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Gayt��n, Ruiz M��nica. "Design of marketing campaigns and cultural differences. Comparative study in Mexico and Germany." Thesis, Universidad de las Am��ricas Puebla, 2011. http://catarina.udlap.mx/u_dl_a/tales/documentos/lni/gaytan_r_m/.
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This project gives an approach of what constitutes the culture and the reasons why international firms, by trying to conquer foreign markets, have to consider it for doing advertising.
A literature review and an observation were made in this thesis and the goal is to find out if the culture really matters when doing advertising in a foreign country. This is taking into account Hofstede��s dimensions and other factors like traditions, values and language. In this particularly case observation was made by analysis of advertisements in Mexico and in Germany.
At the end of the research it is find that Hofstede��s cultural dimensions can be also reflected in the commercials. Nevertheless, Individualism and Masculinity are the two mainly dimensions that were observed in the TV spots analyzed. Therefore, Hofstede��s dimensions can be very helpful as a basis when an International marketer wants to expand their products and reach markets in other countries..
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Ehlers, Robert S. Jr. "BDA: Anglo-American air intelligence, bomb damage assessment, and the bombing campaigns against Germany, 1914-1945." The Ohio State University, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1114180918.
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Ehlers, Robert S. "BDA Anglo-American air intelligence, bomb damage assessment, and the bombing campaigns against Germany, 1914-1945 /." Connect to this title online, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1114180918.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2005.Document formatted into pages; contains xiii, 680 p. Includes bibliographical references. Abstract available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center; full text release delayed at author's request until 2006 April 22.
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Cserno, Isabell. "Race and mass consumption in consumer culture national trademark advertising campaigns in the United States and Germany, 1890-1930 /." College Park, Md. : University of Maryland, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1903/8043.
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Thesis (Ph. D.) -- University of Maryland, College Park, 2008.Thesis research directed by: Dept. of American Studies. Title from t.p. of PDF. Includes bibliographical references. Published by UMI Dissertation Services, Ann Arbor, Mich. Also available in paper.
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Scott, James Christian. "Germany, Great Britain and the Rashid Ali al-Kilani Revolt of Spring 1941." PDXScholar, 1995. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/5025.
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There are few events in the history of humankind which have been more compelling than the Second World War (1939-1945). Unfortunately, most of what transpired during this period of history stands obscured by events such as D-Day, Kursk, and Midway, all happenings which popular history has been more than happy to dwell upon. This study' s intent is to, with the use of primary materials, analyze one of the more "obscured" happenings of the Second World War, the Rashid Ali al-Kilani Revolt of April and May 1941. Central to this work is an assessment of the policy responses of both Great Britain and Germany to the Baghdadbased revolt. It also seeks to answer the following question: why did Great Britain approach the coup with great urgency, while Germany, for the most part, paid it very little attention? In the case of Great Britain, its traditional power position in the Middle East, and possession of both the Suez Canal and extensive oil stocks, was challenged by Axis activity in north Africa, the Balkans and Crete. The Iraqi coup simply exacerbated the British problem. London's fears were valid and its successful response reflected as much. For Germany and its leader Adolf Hitler, ideological concerns took precedence over a Middle Eastern campaign. A Nazi invasion of the Soviet Union, an event which, by design, would destroy Slavism, Bolshevism, and much of world Jewry, plus gain greater Germany "living space," was primary to Hitler's thinking in the spring of 1941. Furthermore, the Fuehrer's desire for an Anglo-German "understanding" seems to have influenced his attitude in regards to the coup. Conclusions are also drawn that the policy paths chosen by each European player during the coup were met with dissension. In Great Britain's case, Middle Eastern Commander-in-Chief Archibald Wavell felt that aggressive British action in Iraq might antagonize Arab nationalism. For Germany, Foreign Minister Joachim von Ribbentrop was a major advocate of an antiBritish strategy and corresponding Nazi activity in Iraq. The Rashid Ali coup represented the last opportunity for Ribbentrop, prior to "Barbarossa," to expose the great vulnerability of the British Empire. From this, proffered is the theory that Ribbentrop, through an exploitation of the Iraq coup, was perhaps attempting to dissuade Hitler from an invasion of the Soviet Union.
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Truxal, Luke. "Command Unity and the Air War against Germany." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2018. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1404524/.
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Starting in August 1942 the United States and United Kingdom started waging a strategic bombing offensive against Germany. Throughout the course of the 1942 and 1943 campaigns, American and British air forces struggled to gain the upper hand in the European air war. By November 1943 American and British defeats at the hands of the German Air Force, or Luftwaffe, had placed the air war in doubt. By February 1944, the air war had turned around in favor of the Allies. This dramatic turn of events has been explained by historians in a number of ways. The most popular narrative is that the introduction of the long range escort fighter, the P-51 "Mustang," turned the tide in the air war. Another narrative is that there was a change in the fighter tactics. Starting in January 1944, American fighters stopped defending the bombers and started aggressively pursuing German fighters. Yet, these analyses do not include a major command changes that took place from November to January 1944. After his appointment to command of Supreme Headquarters Allied Expeditionary Force, General Dwight D. Eisenhower used his position centralize all of the major air commands in Europe under his control. By unifying the air commands, the Allies were able to better coordinate and concentrate their air against Germany. In February 1944 the Allies focused their air forces against the Luftwaffe ultimately wearing down German fighter strength. After finally removing a major obstacle impending the strategic air war against Germany, the Allies concentrated their air forces against transportation and oil targets. The destruction of these two major economic systems crippled Germany's ability to fight the Allies in 1944 and 1945. By changing the command structure, Eisenhower was able to use his air forces in successful coordinated strategic air offensives that the Allies had previously been incapable of accomplishing.
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Veal, Stephen Ariel. "The collapse of the German army in the East in the summer of 1944 (Volume 1)." PDXScholar, 1991. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4301.
