South in the 1980s." Contemporary European History 28, no. 4 (October 31, 2019): 566–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777319000237.
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AbstractTaking up Frank Trentmann's suggestion of ‘widening the historical frame’ in which we analyse the fair trade movement, this article explores the entangled history of violent and peaceful tactics in two transnational solidarity campaigns in West Germany the 1980s: the German anti-Apartheid movement and a campaign for women workers in a South Korean garment factory. Both campaigns had the aim to improve the living and working conditions of producers in the Global South and were characterised by a complex interplay of peaceful and militant tactics ranging from boycott calls to arson attacks and bombings. Although more research into the impact of violent protest is needed, the two case studies suggest that the use of violent protest tactics can contribute towards the success of protest movements if it attracts considerable media attention, the targeted companies face significant social and political pressure and the cumulative disruption costs clearly exceed the concession costs.
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Botsch, Gideon. "Taking Nativism to the Streets." Moving the Social 66 (October 31, 2021): 43–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.46586/mts.66.2021.43-62.
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In this article, I give an overview on nativist street protests in Germany from the early nineteenth century to the present from an historical perspective. In a preliminary remark, I will reflect on some recent developments in Germany, where nativist protest campaigns against immigration took place in the streets when voters were turning towards the populist radical right party Alternative für Deutschland (AfD). In the first section, I will outline an older tradition of anti-immigration protest in nineteenth and early twentieth century Germany, which is closely connected to modern antisemitism. In sections two and three, I will retrace how, from the late 1960s onward, the far right in the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) discovered concerns about immigration in the German population, addressed them in protest campaigns and developed narratives to integrate such sentiments into a broader right-wing extremist ideology, itself deeply rooted in antisemitism. Studying nativism and the radical right from an actor-oriented perspective, I will focus on traditionalist movements, including the Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands (NPD) and neo-Nazi groups.
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Stock, Benita, and Luis Möckel. "Characterization of blood donors and non-blood donors in Germany using an online survey." Health and Technology 11, no. 3 (March 2, 2021): 595–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12553-021-00532-y.
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Abstract Objectives of this study were to analyze characteristics influencing blood donation status, to identify anxieties and reasons for (non-)blood donation, and potential channels for future blood donation campaigns. A random population from Germany was interviewed using the online survey tool SoSci Survey. The access link to the questionnaire was distributed via snowball system and the Bavarian Red Cross. Statistical analysis was performed to identify factors influencing blood donation status. A total of 682 participants (27.3% blood donors) with a mean age of 33.4 and a standard deviation (SD) of 12.0 years were included into the analysis. Strongest factor associated with being blood donor was having a blood donor within family and friends (Odds ratio [OR]: 5.05 [95% confidence interval [95% CI]: 2.63; 9.70]; p≤0.001), whereas having anxiety related to blood donation was the strongest factor for being non-blood donor (OR: 0.11 [95% CI: 0.05; 0.21] p≤0.001). Other factors significantly influencing blood donor status were age, health-related quality of life, knowledge on blood donation, being an organ donor and having pre-conditions. Main anxieties avoiding blood donation were fear of physical consequences, and fear of the injection needle. Most frequently mentioned channels which should be used for blood donation campaigns were Instagram and free TV. Involving blood donors into campaigns to recruit new blood donors from their personal environment and to focus campaign content on physical benefits of blood donations might help to recruit new blood donors. In addition, running campaigns stronger on channels such as Instagram might increase their scope.
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Teich, Monique, Dominik van Pinxteren, Michael Wang, Simonas Kecorius, Zhibin Wang, Thomas Müller, Griša Močnik, and Hartmut Herrmann. "Contributions of nitrated aromatic compounds to the light absorption of water-soluble and particulate brown carbon in different atmospheric environments in Germany and China." Atmospheric Chemistry and Physics 17, no. 3 (February 2, 2017): 1653–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/acp-17-1653-2017.
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Abstract. The relative contributions of eight nitrated aromatic compounds (NACs: nitrophenols and nitrated salicylic acids) to the light absorption of aqueous particle extracts and particulate brown carbon were determined from aerosol particle samples collected in Germany and China.High-volume filter samples were collected during six campaigns, performed at five locations in two seasons: (I) two campaigns with strong influence of biomass-burning (BB) aerosol at the TROPOS institute (winter, 2014, urban background, Leipzig, Germany) and the Melpitz research site (winter, 2014, rural background); (II) two campaigns with strong influence from biogenic emissions at Melpitz (summer, 2014) and the forest site Waldstein (summer, 2014, Fichtelgebirge, Germany); and (III) two CAREBeijing-NCP campaigns at Xianghe (summer, 2013, anthropogenic polluted background) and Wangdu (summer, 2014, anthropogenic polluted background with a distinct BB episode), both in the North China Plain. The filter samples were analyzed for NAC concentrations and the light absorption of aqueous filter extracts was determined. Light absorption properties of particulate brown carbon were derived from a seven-wavelength aethalometer during the campaigns at TROPOS (winter) and Waldstein (summer). The light absorption of the aqueous filter extracts was found to be pH dependent, with larger values at higher pH. In general, the aqueous light absorption coefficient (Abs370) ranged from 0.21 to 21.8 Mm−1 under acidic conditions and 0.63 to 27.2 Mm−1 under alkaline conditions, over all campaigns. The observed mass absorption efficiency (MAE370) was in a range of 0.10–1.79 m2 g−1 and 0.24–2.57 m2 g−1 for acidic and alkaline conditions, respectively. For MAE370 and Abs370, the observed values were higher in winter than in summer, in agreement with other studies. The lowest MAE was observed for the Waldstein (summer) campaign (average of 0.17 ± 0.03 m2 g−1), indicating that freshly emitted biogenic aerosols are only weakly absorbing. In contrast, a strong relationship was found between the light absorption properties and the concentrations of levoglucosan, corroborating findings from other studies. Regarding the particulate light absorption at 370 nm, a mean particulate light absorption coefficient babs, 370 of 54 Mm−1 and 6.0 Mm−1 was determined for the TROPOS (winter) and Waldstein (summer) campaigns, respectively, with average contributions of particulate brown carbon to babs, 370 of 46 % at TROPOS (winter) and 15 % at Waldstein (summer). Thus, the aethalometer measurements support the findings from aqueous filter extracts of only weakly absorbing biogenic aerosols in comparison to the more polluted and BB influenced aerosol at TROPOS (winter). The mean contribution of NACs to the aqueous extract light absorption over all campaigns ranged from 0.10 to 1.25 % under acidic conditions and 0.13 to 3.71 % under alkaline conditions. The high variability among the measurement sites showed that the emission strengths of light-absorbing compounds and the composition of brown carbon were very different for each site. The mean contribution of NACs to the particulate brown carbon light absorption was 0.10 ± 0.06 % (acidic conditions) and 0.13 ± 0.09 % (alkaline conditions) during the Waldstein (summer) campaign and 0.25 ± 0.21 % (acidic conditions) and 1.13 ± 1.03 % (alkaline conditions) during the TROPOS (winter) campaign. The average contribution of NACs to the aqueous extract light absorption over all campaigns was found to be 5 times higher than their mass contribution to water-soluble organic carbon indicating that even small amounts of light-absorbing compounds can have a disproportionately high impact on the light absorption properties of particles.