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The collapse of the German Army in the East in the Summer of 1944 is analyzed and determined to be the result of the following specific factors: German intelligence failures; German defensive doctrine; loss of German air superiority; Lend-Lease aid to the Soviet Union; German mobile reserves committed in the West; Soviet numerical superiority; and Soviet offensive doctrine and tactics. The collapse of Army Group Center, the destruction of the XIII Army Corps, and the collapse of Army Group South Ukraine in Romania during the Summer of 1944 are examined in detail. The significance of the collapse of the German Army in the East is compared to events occurring on the Anglo-American fronts and the German losses on both theaters of military operations are compared. The Soviet contributions to the defeat of the German Army during the Summer of 1944 are examined and the views of Soviet historiography and American historiography compared.
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Veal, Stephen Ariel. "The collapse of the German army in the East in the summer of 1944 (Volume 2)." PDXScholar, 1991. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4302.
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The collapse of the German Army in the East in the Summer of 1944 is analyzed and determined to be the result of the following specific factors: German intelligence failures; German defensive doctrine; loss of German air superiority; Lend-Lease aid to the Soviet Union; German mobile reserves committed in the West; Soviet numerical superiority; and Soviet offensive doctrine and tactics. The collapse of Army Group Center, the destruction of the XIII Army Corps, and the collapse of Army Group South Ukraine in Romania during the Summer of 1944 are examined in detail. The significance of the collapse of the German Army in the East is compared to events occurring on the Anglo-American fronts and the German losses on both theaters of military operations are compared. The Soviet contributions to the defeat of the German Army during the Summer of 1944 are examined and the views of Soviet historiography and American historiography compared.
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Bernheim, Robert B. "The Commissar Order and the Seventeenth German Army : from genesis to implementation, 30 March 1941-31 January 1942." Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=85128.
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An essential and critical component of the orders German front-line formations received in the ideological war against the Soviet Union was the Commissar Order of 6 June 1941. This order, issued by the High Command of the Armed Forces prior to the German invasion of the Soviet Union, required that front-line military formations, as well as SS and police units attached to the Army, immediately execute Soviet political commissars among prisoners of war. Soviet political commissars were attached to the Red Army at virtually every operational level, and were viewed by both Hitler and the High Command as the foremost leaders of the resistance against the Nazis because of their commitment to Bolshevik ideology. According to the Commissar Order, "Commissars will not be treated as soldiers. The protection afforded by international law to prisoners of war will not apply in their case. After they have been segregated they will be liquidated."While there is no paucity of information on the existence and intent of the Commissar Order, this directive has only been investigated by scholars as a portion of a much greater ideological portrait, or subsumed in the larger context of overall Nazi criminal activities during "Operation Barbarossa."
Examining the extent to which front-line divisions carried out the charge to shoot all grades of political commissars is necessary if we are to understand the role and depth of involvement by front-line troops of the Wehrmacht in a murderous program of extermination during the German attack and occupation of the Soviet Union. Such an examination has simply not taken place to-date. My dissertation seeks to address this issue. The result is both a narrative on the genesis of the Commissar Order and its attendant decrees and agreements between the Army leadership and the SS ( SD) and Security Police, and a quantitative analysis of how many commissars were reported captured and shot by the front-line forces of the 17th Army over a seven month period.
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Bachmeier, Andreas. "Wirtschaftspopulismus die Instrumentalisierung von Arbeitslosigkeit in Wahlkämpfen." Wiesbaden VS, Verl. für Sozialwiss, 2006. http://deposit.d-nb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?id=2833704&prov=M&dok_var=1&dok_ext=htm.
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Zugl.: Göttingen, Univ., Diss., 2006 u.d.T.: Wirtschaftspopulismus : die Instrumentalisierung von Arbeitslosigkeit in Bundestagswahlkämpfen. Eine Analyse der Bundestagswahlkämpfe 1994, 1998 und 2002 am Beispiel des Themas Arbeitslosigkeit.Literaturverz. S. 165 - 172
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Focke, Sandra. ""Politik-Marketing" : die Marketing-Strategien der beiden großen Volksparteien (CDU, SPD) im Bundestagswahlkampf 2002 mit Schwerpunkt auf Materialien der CDU." Frankfurt, M. [u.a.] Lang, 2007. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&docl̲ibrary=BVB01&docn̲umber=016230761&linen̲umber=0001&funcc̲ode=DBR̲ECORDS&servicet̲ype=MEDIA.
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Hopkins, Ryan Patrick. "The Historiography of the Allied Bombing Campaign of Germany." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2008. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/2003.
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This thesis is a historiographical study concerning the strategic bombing campaign of Germany during World War II. The study questions how effective the campaign was in comparing the prewar theories to wartime practices. Secondly, it questions the morality of the bombings and how and why bombing techniques changed throughout the course of the war. Lastly, the study looks at a recent topic in the historic community, which is the question of remembrance and Germans as victims of the war.
This study concludes that the strategic bombing campaign of Germany was a success but not in the sense that prewar planners had anticipated. The moral implications of the bombings were horrific, but given the severity of the war they were fighting, were a necessity. The question of Germans as victims will be open to debate for some time, especially because Germans and Americans have opposing viewpoints on the matter.
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Hoffmann, Julia Vanessa. "#MeToo in Germany: The Hashtag Campaign in the Issue-Attention Cycle." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-22374.
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This thesis aims to interrogate how “issue-attention cycle” theory corresponds to online debates that address the issue of sexism, specifically the hashtag campaign #MeToo, in German online media. The issue-attention dynamics of #MeToo on Twitter are analyzed in order to understand the relationship between mainstream media and hashtag activism in Germany, and it is demonstrated what the #MeToo coverage can tell about issue-attention theory on the one hand, and how the theory can help to understand #MeToo on the other hand. To this end, the results of a content analysis of Twitter posts with #MeToo by four major German newspapers, representative of the German online media landscape, were compared to previous hashtag campaigns in Germany that addressed the same topic. In addition, five media experts as well as academics were interviewed, and their insights used to identify the issue-attention dynamics of #MeToo. Anthony Downs’ (1972) “issue-attention cycle” theory is then applied to the hashtag. The results show that so far there have been many ups and downs of attention in the lifecycle of #MeToo, but public attention has not ended. The research also finds that hashtags emanating from the United States, and especially from individuals related to the American entertainment industry, receive far more attention than corresponding hashtags originating in Germany, even though they address the same topic. Finally, and perhaps most significantly, the deployment of the issue-attention cycle showed that a modified model is necessary to address the fast-changing attention dynamics of hashtags on Twitter. Instead of a cycle, attention can be better demonstrated through waves. Adding the variables “new events” and the hashtag as a connector of events and issues to the model helps to better understand current media structures and their attention dynamics, which are strongly influenced by social media.
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Hayworth, Jordan R. "Conquering the Natural Frontier: French Expansion to the Rhine River During the War of the First Coalition, 1792-1797." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2015. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc822845/.
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After conquering Belgium and the Rhineland in 1794, the French Army of the Sambre and Meuse faced severe logistical, disciplinary, and morale problems that signaled the erosion of its capabilities. The army’s degeneration resulted from a revolution in French foreign policy designed to conquer the natural frontiers, a policy often falsely portrayed as a diplomatic tradition of the French monarchy. In fact, the natural frontiers policy – expansion to the Rhine, the Pyrenees, and the Alps – emerged only after the start of the War of the First Coalition in 1792. Moreover, the pursuit of natural frontiers caused more controversy than previously understood. No less a figure than Lazare Carnot – the Organizer of Victory – viewed French expansion to the Rhine as impractical and likely to perpetuate war. While the war of conquest provided the French state with the resources to survive, it entailed numerous unforeseen consequences. Most notably, the Revolutionary armies became isolated from the nation and displayed more loyalty to their commanders than to the civilian authorities. In 1797, the Sambre and Meuse Army became a political tool of General Lazare Hoche, who sought control over the Rhineland by supporting the creation of a Cisrhenan Republic. Ultimately, troops from Hoche’s army removed Carnot from the French Directory in the coup d’état of 18 fructidor, a crucial benchmark in the militarization of French politics two years before Napoleon Bonaparte’s seizure of power. Accordingly, the conquest of the Rhine frontier contributed to the erosion of democratic governance in Revolutionary France.
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Ilias-Tembos, Evangelos. "The military campaigns of the Axis against Greece : Greece observed 1940-1941." Thesis, University of York, 1996. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/10846/.
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Muller, Richard R. "The German Air Force and the campaign against the Soviet Union, 1941-1945 /." The Ohio State University, 1990. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487683049378954.
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Schulze, Heidi. "The Spitzenkandidaten in the European Parliament Election Campaign Coverage 2014 in Germany, France, and the United Kingdom." Saechsische Landesbibliothek- Staats- und Universitaetsbibliothek Dresden, 2016. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:14-qucosa-203491.
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Elections to the European Parliament are characterised by a steady decline in voter turnout. To tackle this problem, in 2014, several groups of the European Parliament nominated pan-European Spitzenkandidaten who were expected to personalise the elections and mobilise European voters. Based on this development, this study analyses the media cov-erage of the 2014 EP elections with special focus on the role of the Spitzenkandidaten. A quantitative content analysis of European election campaign coverage in the opinion leading newspapers of three influential EU member states, Ger-many, France, and the United Kingdom was carried out. The results show large candidate- and country-specific differ-ences regarding the visibility and thematic coverage of the EP elections in general as well as the presentation of the Spitzenkandidaten. The Spitzenkandidaten were not very visible in either the German, French, or British newspaper cov-erage. With respect to the presence and media personalisation of the Spitzenkandidaten, the newspaper coverage of the EP election does not demonstrate any mobilising effect and thus does not reflect the high expectations the European Parliament attributed to the nomination of the Spitzenkandidaten.
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Holden, Christopher Stephen John. "The German U-boat campaign of the Second World War : an analysis of subsidiary theatres /." Title page, contents and introduction only, 2001. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arh7263.pdf.
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Bélanger, Nicolas 1978. "Le conflit germano-soviétique, 1941-1945 : analyse des principaux enjeux militaires, politiques et stratégiques." Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=83173.
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In spite of the crucial importance of the Russian front in the outcome of the Second World War, this aspect of the conflict has been studied relatively little in the West since 1945. This omission can be attributed to several factors including linguistic complexity, the difficulty of access to Soviet archives, and the political constraints caused by the ideological climate of the Cold War. Since the time of glasnost' and the collapse of the Soviet block, however, a new era has begun for historians thanks to the release of many documents which had been secret and to the improved ideological climate.The present work aims to summarise the current situation of the debate in this rapidly expanding field of historiography. Some of the most controversial military, political, and strategic questions are examined, most frequently from a Soviet perspective. These include the Soviet preparations for war and their shortcomings; the German campaign of 1941 and the reasons for its failure; the turning of the tide in 1942-1943, especially the battles of Kursk and Stalingrad; the Yalta conference and the "division of the world"; the role of Stalin and his regime in the "Great Patriotic War"; the human and material losses of the Soviet Union during the conflict; and finally the importance of the Soviet contribution to the victory of the Allies.
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Nesselhuf, F. Jon. "General Paul Von Lettow-vorbeck’s East Africa Campaign: Maneuver Warfare on the Serengeti." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2012. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc115128/.
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General Paul von Lettow-Vorbeck’s East African Campaign was a conventional war of movement. Lettow based his operations on the military principles deduced from his thorough German military education and oversea deployments to China and German South West Africa. Upon assignment to German East Africa, he sought to convert the colony’s protectorate force from a counterinsurgency force to a conventional military force. His conventional strategy succeeded early in the war, especially at the Battle of Tanga in October 1914. However, his strategy failed as the war in East Africa intensified. He suffered a calamitous defeat at the Battle of Mahiwa in November 1917, and the heavy losses forced Lettow to adopt the counterinsurgency tactics of the colonial protectorate force.
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Reitz, Annika. "Political Campaign Strategies of the party Alternative for Germany : A qualitative Study of Posters for the 2017 Federal Election." Thesis, Högskolan för lärande och kommunikation, Högskolan i Jönköping, HLK, Medie- och kommunikationsvetenskap, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-44369.