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Wolf, B., C. Chwala, B. Fersch, J. Garvelmann, W. Junkermann, M. J. Zeeman, A. Angerer, et al. "The SCALEX Campaign: Scale-Crossing Land Surface and Boundary Layer Processes in the TERENO-preAlpine Observatory." Bulletin of the American Meteorological Society 98, no. 6 (June 1, 2017): 1217–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1175/bams-d-15-00277.1.
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Abstract ScaleX is a collaborative measurement campaign, collocated with a long-term environmental observatory of the German Terrestrial Environmental Observatories (TERENO) network in the mountainous terrain of the Bavarian Prealps, Germany. The aims of both TERENO and ScaleX include the measurement and modeling of land surface–atmosphere interactions of energy, water, and greenhouse gases. ScaleX is motivated by the recognition that long-term intensive observational research over years or decades must be based on well-proven, mostly automated measurement systems, concentrated in a small number of locations. In contrast, short-term intensive campaigns offer the opportunity to assess spatial distributions and gradients by concentrated instrument deployments, and by mobile sensors (ground and/or airborne) to obtain transects and three-dimensional patterns of atmospheric, surface, or soil variables and processes. Moreover, intensive campaigns are ideal proving grounds for innovative instruments, methods, and techniques to measure quantities that cannot (yet) be automated or deployed over long time periods. ScaleX is distinctive in its design, which combines the benefits of a long-term environmental-monitoring approach (TERENO) with the versatility and innovative power of a series of intensive campaigns, to bridge across a wide span of spatial and temporal scales. This contribution presents the concept and first data products of ScaleX-2015, which occurred in June–July 2015. The second installment of ScaleX took place in summer 2016 and periodic further ScaleX campaigns are planned throughout the lifetime of TERENO. This paper calls for collaboration in future ScaleX campaigns or to use our data in modelling studies. It is also an invitation to emulate the ScaleX concept at other long-term observatories.
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Misiuna, Jan. "Financing Political Parties in France, Germany and The United Kingdom." Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego. Studia i Prace, no. 1 (November 27, 2016): 91–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.33119/kkessip.2016.1.4.
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The paper compares the systems of financing political parties in France, Germany and the UK. The analysis concentrates on effectiveness of collecting contributions, dependency on large donors for providing funds for financing election campaigns and daily operation of political parties, and the level of transparency of finances of political parties. The final conclusion is that only introducing limits on expenditures on election campaigns allows to keep the costs of election campaigns and political parties at a low level, while mandatory common accounting standards and public access to financial information is necessary to preserve transparency of finances of political parties.
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Geisthoff, Urban W., Frank Hölzle, Boris A. Stuck, Joachim Jackowski, Catherine Hand Goetz, Christina Grabowski, and Freya Droege. "Nationwide Awareness Campaign and Call for Dental Screening for Hereditary Hemorrhagic Telangiectasia in Germany." International Journal of Dentistry 2023 (February 11, 2023): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2023/8737727.
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Objectives. Hereditary hemorrhagic telangiectasia (HHT) is a rare disorder encompassing facial and oral telangiectasias and visceral vascular malformations (VMs). Pulmonary VMs can lead to paradoxical embolism of thrombi or bacteria, e.g., due to dental procedures. Early detection can reduce morbidity and mortality and is recommended. However, diagnosis is often delayed for decades. Our study is assessing the feasibility and effect of a nationwide awareness campaign for early diagnosis of HHT addressing all dentists in Germany. Methods. In 2018, one article and two reminders about HHT were published in a nationwide awareness campaign. As a proxy for the effectiveness of the campaign, researchers measured the number of first-time inquiries from patients and physicians about HHT documented by the German HHT self-help group from September 2016 until September 2019. Results. A total of 411 first contacts with the German self-help group were documented, mainly via Internet platforms (Internet forum (n = 130) and Facebook® (n = 189)). For 9% of those patients (n = 36/411), the physician or dentist (physician: (n = 31/36, 86%; dentist: n = 5/36, 14%) informed patients about the disease HHT and the self-help group. Before publishing the first article about HHT, no dentist referred patients to the German self-help group; afterwards, 5 patients received information about HHT from their dentist and contacted the patient organization for the first time. After each publication in June, September, and December 2018, the number of new contacts increased. Contacts via phone and e-mail had the highest relative increase. Conclusions. The repeated call for dental screening for HHT in Germany led to increased awareness of this rare disease; more patients with possible HHT received information about the condition. The authors conclude that targeted campaigns may contribute to a shorter diagnostic latency resulting in increased quality of life and life expectancy in HHT. This trial is registered with CT03549949.
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Pelz, William A. "Poking Holes in the Western Wall: East Germany’s Attempts to Create Counter-Hegemony during the Cold War." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 14, no. 1-2 (January 5, 2015): 170–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691497-12341339.