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During the past ten years, European politics experienced a rise of far right-wing parties because of intensified levels of insecurity among the public (Falasca & Grandien, 2017). These parties organize their political discourse around topics of nationalism and a strong opinion against immigration, the Euro and the European Union (Breeze, 2019; Häusler, 2018). One of these parties is the Alternative for Germany (AfD) which celebrated a major success in the federal elections in 2017 where it became the third largest party in the German Bundestag. The present study aims to analyze the campaign posters of the AfD as one element of their strategic political communication for the 2017 election period in the context of the party’s growing popularity among German society. To accomplish that goal, the qualitative method of multimodal critical discourse analysis (MCDA) is applied. The MCDA analyzes written and visual content. The study seeks to identify the narratives implemented by the party and analyze them by drawing on the concept of nationalism. Furthermore, the analysis aims to identify the frames created around the main issues addressed in the party’s political agenda by discussing them in relation to the concepts of ontological security and existential anxiety by Giddens (1991) and the framing theory by Goffman (1974). The study reveals that the AfD highlights in its political communication one main conflict: The German public versus the immigrants. The immigrants are framed as the threatening strange other whose cultural values, and religious beliefs contradict with those of the Germans who are depicted as the victims. This is achieved through the posters which seek to elicit fear and hatred towards the strange new to increase the insecurities perceived by the public. The party, on the contrary, represents itself as the savior of the German nation, its traditions, and values which they aim to maintain and protect from Muslim influence.
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Woop, Gerry. "Bentley der Politikpalette : Außenpolitik im Wahlkampf." Universität Potsdam, 2009. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2009/3267/.
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Außenpolitik - häufig ein kontrovers diskutiertes Thema. Wie steht es mit der Offenlegung außenpolitischer Grundsätze der Parteien in Zeiten des Wahlkampfes? Sollte man sich nur vorsichtig äußern, um potentiellen Koalitionspartnern nicht vor den Kopf zu stoßen?
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Hart, Russell Allan. "Learning lessons: Military adaptation and innovation in the American, British, Canadian, and German armies during the 1944 Normandy campaign /." The Ohio State University, 1997. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487944660932478.
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Warwick, Rodney C. "Reconsideration of the Battle of Sandfontein : the first phase of the German South West Africa campaign, August to September 1914." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/7985.
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Bibliography: leaves 199-212.This thesis investigates the first phase of the German South West African military campaign during August - September 1914, conducted by the Union Defence Force on behalf of the South African government and British Empire. Its primary focus concerns the battle of Sandfontein on 26 September, and it attempts to re-explain and reinterpret events at this military engagement, with the specific emphasis upon trying to enlarge our understanding of why the defeat occurred, revealing the muted controversies surrounding it, and analysing how nearly three hundred UDF troops endured the horror of being trapped and shelled for a full day on a desert koppie. Besides describing, contextualising, utilising, and challenging the older historiography on Sandfontein, which consists essentially of dated patriotic battle accounts, more recent works in military history, including methodologies intended to analyse and explain how men endure in modern warfare, have been juxtaposed with numerous archival and secondary sources. Other issues concerning the first phase of the GSWA invasion, neglected or ignored in earlier historiography, have also received attention. These include the experiences of the force's black members, the white politcal disputes that assisted the shifting of defeat culpability to Afrikaner Rebels, and the colonial police background of Lukin's force which it is suggested, was not entirely suitable for suddenly embarking upon conventional modern war.
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Nitze, Roman A. ""With swords and lances..." A study of Polish cavalry and how they fought German tanks during the September campaign 1939." The Ohio State University, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1407410976.
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Russell, Bruce. "International law at sea, economic warfare, and Britain's response to the German U-boat campaign during the First World War." Thesis, n.p, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/.
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Tichá, Martina. "Efektivita destinačních marketingových kampaní na příkladu Německé turistické centrály." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-206339.
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The diploma thesis focuses on the issue of evaluating the efficiency of destination marketing campaigns that is becoming increasingly important in relation to the incresing competition on the tourism market and the changes in the system of setting public support in this sector. The theoretical part deals with the concept of tourism destination, possibilities of marketing communication for national tourist organizations and describes the evaluation of the campaigns efficiency according to the methodology of VisitBritain. The practical part focuses on the activities and strategy of The German National Tourist Board (GNTB) and its main campaign for the year 2015- Traditions and Customs. The aim of this thesis is especially the testing of the methodology for assessment of destination marketing impact developed by the VisitBritain and the following adjustment of the methodology based on the results of the survey and the evaluation of the campaign.
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Heintze, Roland. "Die Rolle des Internets bei der Wahlkampagnenführung der Parteien in den Bundestagswahlkämpfen 2002 und 2005." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Philosophische Fakultät III, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/16800.
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Die vorliegende Arbeit stellt das jüngste Element der Wahlkampfkommu¬nikation in den Mittelpunkt: das Internet. In den USA spielte das sogenannte E-Campaigning bei den Präsidentschaftswahlen erstmals im Jahr 2000 eine wichtige Rolle. Bereits 2002 fasste es auch in Deutschland bei Bundestags¬wahlen zum ersten Mal Fuß. Um sich diesem Untersuchungsgegenstand der politi¬schen Kommunikation systematisch zu nähern, wird anhand des US-amerikanischen Vorbilds ein eigener Ansatz – eine sogenannte Nullmessung – entwickelt. Diese wurde dann anlässlich des Bundestagswahlkampfes 2002 anhand der Internet-Wahlkampfaktivitäten der im Bundestag vertretenen Parteien durchgeführt und im Wahlkampf 2005 ergänzt. Vergleicht man die Untersuchungsergebnisse mit den Zielen, die damals von den Parteien nach eigenen Angaben mit ihren Onlinekampagnen verfolgt wurden, zeigt sich, dass die Internetauftritte den öffentlich von den Kampagnenmanagern artikulierten Ansprüchen, nicht gerecht wurden. Die Chance, die für den Wahlsieg wichtige Gruppe der Wechselwähler gezielt anzusprechen, wurde beispielsweise nicht hinreichend genutzt. Die Analyse zeigt, dass das aus den Betrachtungen der US-amerikanischen Kampagnen bekannte Online-Instrumentarium häufig nur kopiert und dann auch nicht zielgerichtet und konsequent genug eingesetzt wurde. An den Internetkampagnen der deutschen Parteien ist ebenfalls zu erkennen, dass sie bei der Übernahme US-amerikanischer Internetformate keine Rücksicht auf die unterschiedlichen gesellschaftlichen Randbedingungen beider Länder genommen haben, die sich beispielsweise bei der Bereitschaft zur Unterstützung politischer Kampagnen aus¬wirken. Das Internet ist als eigenständiges Kampagneninstrument in den Dimensionen „Darstellung“, „Aktivierung“ und „Steuerung“ nicht erkennbar. Die Arbeit zeigt auf, dass im Internet gerade für eine spezifisch deutsche Wahlkampfführung noch ein erhebliches strategisches Potenzial liegt, welches 2002 und 2005 nicht genutzt wurde.This paper focuses on the latest element in electronic election campaign communication: the Internet. In the USA, e-campaigning first played a major role during presidential elections in the year 2000. By 2002 it had already begun to gain ground at Germany’s federal elections. In order to examine this aspect of political communication systematically, a dedicated approach known as baseline measurement was developed on the basis of the US American example. It was then applied to the Internet election campaign activities of the parties represented in Germany’s parliament during the 2002 federal election campaign, and then supplemented to include the 2005 campaign. If we compare the results of the study with the objectives which the parties said they were pursuing in their online campaigns, we see that those online campaigns did not fulfil the aspirations articulated publicly by campaign managers. For example, the opportunity to address swing voters, who are crucial to election victory, was inadequately utilised. Analysis reveals that the online instruments familiar to observers of US American campaigns were often simply copied and then not applied consistently enough or with sufficient attention to aims. The Internet campaigns run by German parties also indicated that when adopting US American Internet formats, they ignored the social differences between the two countries that affect things like people’s willingness to support political campaigns. The Internet was not recognisable as an independent campaign instrument used in the dimensions of Portrayal, Activation or Control. This paper shows that the Internet still harbours considerable strategic potential for specifically German election campaign management – potential which was not utilised in 2002 or 2005.
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Scheibe, Anna. "Issue Competition in the 2017 German Federal Election Campaign : How did Right-Wing Populist Politicians of the AfD use Social Media to Navigate the Hybrid Media System?" Thesis, Stockholms universitet, JMK, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-157032.
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A body of research has established the political relevance of Social Media (SM) platforms for populist parties, claiming that populist politicians utilize a ‘bypassing-strategy’. However, the rather reluctant employment of Facebook and Twitter by German citizens other than, for example, media professionals and politicians, raises questions of the utilization intention for public actors. Even though multiple scholars already indicated the necessity of research on the ‘embeddedness of digital tools’ in journalists’ routines (Jungherr, 2016: 374) such studies remain scarce. Therefore this study aims to shed light on how power is exercised by political actors through the use of SM within Chadwick’s (2017) hybrid media system. In order to do so it firstly examines the existence of references to the Twitter and Facebook pages of politicians of the German right-wing populist party AfD within the coverage of four German newspapers about the party during the final phase of the 2017 General Federal Election campaign. Secondly, by employing issue competition theory, issues and topics that three AfD politicians communicated about on their SM pages are compared with those that the party has been covered in relation to in newspaper articles. The findings of the quantitative content analysis on the newspaper articles showed only few cases in which AfD politicians’ SM statements were quoted. In regard to issue competition theory, the quantitative mapping of issues and topics in newspaper coverage about the AfD as well its politicians’ SM statements however, demonstrate prevailing similarities between the issues and topics that dominated the newspaper coverage about the party as well as its politicians SM pages. A thematic analysis on the latter found three themes that suggest a possible explanation for the few cases in which newspaper articles referenced SM statements: All three politicians used SM differently to promote, circulate and comment on issues and topics which influenced whether statements originated from the platform or from other contexts, such as rally events, tv debates, media article etc. These different types of content distributed and published on the politicians’ SM pages could be a possible explanation for the limited instances in which SM statements were quoted by newspaper articles. These findings suggest that the AfD did indeed pursued a bypassing strategy and employed SM platforms to directly communicate with its supporters. However, future studies should continue research on the embeddedness of SM statements in contexts other than campaigning times. Furthermore insights from qualitative interviews with politicians about their utilization strategies and journalists regarding their possible hesitance to quote politicians’ SM Statements, that may be grounded in professional standards, are necessary in order to obtain a more complete assessment of the role of SM for political actors in navigating the hybrid media system.
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Altuglu, Murat. "Electoral Rules and Elite Recruitment: A Comparative Analysis of the Bundestag and the U.S. House of Representatives." FIU Digital Commons, 2014. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1565.
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In this research, I analyze the effects of candidate nomination rules and campaign financing rules on elite recruitment into the national legislatures of Germany and the United States. This dissertation is both theory-driven and constitutes exploratory research, too. While the effects of electoral rules are frequently studied in political science, the emphasis is thereby on electoral rules that are set post-election. My focus, in contrast, is on electoral rules that have an effect prior to the election. Furthermore, my dissertation is comparative by design.
The research question is twofold. Do electoral rules have an effect on elite recruitment, and does it matter? To answer these question, I create a large-N original data set, in which I code the behavior and recruitment paths and patterns of members of the American House of Representatives and the German Bundestag. Furthermore, I include interviews with members of the said two national legislatures. Both the statistical analyses and the interviews provide affirmative evidence for my working hypothesis that differences in electoral rules lead to a different type of elite recruitment. To that end, I use the active-politician concept, through which I dichotomously distinguish the economic behavior of politicians.