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During its brief existence, East Germany attempted to present an alternative global vision that was sharply in contrast to that of West Germany and her capitalist allies. Although only partially successful, these campaigns nonetheless point to a quest for a different globalization based on non-capitalist international solidarity. Among the issues the ddr championed were the following: a) an alternative narrative of German, and world, history, b) anti-fascism as a model for national development, c) support for anti-colonial and liberation movements against imperialism, and in fits and starts d) a policy of gender equality.
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Langer, Armin. "Telling Holocaust Jokes on German Public Television." Race and European TV Histories 10, no. 20 (December 1, 2021): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.18146/view.263.
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Since 2015, Israeli-born German artist Shahak Shapira has initiated several satirical campaigns targeting antisemitism and racism in Germany and the country’s relation to the Holocaust. These interventions set Shapira’s career in motion, and in 2019 he landed a slot on the ZDF public broadcasting channel for the talk show Shapira Shapira. The show mocked antisemitism and far-right movements in Germany and reminded the viewers of the country’s history with Jews. His jokes about concentration camps and their contemporary perceptions proved to be especially effective. This article shows how Shahak Shapira and his show challenged the official narratives about Jews, antisemitism and the Holocaust. It argues that Shapira’s jokes might empower Jews and foster Holocaust awareness among the general public in Germany.
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Chirko, B. "Ethnic Germans of Ukraine in the Context of Soviet-German Relations (1920-1950s)." Problems of World History, no. 3 (May 16, 2017): 166–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2017-3-9.
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The aim of the publication is the study of ethno-political, socio-economic, demographic and other processes taking place in the environment of the German ethnic group of Ukraine in the context of the Soviet-German inter-state relations during 1920-1950s. The author analyzes the attitude of governmental bodies to the German ethnic community, causes, mechanisms of realization, demographic, social and political consequences of political repressions of the Stalinist regime against ethnic Germans, mass deportation of the German population from the regions of traditional accommodation in the interwar period.
The author emphasizes that the repressive actions were caused by and closely related to administrative-imperative methods of implementation of domestic policies, the militarization of the economy, collectivization of village, violent grain procurements, antireligious campaigns etc. Repressions of the “nationalists” (German, Polish, etc.) were linked with the international factor - the aggravation of the situation in the world. The deterioration of relations between the USSR and Germany and Poland as well as the corresponding strengthening of anti-German and anti-Polish propaganda campaign led in particular to a special bias of Soviet authorities towards the German and Polish population, which was considered as a potential base for “Nazi” activities in the country.
This publication analyzes the social and legal status of “volksdeutsche” during World War II, the attitude towards “ethnic Germans” of Ukraine from Nazi occupation regime. The status and nature of ethnic Germans staying in the mode of special settlements, repatriation and problems of separated families in the postwar years have been considered.
The author has paid special attention to the problems of lifting restrictions in the legal status of the majority of the German population of the USSR as a result of the German-Soviet negotiations in Moscow in 1955, the attempts of ethnic Germans and the government of Ukraine to ensure ethnic, social, cultural, religious and spiritual needs of the German ethnic community under conditions of modern Ukrainian state – building and deepening of democratic processes in Ukrainian society.
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Metag, Julia, Tobias Füchslin, and Mike S. Schäfer. "Global warming’s five Germanys: A typology of Germans’ views on climate change and patterns of media use and information." Public Understanding of Science 26, no. 4 (July 3, 2015): 434–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0963662515592558.
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People’s attitudes toward climate change differ, and these differences may correspond to distinct patterns of media use and information seeking. However, studies extending analyses of attitude types and their specific media diets to countries beyond the United States are lacking. We use a secondary analysis of survey data from Germany to identify attitudes toward climate change among the German public and specify those segments of the population based on their media use and information seeking. Similar to the Global Warming’s Six Americas study, we find distinct attitudes (Global Warming’s Five Germanys) that differ in climate change–related perceptions as well as in media use and communicative behavior. These findings can help tailor communication campaigns regarding climate change to specific audiences.
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Killen, Andreas. "What Is an Enlightenment Film?Cinema and the Rhetoric of Social Hygiene in Interwar Germany." Social Science History 39, no. 1 (2015): 107–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2015.44.
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This paper examines the discursive production of risk and its management in the German “enlightenment film” of the interwar period. From the sexual enlightenment films of the immediate postwar era to the Nazi-era sterilization films, public health campaigns mobilized new ideas about hygiene and the new resources of the mass media. Depicting a world composed of discrete risks (venereal disease, hereditary illness), on the one hand, and supplying information on how to manage such risks, on the other, public officials and experts invested considerable resources in this project of public education. Yet insofar as this project addressed controversial aspects of human behavior, and often proposed controversial solutions, this campaign of state-sponsored enlightenment remained an ambivalent one. Particularly in campaigns against venereal disease, leading advocates were frequently drawn into debates both about film's value as medium of mass instruction and the nature of the public they sought to address, a public perceived in fundamental ways as “at risk.” Their efforts routinely provoked charges that enlightenment films on sexual conduct could incite the very behaviors they strove to warn audiences against. By the end of the 1920s, the hopes placed in public enlightenment campaigns seemed to have waned. And yet the enlightenment film underwent a significant revival during the Nazi era. The paper concludes by examining the interconnections between the Nazis' reconceptualization of public enlightenment, risk, and strategies for managing it.
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Papakyriakopoulos, Orestis, Simon Hegelich, Morteza Shahrezaye, and Juan Carlos Medina Serrano. "Social media and microtargeting: Political data processing and the consequences for Germany." Big Data & Society 5, no. 2 (July 2018): 205395171881184. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2053951718811844.