Thanks to the exploratory nature of my research, I also discover the phenomenon of differential valence of local and state political office for entrance into national office in comparative perspective. By statistically identifying this hitherto unknown paradox, as well as evidencing the effects of electoral rules, I show that besides ideology and culture, institutional rules are key in shaping the ruling elite. The way institutional rules are set up, in particular electoral rules, does not only affect how the electorate will vote and how seats will be distributed, but it will also affect what type of people will end up in elected office.
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Junges, Débora de Lima Velho. "Educação matemática e subjetivação em formas de vida da imigração alemã no Rio Grande do Sul no período da campanha de nacionalização." Universidade do Vale do Rio dos Sinos, 2017. http://www.repositorio.jesuita.org.br/handle/UNISINOS/6223.
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CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
A Tese tem como objetivo analisar como a escola e, em particular, a matemática escolar, operavam como parte dos processos de subjetivação de escolares descendentes de imigrantes alemães no Rio Grande do Sul, no período da Campanha de Nacionalização. De modo mais específico, identifica, nas enunciações dos entrevistados, rituais escolares que operavam como tática de manifestação da verdade de que “os alemães são superiores” e analisa esses rituais. Discute, também, os rituais da matemática escolar nos quais a tática da manifestação da verdade operava, analisando os jogos de linguagem matemáticos que estavam presentes nesses rituais, como eram ensinados e que conhecimentos matemáticos eram transmitidos. As ferramentas teóricas do estudo estão vinculadas às teorizações de Michel Foucault e de Ludwig Wittgenstein. O material de pesquisa consiste em narrativas de sete pessoas que estudaram em escolas da imigração alemã no Rio Grande do Sul, no período da Campanha de Nacionalização. Os principais resultados da investigação apontam que o Deutschtum operava na vida dos imigrantes alemães e seus descendentes, subjetivando-os de modo a se perceberem como colonos na qual a descendência alemã era priorizada. Foram identificados três rituais escolares que operaram em favor do discurso de manutenção do Deutschtum e como uma tática de manifestação da verdade de que os alemães eram “indivíduos superiores”. Sobre a matemática escolar, constatou-se que para os familiares dos participantes da pesquisa era importante que seus filhos dominassem as regras e os jogos de linguagem da matemática escolar, para, com isso “honrar” sua descendência alemã e preservar o Deutschtum. Também foi possível identificar dois rituais da matemática escolar que operavam como forma de reforçar a manifestação da verdade de que os “alemães eram superiores”. O primeiro ritual tratou da realização de exercícios nas aulas de matemática e se observou que as listas de exercícios eram extensas e apresentavam questões que os professores esperavam/exigiam que os alunos aplicassem as mesmas regras gramaticais e os mesmos jogos de linguagem ensinados na explicação e nos exemplos apresentados, os quais eram marcados pelo formalismo e pela abstração da matemática escolar. Apropriar-se dos jogos de linguagem da matemática escolar era valorizado tanto pelos professores, quanto pelos familiares, conduzindo os escolares a considerar que saber a matemática escolar era condição necessária para que fossem identificados como “bons alemães”. O segundo ritual da matemática escolar se centrou na prática de realização de contas consideradas “difíceis”. Aqueles alunos que as realizavam corretamente eram posicionados como inteligentes e exemplos a serem seguidos; eram reconhecidos como “alemães de verdade”, uma vez que consideravam a matemática como uma disciplina de difícil aprendizagem. Esses resultados oferecem elementos que permitem inferir que, nas formas de vida da imigração alemã no Rio Grande do Sul, no período da Campanha de Nacionalização, era assumida como uma verdade que os descendentes alemães eram “indivíduos superiores”, sendo a matemática escolar utilizada para reforçar tal manifestação.
The thesis aims to analyze how the school and, in particular, the school mathematics, operated as part of the process of subjectivation of students who was descendants of German immigrants in the estate of Rio Grande do Sul (far South of Brazil) during the happening of what was called “Campaign of Nationalization”. Specifically, identifies, in the talk of respondents, school rituals which operated as a tactic of manifestation of the truth that "the Germans are superior" and analyzes these rituals. Discusses also the rituals of school mathematics in which the tactics of the manifestation of truth operated by analyzing the mathematical language games that were present in these rituals, the way they were taught and that math skills were transmitted. The theoretical tools of the study are linked to the theorizing of Michel Foucault and Ludwig Wittgenstein. The research material consists of narrations of seven people who have studied in schools of German immigration in Rio Grande do Sul, in the period of the Campaign of Nationalization. The main results of the investigation indicate that the Deutschtum operated in the lives of German immigrants and their descendants, making them to perceive themselves above all as German settlers. Were identified three school rituals that operated in favour of the maintenance of Deutschtum and as a tactic for manifestation of the truth that the Germans were "superior individuals". About the mathematics, it was found that for the families of the participants of the survey it was important that his children dominate the rules and language games of the school mathematics to "honor" their German ancestry and preserve the Deutschtum. It was also possible to identify two rituals of school mathematics which operated as a way of strengthening the manifestation of the truth that the "Germans were superior." The first ritual was about making exercise in mathematic class and was noted that the lists of exercises were extensive and proposed questions that teachers expected/required that students apply the same grammatical rules and the same language games taught in the explanation and the examples presented, which were marked by the formalism and abstraction of school mathematics. Take ownership of the school mathematics language games was valued by both the teachers and the family, leading schoolchildren to consider that knowing the school mathematics was a necessary condition to be identified as "good Germans". The second rite of school mathematics focused on practice of realization of accounts considered "difficult". Those students that answered correctly, were placed as smart and examples to be followed; they were recognized as "real Germans", once mathematics were considered as a discipline of hard learning. These results provide elements that allow to infer that, in the form of life of German immigration in Rio Grande do Sul, during the period of the Campaign of Nationalization, was assumed to be a fact that the Germans were "superior individuals", being the school mathematics used to reinforce such manifestation.
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ABBIATI, MICHELE. "L'ESERCITO ITALIANO E LA CONQUISTA DELLA CATALOGNA (1808-1811).UNO STUDIO DI MILITARY EFFECTIVENESS NELL'EUROPA NAPOLEONICA." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/491761.