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Amongst other methods, political campaigns employ microtargeting, a specific technique used to address the individual voter. In the US, microtargeting relies on a broad set of collected data about the individual. However, due to the unavailability of comparable data in Germany, the practice of microtargeting is far more challenging. Citizens in Germany widely treat social media platforms as a means for political debate. The digital traces they leave through their interactions provide a rich information pool, which can create the necessary conditions for political microtargeting following appropriate algorithmic processing. More specifically, data mining techniques enable information gathering about a people's general opinion, party preferences and other non-political characteristics. Through the application of data-intensive algorithms, it is possible to cluster users in respect of common attributes, and through profiling identify whom and how to influence. Applying machine learning algorithms, this paper explores the possibility to identify micro groups of users, which can potentially be targeted with special campaign messages, and how this approach can be expanded to large parts of the electorate. Lastly, based on these technical capabilities, we discuss the ethical and political implications for the German political system.
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Vollberg, Susanne. "Don’t Smoke, Take Drink in Moderation, Do Walk a Lot and Do Not Gorge Yourself beyond Your Satiation: Health Education by Television in West Germany from the 1960s to the 1980s." VIEW Journal of European Television History and Culture 9, no. 18 (December 24, 2020): 112. http://dx.doi.org/10.18146/view.220.
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This article discusses health education through television in West Germany, with a focus on nutrition and physical activity. Public health initiatives on television contributed to the fitness boom of the late 1960s and 1970s that aimed to counterbalance post-war lifestyle changes within the West German population. The article uses individual TV programme formats and campaigns as examples to show that the 1970s marked the beginning of behaviour-oriented health education in West Germany. The ZDF health telemagazine Gesundheitsmagazin Praxis gave advice, for example on proper food and conveyed how the audience was increasingly requested to actively participate, in order to encourage health-conscious behaviour.
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Hornuf, Lars, and Armin Schwienbacher. "Internet-Based Entrepreneurial Finance: Lessons from Germany." California Management Review 60, no. 2 (December 8, 2017): 150–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0008125617741126.
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The Internet-based crowdinvesting market in Europe has developed significantly since its start in 2007 and has become an alternative source of finance for entrepreneurs to sell securities through the Internet to small investors. This market evidences a great variety in platform design and contract forms used by crowdinvesting platforms. By analyzing more detailed, hand-collected data on the complete set of successful and unsuccessful crowdinvesting campaigns run in Germany, this article tests whether different platform and contractual mechanisms affect crowd participation. The results show that crowd participation is largest when the minimum ticket size is small, the crowd is pooled in a financial vehicle, and the crowd is offered investments in the form of profit-participating loans. Moreover, the very same mechanisms increase the chances of achieving successful campaigns and raising a larger amount.
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Geissler, Ferdinand, Felix Hartmann, Macartan Humphreys, Heike Klüver, and Johannes Giesecke. "Public support for global vaccine sharing in the COVID-19 pandemic: Evidence from Germany." PLOS ONE 17, no. 12 (December 14, 2022): e0278337. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0278337.
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By September 2021 an estimated 32% of the global population was fully vaccinated for COVID-19 but the global distribution of vaccines was extremely unequal, with 72% or more vaccinated in the ten countries with the highest vaccination rates and less than 2% in the ten countries with the lowest vaccination rates. Given that governments need to secure public support for investments in global vaccine sharing, it is important to understand the levels and drivers of public support for international vaccine solidarity. Using a factorial experiment administered to more than 10,000 online survey respondents in Germany in 2021, we demonstrate that the majority of German citizens are against global inequalities in vaccine distribution. Respondents are supportive of substantive funding amounts, on the order of the most generous contributions provided to date, though still below amounts that are likely needed for a successful global campaign. Public preferences appear largely to be driven by intrinsic concern for the welfare of global populations though are in part explained by material considerations—particularly risks of continued health threats from a failure to vaccinate globally. Strategic considerations are of more limited importance in shaping public opinion; in particular we see no evidence for free riding on contributions by other states. Finally, drawing on an additional survey experiment, we show that there is scope to use information campaigns highlighting international health externalities to augment public support for global campaigns.
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Christiansen, Liv. "Turkish Politicians’ Political Campaigns in Germany – The Legality of Public Appearances Under German Law." Volume 61 · 2018 61, no. 1 (June 20, 2019): 475–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/gyil.61.1.475.
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Katzenstein, Peter J. "September 11 in Comparative Perspective: The Antiterrorism Campaigns of Germany and Japan." Dialogue IO 1, no. 1 (2002): 45–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s7777777702000043.
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For the United States, September 11 is a turning point.; For Japan and Germany it brought a sense of déjà vu. The United States’ experience with terrorism is not unique, but it is distinctive. How other states, here Japan and Germany, have dealt with terrorism may help put the events of September 11 and their aftermath into perspective. Japan and Germany were not as successful in stemming terrorism as their governments and people would have liked. An analysis of their policies sheds new light on this turn in world politics.
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Montemagno, Francesca, and Rossana Sampugnaro. "Quanto influiscono i sistemi elettorali sulle campagne?" Quaderni dell'Osservatorio elettorale. QOE - IJES 81, no. 1 (June 30, 2019): 43–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/qoe-8524.
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The demand for specific expertise to manage strategically election campaigns is growing. However, their use depends on the history of political party, on their values and on their economic resources and to the context in which the election campaign takes place. In this sphere, the electoral system produces constraints and incentives for the development of the electoral campaigns.This study aims to examine the influence of electoral system on electoral campaign style and on its management. In particular, the focus is on professionalization and personalization of electoral campaigns within a comparative approach among the European states. The data are from a comparative study on candidates (CCS).The study focuses on the candidates who participated in the most recent general elections included in the database. In particular, we selected nine countries with different electoral systems: for Candidate-based electoral system, we choice Romania, United Kingdom, Ireland and Malta; for Party-based electoral system, we examined Norway, Portugal and Italy; we also included in our analysis Hungary and Germany, which have a Mixed system with single-member constituency and closed List, which can be placed between the two previous systems.The results of the study show that the electoral systems influence the election campaigns of candidates, producing different models of mobilization.
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Köhler, Judith, Ines Heinz, Roland Mergl, Anne Elsner, and Ulrich Hegerl. "The German Alliance Against Depression and suicide rates: A retrospective analysis." PLOS ONE 16, no. 7 (July 1, 2021): e0254133. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0254133.
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Supported by the German Alliance Against Depression, 82 regions in Germany launched their own community-based multi-level intervention programs targeting both depression and suicidal behavior prior to January 2016. Sixteen of these regions have implemented the full 4-level intervention program comprising 1) training of General Practitioners, 2) a public awareness campaign, 3) training of community facilitators and 4) support for depressed patients and their relatives for at least three years. The aim of the study was to examine possible suicide prevention effects in these sixteen 4-level intervention regions (comprising a population of 6,976,309) by 1) comparing the annual suicide rates during the 3-year intervention period to a 10-year baseline and 2) comparing these differences to corresponding trends in Germany after excluding all intervention regions (Germany-IR). Primary outcome was the annual rate of suicides. Analyses included negative binomial regression models. When examining differences between suicide rates during the intervention period compared to the baseline period, only a trend towards a significant reduction was found. This reduction of suicides in the sixteen 4-level intervention regions did not differ from that in Germany-IR as control. The interpretation of these findings has to take into account that the training of General Practitioners, police and other community facilitators might have improved the recognition of suicides, thus increasing detection rates. Furthermore, destigmatizing effects of the public awareness campaigns might have increased the number of suicides by lowering suicide threshold (“normalization”) for those at risk and by decreasing the rate of suicides deliberately hidden by suicide victims or their relatives.
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Flamini, Marta, and Maurizio Naldi. "Maturity of Industry 4.0: A Systematic Literature Review of Assessment Campaigns." Journal of Open Innovation: Technology, Market, and Complexity 8, no. 1 (March 11, 2022): 51. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/joitmc8010051.
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The Industry 4.0 paradigm represents the fourth industrial revolution, embodied by the marriage between information and communication technologies and manufacturing. Assessment campaigns are conducted to examine the status of deployment of that paradigm, mostly through self-assessment questionnaires. Each campaign is typically limited in scope, involving just a group of companies located in a few countries at most. Such limitation does not allow an overall view of Industry 4.0’s diffusion. In this paper, we offer that panoramic view through a systematic literature review. The number of papers devoted to Industry 4.0 assessment grows steadily. However, many papers do not provide essential information about the assessment campaigns they report, e.g., not detailing the number, type, or location of companies involved and the questionnaire employed. We observe a large diffusion in Europe and Asia but not in the U.S., with the Top 5 countries being Malaysia, Poland, Italy, Germany and Slovakia. The campaigns uniformly cover small, medium, and large companies but not all industrial sectors. The choice of questionnaires is extremely varied, with no standard emerging.
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Stevenson, Patrick. "The Language Question in Contemporary Germany: The Challenges of Multilingualism." German Politics and Society 33, no. 1 (June 1, 2015): 69–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2015.330106.
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This article addresses the complex relationships between political discourses, demographic constellations, the affordances of new technologies, and linguistic practices in contemporary Germany. It focuses on political and personal responses to the increasingly multilingual nature of German society and the often-conflicting ways in which “the German language” figures in strategies promoting social integration and Germany's global position. In order to do this, the idea of “the German language” is contextualized in relation to both internal and external processes of contemporary social change. On the one hand, changes to the social order arising from the increasingly complex patterns of inward migration have led to conflicts between a persistent monolingual ideology and multilingual realities. On the other hand, changes in the global context and the explosive growth of new social media have resulted in both challenges and new opportunities for the German language in international communication. In this context, the article explores internal and external policy responses, for example, in relation to education and citizenship in Germany, and the embedding of German language campaigns in strategies promoting multilingualism; and impacts on individual linguistic practices and behaviors, such as the emergence of “multiethnolects” and online multilingualism.
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Hornuf, Lars, Lars Klöhn, and Tobias Schilling. "Financial Contracting in Crowdinvesting: Lessons from the German Market." German Law Journal 19, no. 3 (June 1, 2018): 509–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200022781.
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The present Article aims to shed light on the question whether crowdinvesting regulation should favor a specific legal form or contract type for crowdinvesting. To this end, it analyzes the conditions which legal forms and contract types must fulfill to be used in crowdinvesting. As crowdinvesting in Germany benefits from a high degree of contractual freedom, the Article gives an overview not only of the types but also of the contents of crowdinvesting contracts that are in use in Germany and traces how they have evolved. Based on a sample of 81% of all crowd financing in the German market, it evaluates 255 crowdinvesting campaigns held on 18 different platforms in the period from August 1, 2011 to December 31, 2015.
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Nicola, Lena, Erik Loebel, and Alexandra M. Zuhr. "Money makes our world go round – funding landscape for polar early-career scientists in Germany." Polarforschung 90, no. 2 (December 20, 2022): 81–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/polf-90-81-2022.
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Abstract. A lot of things in life need money and so does polar science: money is needed to participate in conferences, undertake fieldwork campaigns or pay for salaries, such as in PhD projects or permanent research positions. To give an overview on the general funding landscape for polar early-career scientists in Germany, APECS Germany (the German National Committee of the Association of Polar Early Career Scientists, APECS) has started to host a list of grant, fellowship and other funding opportunities at https://apecs-germany.de/funding/ (last access: 15 October 2022). This is visualized in Fig. 1. Once a suitable funding scheme has been found, grant writing requires good preparation, a well-structured and written proposal, and several back-up plans.
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Thanh Tu, Tran Thi, Dinh Phuong Anh, and Tang Thi Ha Thu. "Exploring Factors Influencing the Success of Crowdfunding Campaigns of Startups in Vietnam." Accounting and Finance Research 7, no. 2 (January 4, 2018): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/afr.v7n2p19.
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Over the past years, crowdfunding has been known as an effective funding channel for startups, especially in developed countries such as the United States, the United Kingdom and Germany. Nowadays, along with the rise of startups in Vietnam, will crowdfunding be a fruitful funding channel? What are the success determinants for a crowdfunding campaign of startups in Vietnam? With the data from five most well-known crowdfunding platforms (CFP) in Vietnam, we explore the factors which are significant for the success of crowdfunding campaigns of startups. Besides, this article also shed lights on the prospects and challenges ofcrowdfunding in Vietnam and proposes some recommendations for parties participating in the crowdfundingsystem.