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L’esercito italiano e la conquista della Catalogna (1808-1811)
Uno studio di Military Effectiveness nell’Europa napoleonica
Settori scientifico-disciplinari SPS/03 – M-STO/02
La ricerca ha lo scopo di ricostruire e valutare l’effettività militare dell’esercito italiano al servizio di Napoleone I. In primo luogo attraverso un’analisi statistica e strategica della costruzione, e del successivo impiego, dell’istituzione militare del Regno d’Italia durante gli anni della sua esistenza (1805-14); successivamente, è stato scelto un caso di studi particolarmente significativo, come la campagna di Catalogna (1808-11, nel contesto della guerra di Indipendenza spagnola), per poter valutare il contributo operazionale e tattico dei corpi inviati dal governo di Milano e la loro integrazione con l’apparato militare complessivo del Primo Impero.
La tesi ha voluto rispondere alla mancanza di studi sul comportamento in guerra dell’esercito italiano e, allo stesso tempo, introdurre nella storiografia militare italiana la metodologia di studi, d’origine anglosassone e ormai di tradizione trentennale, di Military Effectiveness.
La ricerca si è primariamente basata, oltre che sulla copiosa memorialistica a stampa italiana e francese, sulla documentazione d’archivio della Secrétairerie d’état impériale (Archives Nationales di Pierrefitte-sur-Seine, Parigi), del Ministère de la Guerre francese (Service historique de la Défence, di Vincennes, Parigi) e del Ministero della Guerra del Regno d’Italia (Archivio di Stato di Milano).
Dal punto di vista dei risultati è stato possibile verificare come l’esercito italiano abbia rappresentato, per Bonaparte, uno strumento duttile e di facile impiego, pur in un contesto di sostanziale marginalità numerica complessiva di fronte alle altre (e cospicue) forze messe in campo da parte dell’Impero e dei suoi altri Stati satellite e alleati. Per quanto riguarda la campagna di conquista della Catalogna è stato invece possibile appurare il fondamentale contributo dato dal contingente italiano, sotto i punti di vista operazionale e tattico, per la buona riuscita dell’invasione; questo primariamente grazie alle elevate caratteristiche generali mostrate dallo stesso, ma anche per peculiarità disciplinari e organizzative che resero i corpi italiani adatti a operazioni particolarmente aggressive.The Italian Army and the Conquest of Catalonia (1808-1811) A Study of Military Effectiveness in Napoleonic Europe Academic Fields and Disciplines SPS/03 – M-STO/02 The research has the purpose of reconstruct and evaluate the military effectiveness of the Italian Army existed under the reign of Napoleon I. Firstly through a statistic and strategic analysis of the development, and the following deployment, of the military institution of the Kingdom of Italy in the years of its existence (1805-14). Afterwards, a particularly significant case study was chosen, as the campaign of Catalonia (1808-11, in the context of the Peninsular War), in order to assess the operational and tactical contribution of the regiments sent by the Government of Milan and their integration in the overall military apparatus of the First Empire. The thesis wanted to respond to the lack of studies on the Italian army’s behavior in war and, at the same time, to introduce the methodology of the Military Effectiveness Studies (of British and American origin and, by now, enriched by a thirty-year old tradition) in the Italian historiography. The research is primarily based, besides the numerous memoirs of the Italian and French veterans, on the archive documentation of the Secrétairerie d’état impériale (Archives Nationales of Pierrefitte-sur-Seine, Paris), of the French Ministère de la Guerre (Service historique de la Défence, of Vincennes, Paris) and of the Italian Ministero della Guerra (Archivio di Stato di Milano). About the results, it has been verified how the Italian army has become a flexible and suitable instrument for Bonaparte, albeit in a context of substantial overall numerical marginality in comparison to the heterogeneous forces available to the Empire and its others satellites and allied states. Regarding the campaign of Catalonia, instead, it was possible to ascertain the fundamental contribution of the Italian regiments, in an operational and tactical perspective, for the success of the invasion. This was primarily due to the excellent general characteristics shown by the expeditionary force, but also to disciplinary and organizational peculiarities that have made the Italian corps suitable for particularly aggressive operations.
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"The Historiography of the Allied Bombing Campaign of Germany." East Tennessee State University, 2008. http://etd-submit.etsu.edu/etd/theses/available/etd-0731108-094125/.
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Silva, José Miguel Salgado da. "Investors activism: The case of Cevian Capital hedge fund campaigns in German companies." Master's thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10071/19381.
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The number of deals involving activist investors has been increasing over time. They buy a small portion of the companies' capital and seek from the executive and supervisory boards, through a more or less aggressive campaign, to get them to implement some change(s). There is, however, an intense debate between those who think that the action of these investors has a positive impact on companies and those who think that they only generate short-term gains at the expense of the companies' long-term performance.
In this work, we try to contribute to the debate by analysing the campaigns made in Germany by the largest European hedge fund activist, Cevian Capital. These campaigns targeted Munich Re, Bilfinger, ThyssenKrupp, and Demag Cranes. The work focuses mainly on two points: 1) whether or not the activist had a positive impact on the company, and 2) what has changed in the company during the period the activist was there. To answer the first point, an event study is performed, while for the second one an analysis of the evolution of the company's main indicators and financial ratios is made.