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Jungherr, Andreas. "The Role of the Internet in Political Campaigns in Germany." German Politics 24, no. 4 (December 6, 2014): 427–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09644008.2014.989218.
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McAdams, A. James. "Towards a New Germany?—Problems of Unification." Government and Opposition 25, no. 3 (July 1, 1990): 304–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1990.tb00585.x.
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IT HAS NOW BECOME COMMON FOR OBSERVERS TO NOTE that German reunification, an unthinkable prospect only a year ago, will be realised before anyone, either the East and West Germans themselves or any of their neighbours and allies, is fully prepared for this eventuality. As the conservative Alliance for Germany's stunning successes in the GDR's first free Volkskammer (parliamentary) elections on 18 March demonstrated, a near majority of the country's population was eager to cast its vote for those forces which promised to facilitate East Germany's absorption into the FRG on the fastest possible terms. By the same token, the vote was also a victory of sorts for all of the West German parties who rushed to lend material and financial aid to their GDR counterparts, for their involvement in the East German election campaigns clearly helped to accelerate the momentum behind national reunification.
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Menke, Manuel, and Tim Wulf. "The Dark Side of Inspirational Pasts: An Investigation of Nostalgia in Right-Wing Populist Communication." Media and Communication 9, no. 2 (May 6, 2021): 237–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/mac.v9i2.3803.
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In recent years, research found that populism employed a new strategy by using nostalgia, a sentimental longing for the past, as a communication tool to persuade citizens to support their political agendas. In populist campaigns, nostalgia is used to affectively link (alleged) crises with longing for a cherished past. In this article, we applied a mixed-methods approach to understand how populists exploit nostalgia in their communication and how nostalgic rhetoric has the potential to persuade people to support their claims. In Study 1, we conducted a case study based on a qualitative content analysis of Alternative for Germany’s (AfD) online election campaign in the 2019 Thuringia election in East Germany. The analysis revealed that the campaign was built around the nostalgic narrative of the 1989 peaceful revolution as a proud historical moment for former German Democratic Republic citizens while at the same time creating a sense of crisis supposedly caused by false post-reunification politics. To further investigate the persuasiveness of nostalgia, Study 2 used a statement from the campaign and found that participants tended to agree more with populist statements if they contained nostalgic rhetoric (compared to non-nostalgic populist and control rhetoric). These findings suggest that right-wing populists can effectively exploit nostalgia and that it may ‘sugarcoat’ populist messages.
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Gerhards, Jürgen, and Dieter Rucht. "Mesomobilization: Organizing and Framing in Two Protest Campaigns in West Germany." American Journal of Sociology 98, no. 3 (November 1992): 555–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/230049.
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Hutchinson, Jo. "‘Girls into STEM and Komm mach MINT’: English and German approaches to support girls’ STEM career-related learning." Journal of the National Institute for Career Education and Counselling 32, no. 1 (April 1, 2014): 27–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.20856/jnicec.3205.
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European economies require STEM skilled people, yet compared with boys, girls demonstrate a tendency to reject some STEM study and STEM careers. This paper briefly reviews key factors that influence this phenomenon. It then introduces four examples of campaigns and initiatives that encourage girls to consider further participation in STEM in England and MINT in Germany as part of their career ambitions. Evidence of the impact of German initiatives is presented. It concludes that where there is a deliberate strategy linked with defined actions which tackle issues that are specific to girls, then gender imbalances can begin to change.
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Klapp, Marcel. "Salam-Online: Preventive Measures against extreme online messages among Muslims in Germany. Insights into a pilot project at the Center for Islamic Theology, Münster." Lodz Papers in Pragmatics 14, no. 1 (June 26, 2018): 181–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/lpp-2018-0009.
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Abstract The article sheds light on programs and measures against Islamist-extremist messages both by governmental and non-governmental institutions in Germany. The “German way” for the most part is characterized through its renouncement of counter-terrorist narration through campaigns. Instead, decentralized, horizontal and “value-based” forms of strategic communication are being established. Therefore, German governmental as well as non-governmental institutions are currently developing educational programs in order to not only debunk extremist myths but rather to enable youngsters to critically reflect on mechanisms of ideologically charged communication. Although the field of practices is multi-branched and diverse, we will make an effort to concisely map areas of action, structures of sponsorship and (educational) measures concerning Islamism in Germany. The educational material ‘Salam Online’ which was developed and produced by staff and students of the religious education department of Zentrum für Islamische Theologie Münster will be presented as one approach to countering Islamist-extremist ideology through debunking, critical reading and the proposition of social models of coherence and commonality.
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Nadezhdin, Alexander. "Contemporary Migration in Germany: Features and Trends." DEMIS. Demographic Research 2, no. 1 (March 23, 2022): 163–0. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/demis.2022.2.1.13.
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The article is dedicated to the current migration situation in Germany. In terms of foreign policy, the author analyses Berlin's approaches to a migration regulation amid growing external pressure on the EU. In fact, Germany is again in the eye of the storm due to the increasing number of potential refugees from troubled regions, including the flow of migrants from Belarus to Poland, and expanding secondary migration. Germany's activities, which are aimed at finding solutions to current challenges (situation in Afghanistan, Belarus, etc.) confirm its interest in shaping new directions of migration policy as a coordinating force of the EU. As for domestic policy, the author studies the relationship between migration processes and electoral campaigns in Germany. Emphasis is made on the German federal election, which ends Merkel's almost 16-year tenure. The article dwells upon a modern party landscape with a focus on Alternative for Germany and suggests possible scenarios for internal political changes related to a migration factor. The topical issues of the migration agenda, which must be solved by the new federal government, are raised in the context of demographic transformations in the society, the COVID-19 pandemic and other developments. The findings and conclusions of this article are of interest to scientists, experts as well as to the representatives of state authorities, which develop and implement migration policy.
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Popieliński, Paweł, and Piotr Jacek Krzyżanowski. "Upamiętnianie zagłady Sinti i Romów przed i po zjednoczeniu Niemiec – wstęp do problematyki." Rocznik Polsko-Niemiecki, no. 28 (December 17, 2020): 11–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/rpn.2020.28.08.
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The authors of this article focus on showing the genesis of the situation and the attitude towards Sinti and Roma in the Third Reich and post-war Germany. They deal with the issue of commemorating the persecution and genocide of this community in post-war and reunified Germany. The article also indicates a selection of some of the most important memorial sites in Germany dedicated to Sinti and Roma. The genocide of Sinti and Roma represents an important turning point in their history. In line with the racist policy of the Third Reich, they were outlawed and sentenced to extermination. The subject of the Sinti and Roma extermination was long absent in the public discourse of post-war Germany and in the consciousness of society. While the Federal Republic of Germany recognised the Jewish victims fairly quickly, the Sinti and Roma genocide was ignored. The official version of the narrative stated that Sinti and Roma were persecuted in Nazi Germany not because of racist policies but because of social maladjustment (Asoziale). It was only in the 1980s that places devoted to the persecution and extermination of Sinti and Roma began to be commemorated.The present memory of the victims and the recognition of the rights of Sinti and Roma in Germany are the result of their ethnic mobilisation and long and hard-won campaigns for equal participation in society. Today, the commemoration of the wrongs suffered by Sinti and Roma during the Nazi regime is an important step for German society in dealing with its past.
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Furs, V. "IDEOLOGICAL ORIGINS AND EVOLUTION OF GERMAN RIGHT-WING PARTIES AND MOVEMENTS." CULTURE AND SAFETY 4 (April 2021): 31–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.25257/kb.2021.4.31-40.
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The article provides a description of the German right-wing parties and movements of the new generation, reveals their similarities and differences regarding the traditional right-wing and radical right-wing parties. The study traces the evolutionary path and continuity of the new right-wing parties, analyzes the reasons for the popularity of alternative right-wing ideas among the German electorate. Based on the analysis of the electoral campaigns from 2013 to 2021, assessing the effectiveness of the Alternative party political strategy for Germany as the only influential right-wing force is given. In conclusion the prerequisites for the decline of the new legal movement are described, and the conditions necessary for the movement to maintain the positions won in the society are also listed.
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Heuschmann, Peter U., Sarah Zweynert, Jan Sobesky, Christian H. Nolte, Heinrich J. Audebert, Christiane Hantke, Hans-Christian Koennecke, Marianne Kalic, Klaus Berger, and Matthias Endres. "Effects of a Public Awareness Campaign on Time to and Way of Hospital Admission After Stroke." SAGE Open 11, no. 1 (January 2021): 215824402198927. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2158244021989275.
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Public education campaigns are recommended to increase awareness for stroke. The effect of a public advertising and education campaign in an urban region in Germany was assessed and compared with a control region. We hypothesized that such a campaign would increase the number of patients being admitted by emergency medical services (EMS). A multimedia campaign and targeted education of health care professionals and the public was employed in Berlin during six consecutive months to disseminate knowledge about stroke symptoms and appropriate actions to take. Data on time to hospital admission and details on transport were retrieved from registries for the episode before, during, and after the campaign. To test the effect of the campaign, it was compared with another urban region in Germany (Ruhr-Area), where no campaign had been conducted. Between January 2010 and February 2011, 9,166 patients with stroke or transient ischemic attack (TIA) were documented in Berlin and 9,994 in the Ruhr-Area. In both regions, following the campaign period, patients were more often admitted to hospital within the first 2 hr after onset (Berlin: odds ratio [OR] = 1.16, 95% confidence interval [CI] = [1.02, 1.32]; Ruhr-Area: OR = 1.18, 95% CI = [1.05, 1.34]). Patients were more likely being admitted via EMS after the campaign (Berlin: OR = 1.71, 95% CI = [1.50, 1.94]; Ruhr-Area: OR = 1.34, 95% CI = [1.17, 1.53]). The results suggest that an increased uptake of EMS triggered shorter time to hospital admission. A reduction in delay to hospitalization and an increased uptake of EMS were observed over the study period for both regions. No effect of the campaign was identified.
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Schneider, Kristan Alexander, Henri Christian Junior Tsoungui Obama, and Nessma Adil Mahmoud Yousif. "A flexible age-dependent, spatially-stratified predictive model for the spread of COVID-19, accounting for multiple viral variants and vaccines." PLOS ONE 18, no. 1 (January 20, 2023): e0277505. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0277505.
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Background After COVID-19 vaccines received approval, vaccination campaigns were launched worldwide. Initially, these were characterized by a shortage of vaccine supply, and specific risk groups were prioritized. Once supply was guaranteed and vaccination coverage saturated, the focus shifted from risk groups to anti-vaxxers, the under-aged population, and regions of low coverage. At the same time, hopes to reach herd immunity by vaccination campaigns were put into perspective by the emergence and spread of more contagious and aggressive viral variants. Particularly, concerns were raised that not all vaccines protect against the new-emerging variants. The objective of this study is to introduce a predictive model to quantify the effect of vaccination campaigns on the spread of SARS-CoV-2 viral variants. Methods and findings The predictive model introduced here is a comprehensive extension of the one underlying the pandemic preparedness tool CovidSim 2.0 (http://covidsim.eu/). The model is age and spatially stratified, incorporates a finite (but arbitrary) number of different viral variants, and incorporates different vaccine products. The vaccines are allowed to differ in their vaccination schedule, vaccination rates, the onset of vaccination campaigns, and their effectiveness. These factors are also age and/or location dependent. Moreover, the effectiveness and the immunizing effect of vaccines are assumed to depend on the interaction of a given vaccine and viral variant. Importantly, vaccines are not assumed to immunize perfectly. Individuals can be immunized completely, only partially, or fail to be immunized against one or many viral variants. Not all individuals in the population are vaccinable. The model is formulated as a high-dimensional system of differential equations, which is implemented efficiently in the programming language Julia. As an example, the model was parameterized to reflect the epidemic situation in Germany until November 2021 and future dynamics of the epidemic under different interventions were predicted. In particular, without tightening contact reductions, a strong epidemic wave is predicted during December 2021 and January 2022. Provided the dynamics of the epidemic in Germany, in late 2021 administration of full-dose vaccination to all eligible individuals (e.g. by mandatory vaccination) would be too late to have a strong effect on reducing the number of infections in the fourth wave in Germany. However, it would reduce mortality. An emergency brake, i.e., an incidence-based stepwise lockdown, would be efficient to reduce the number of infections and mortality. Furthermore, to specifically account for mobility between regions, the model was applied to two German provinces of particular interest: Saxony, which currently has the lowest vaccine rollout in Germany and high incidence, and Schleswig-Holstein, which has high vaccine rollout and low incidence. Conclusions A highly sophisticated and flexible but easy-to-parameterize model for the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic is introduced. The model is capable of providing useful predictions for the COVID-19 pandemic, and hence provides a relevant tool for epidemic decision-making. The model can be adjusted to any country, and the predictions can be used to derive the demand for hospital or ICU capacities.