The results show a positive impact at the time of the announcement but are less conclusive about the long-term. Regarding the changes, there is no evidence of any significant improvement in the indicators and financial ratios of the companies.O número de casos envolvendo investidores activistas tem aumentado de ano para ano. Eles compram uma pequena porção do capital das empresas e procuram junto dos conselhos executivo e de supervisão, através de uma campanha que pode ser mais ou menos aggressiva, conseguir com que elas implementem alguma(s) mudança(s). Há todavia, um debate intenso entre os que acham que a acção destes investidores tem um impacto positivo nas empresas e os que acham que eles apenas geram ganhos de curto-prazo em detrimento da performance de longo-prazo das empresas. Neste trabalho tentamos contribuir para este debate ao analisar as campanhas feitas na Alemanha pelo maior hedge fund activista europeu, Cevian Capital. Essas campanhas tiveram como alvo as empresas Munich Re, Bilfinger, ThyssenKrupp e Demag Cranes. O trabalho centra-se sobretudo em dois pontos: 1) se o activista teve ou não um impacto positivo na empresa, e 2) o que mudou na empresa durante o período em que ele lá esteve. Para responder ao primeiro ponto é feito um estudo de evento, enquanto que para o segundo é feita uma análise da evolução dos pricipais indicadores e rácios financeiros da empresa. Os resultados revelam um impacto positivo aquando do anúncio, mas menos conclusivo relativo ao longo-prazo. Em relação às mudanças verificadas nas empresas, não há em nenhum dos casos evidências de uma melhoria significativa dos indicadores e rácios financeiros.
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Weidler, Markus Mikula. "Heidegger's theft of faith : a campaign to suspend radical theology." Thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/29690.
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In this inquiry I pursue two tasks. First, I locate the roots of Heidegger's philosophical project historically within a specific theological discourse bent on redefining the relation between religion and politics. Heidegger's main, if covert, intent was to combat the egalitarian, pluralistic impulses carried by a tradition of critical Christology, which leads from F.W.J. Schelling's (1775-1854) Philosophy of Revelation to the work of the radical theologian-philosopher Paul Tillich (1886-1965). These egalitarian impulses spring from a broadened understanding of religious community as a material communication community unified through the use of shared symbols into a community of understanding, knowledge, and interests. The theoretical expansion and deepening of such a communication model, I detect in the writings of the renegade Neogrammarian, Hermann Paul, here considered in light of the "neo-Idealist" initiative of one of Paul's most prominent critics, the Romanist Karl Vossler. Prior to the advanced theological exposition of symbolically mediated communication, in works such as Tillich's book Dynamics of Faith (2001; Engl. orig.1957), the Neogrammarian movement in language studies, I argue, holds the key to accessing the cloaked Christological subtext of Heidegger's thought. Second, after thus locating Heidegger's philosophical agenda within its intellectual-historical context, I expose how Heidegger manipulates philosophical rhetoric to achieve the suspension of Schelling's theological legacy. My analysis of Heidegger's rhetorical behavior is focused on his Letter on Humanism (written 1946, published 1949), a text very overt in both its philosophical biases and its politics. The Humanismusbrief comes the closest to revealing Heidegger's own self-positioning within his generation. The work's conclusion provides a brief look ahead, or Ausblick, to indicate the main features of how these findings about the Letter can be brought to bear on Heidegger's masterpiece fragment, Being and Time. Through this approach, Heidegger's inherently political philosophy gains a much clearer profile in the context of its formative phase in the waning days of the Weimar Republic and opens a new perspective on later attempts by its author to "re-apply" his philosophical program to the cultural situation of postwar Germany, as well as to the ethical-epistemological problems remaining after twelve years of German isolationism.text
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Garcia, Antonio. "Manoeuvre warfare in the South African campaign in German South West Africa during the First World War." Diss., 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/18899.
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This dissertation studies the First World War South African campaign in German South West Africa from 1914 until 1915. The campaign was characterised by the high mobility of the Union’s mounted soldiers which enabled swift advances and rapid envelopments.
The German forces applied a defensive strategy relying on the lack of water and remoteness of the terrain to deter and prolong the Union’s invasion. The German force also relied on internal lines of communication to concentrate its forces on the Union’s advancing columns.
The Union Defence Forces’s numbered approximately 50 000 compared to the German force of about 7 000. The campaign culminated on 9 July 1915 with the surrender of almost the entire German fighting force intact.
This study analyses whether the victory can be attributed to the Union Defence Forces’s numerical superiority or the operational strategy and tactics which were applied during the campaign. It is argued that this operational strategy is congruent with the modern theory of manoeuvre warfare and that the campaign is therefore a textbook example of manoeuvre warfare theoryHistory
M.A. (History)
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Brown, Nancy Eileen. "The 1901 Fort Wayne, Indiana City Election: A Political Dialogue of Ethnic Tension." Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/3658.
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Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)In 1901, three German American candidates ran for the office of mayor in Fort Wayne, Indiana. The winner, Henry Berghoff, had emigrated from Germany as a teenager. This thesis examines the election discourse in the partisan press for signs of ethnic tension. The first chapter places Fort Wayne in historical context of German immigration and Indiana history. The second and third chapters investigate the editorial pages for evidence of ethnic tension. I also reference a few articles of an editorial nature outside of the editorial pages. The second chapter provides background information about the election and examines indications of the candidates’ ethnicity and references to the German language papers. The third chapter considers the editorial comment about Germany, the intertwining of ethnicity and the issues, and ethnic name-calling. In order to identify underlying bias for or against Germany and to better understand the context of the references to German ethnicity, the fourth chapter explores the portrayal of Germany in the Fort Wayne papers.
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Kupr, Tomáš. "Vývoj sudetoněmeckých politických hnutí v letech 1933 - 1938." Master's thesis, 2018. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-372509.
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The master's thesis "Development of the Sudeten German political movements in the years 1933 - 1938" is focusing on the formation and development of Sudetenland German political movements in the Czechoslovak Republic. It deals with the situation of German minority group, it analyses the assumptions and also attempts for unification of German (negativistic) political field in the process being aimed at establishment and forming Sudetenland German Patriotic Front (SHF) in 1933. The thesis subsequently follows up the chronological development of Henlein Movement (SHF), the relation to other German political parties and the state, and also the transformation in Sudetenland German Party (SdP) in 1935. Afterwards, the thesis include the analysis of its election programme, the ways of campaigning and the election results in the parliamentary elections in 1935 (the voter turnout in municipal election in 1934 and 1938 is also mentioned). The internal party crisis belongs among other milestones of SdP that are dealt in this thesis just as Carlsbad Programme (with the demands against Czechoslovakia), the dissolving of SdP and the changeover of former members to German National Socialist Labour Party (NSDAP) in 1938.