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Sander, Henrik. "Die Bewegung für Klimagerechtigkeit und Energiedemokratie in Deutschland." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 46, no. 184 (September 1, 2016): 403–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v46i184.122.
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This article argues that social movement research must be renewed by a historical-materialist perspective to be able to understand the emergence and effects of the relatively new climate justice movement in Germany. The previous research on NGOs and social movements in climate politics is presented and the recent development of the climate justice movement in Germany is illustrated. In a final step two cases of climate movement campaigns are explained by means of the historical-materialist movement analysis proposed by the author.
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Schwaiger, Manfred, Carsten Rennhak, Charles R. Taylor, and Hugh M. Cannon. "Can Comparative Advertising Be Effective in Germany? A Tale of Two Campaigns." Journal of Advertising Research 47, no. 1 (March 2007): 2–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.2501/s002184990707002x.
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Tenscher, Jens. "A Matter of Timing? A Study of Regional Election Campaigns in Germany." German Politics 23, no. 1-2 (April 3, 2014): 26–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09644008.2014.921904.
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Holtz-Bacha, Christina, Bengt Johansson, Jacob Leidenberger, Philippe J. Maarek, and Susanne Merkle. "Advertising for Europe." Nordicom Review 33, no. 2 (December 1, 2012): 77–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/nor-2013-0015.
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Abstract This study analyzes and compares party ads that were broadcast on television during the 2009 European Election campaign in France, Germany, Sweden and the UK. Even though electoral TV ads have never reached the same importance in European countries as in the US, such ads are to be regarded as an expression of the specific political culture of a country and therefore have relevance beyond election campaigns. An international comparison of ads produced for the same event is particularly suited to revealing similarities across cultures as well as national idiosyncrasies. Additionally, the present study demonstrates a methodological approach that defines a ‘sequence’ as the unit of analysis instead of the whole spot, and thus it is different from previous research on electoral advertising.
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Planert, Ute. "From Collaboration to Resistance: Politics, Experience, and Memory of the Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars in Southern Germany." Central European History 39, no. 4 (December 2006): 676–705. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938906000227.
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Travelers strolling through Stuttgart's Old Town who pause before Württemberg's royal residence can hardly fail to notice the Victory Column. Thirty meters high, it towers over the square and proclaims Crown Prince Wilhelm's victories against the armies of Napoleon in 1814. Erected in 1841, the Victory Column marked the Silver Jubilee of Wilhelm's reign, by that time a much-loved regent. Eight years earlier, at the twentieth anniversary of the Battle of Leipzig, the Bavarian king Ludwig I dedicated a memorial to the dead of the Russian Campaign. Evidently cast from the metal of French cannons, the massive obelisk dominates a crossroads in Munich—roads named after victorious battles fought during the Wars of Liberation. With their military campaigns engraved in stone, the two monarchies, Württemberg and Bavaria, demonstrated their zealous opposition to the French Emperor.
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Gunlicks, Arthur B. "Campaign and Party Finance in the West German “Party State”." Review of Politics 50, no. 1 (1988): 30–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500036123.
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In contrast to the United States, where there is little or no public financing of parties and candidates below the presidential level, the German “party state” grants generous subsidies in a variety of forms to the political parties, though not to individual candidates. The German Basic Law (constitution), various laws passed by the national and Land (state) parliaments, and the Federal Constitutional Court have been important factors in the development of a complex and costly system of public financing for election campaigns, parliamentary parties and party foundations and for free television and radio time and billboard advertising space. In addition, the federal government incurs large tax expenditures through the encouragement of tax deductible contributions to political parties. In spite of the crucial role which public financing has assumed, recent scandals have occurred involving illegal contributions from business interests. A revised party law of 1984 and a Federal Constitutional Court decision in July 1986 have brought about significant changes, but controversy in Germany over public financing and the impact of recent reforms continues.
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Treitel, Corinna. "Max Rubner and the Biopolitics of Rational Nutrition." Central European History 41, no. 1 (March 2008): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938908000022.
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Eager to move on after the divisiveSonderwegdebates of the 1980s, historians of modern Germany have been busily elaborating a new central narrative around the notion of biopolitics. Aimed at producing a more powerful and productive society by regulating, optimizing, and even exterminating specific human populations, biopolitics has encompassed everything from housing reform, anti-smoking campaigns, and child vaccination programs to pro- and anti-natalist tax policies, national census taking, and the science of industrial hygiene. Identified by Michel Foucault and others as a general feature of all Western modernities, biopolitics has been a particularly fruitful concept for German historians, who have used it to trace the evolution of racial hygiene—the Nazi variant of eugenics and Germany's most infamous application of biopolitical principles—from a politically diverse group of Wilhelmine and Weimar social reformers. The very normality of these reformers, given the international context, has in turn allowed scholars to avoid labeling German modernity as deviant while at the same time framing the murderous dynamic of the Nazi years as a potential latent in modernity more generally. As Edward Ross Dickinson put it in an excellent review article recently, Germany has emerged from this reevaluation “not as a nation having trouble modernizing, but as a nation of troubling modernity.”