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1

Rackaway, Chapman. "Congressional campaigns and congressional campaign committees in the 2000 elections /." free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 2002. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p3074438.

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2

Smith, Derrick B. "An investigation of the effect that campaign field organizers have on democratic elections." Instructions for remote access. Click here to access this electronic resource. Access available to Kutztown University faculty, staff, and students only, 2003. http://www.kutztown.edu/library/services/remote_access.asp.

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Thesis (M.P.A.)--Kutztown University of Pennsylvania, 2003.
Source: Masters Abstracts International, Volume: 45-06, page: 2925. Typescript. Abstract precedes thesis as preliminary leaves iii-iv. Includes bibliographical references (leaf 70).
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3

Wen, Wei-Chun. "A functional analysis of the 2000 Taiwanese presidential campaign discourse : advertisments and speeches /." free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 2002. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p3060159.

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4

Dirks, Armin D. W. "Campaign analysis of a NATO ground forces campaign in Kosovo." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2000. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA381348.

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Thesis (M.S. in Operations Research)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2000.
Thesis advisors: Lucas, Thomas W. ; Taylor, James G. "June 2000." Includes bibliographical references (p. 71-74). Also available in print.
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5

Olson, Clas. "Dragonlord Campaign Setting." Thesis, Blekinge Tekniska Högskola, Sektionen för teknokultur, humaniora och samhällsbyggnad, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:bth-3796.

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Dragonlord Campaign Setting, which is a book of 250 pages, is an accessory to the role playing game Dungeons and Dragons, published by Wizards of the Coast, Inc. It describes the game world Saviat that largely is like an ordinary fantasy world, with its fantastic elves and dwarfs, its magic, and supernatural monsters and events. What sets this world apart from all the other worlds that players can place their game in, is the complex and unique caste system in society, as well as the fact the it is real dragons that rule as feudal kings and nobles over the lands on the continent. In the book, the different nations’ geography, culture, history, and society are described, and also places and people that can be interesting for a player or Dungeon Master to know about. It also contains tips and tools that can be used by gamers playing in the world, so that their play in the world of Saviat becomes more interesting and connected to the world. The book directs itself mostly towards people who play D&D, and then mainly to the Dungeon Master. The book is available to be ordered from the Internet, and it is printed with a case-wrap hard cover.
Dragonlord Campaign Setting, som är en bok på 250 sidor, är en tilläggsbok till rollspelssystemet Dungeons and Dragons, publicerat av Wizards of the Coast, Inc. Den beskriver spelvärlden Saviat som i mångt och mycket är en vanlig fantasyvärld, med sina fantastiska alver och dvärgar, sin magi och övernaturliga händelser och varelser. Vad som skiljer denna värld från alla de andra fantasyvärldar som rollspelare kan spela i, är det komplexa och unika kastsystemet i samhället, och det faktum att det är verkliga drakar som styr som feodala kungar och adelsmän över kontinentens länder. I boken beskrivs de olika ländernas geografi, kultur, historia och samhälle, och även platser och personligheter som kan vara intressant för en som spelar rollspel att känna till. Den innehåller även tips och verktyg som kan användas av en grupp som spelar i världen för att deras spel skall bli mer intressant och kopplat till världen. Boken riktar sig främst till spelargrupper som spelar D&D, och då främst till spelledaren. Boken finns tillgänglig att köpa av alla på Internet, i form av en tryckt bok med hårdpärm.
Detta är en reflektionsdel till en digital medieproduktion.
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6

Du, Jie. "The politics of engendering the policy process : case studies of two campaigns in China - the anti domestic violence campaign and equal retirement age campaign." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2012. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/546/.

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The aim of my thesis is to investigate the politics of the civil society organizations in policy advocacy for gender equality in China. It adopts an agency-oriented approach to illustrate how women civil society organizations of various kinds actively negotiated gender interests in policy change within limited space and access. Through two advocacy activities, I seek to understand why the desired outcomes were different in these two cases by identifying the variables that either hindered or enhanced the realization of their goals. I focus on two policy issues, namely the equal retirement age in the development of the Civil Servant Law (2005) and domestic violence in the revision of the Marriage Law (2001) and the Women’s Law (2005). These two cases are of interest because the actors of the CSOs involved in advocating policy change met with different success in their efforts. In the case of domestic violence issues, the women’s organizations were able to bring about a change. In the case of the retirement age issue, however, the women’s federation was unable to bring about any desired change. The assumed variables include legitimacy, leadership, organizational forms, organizational learning and sources of funds. These conditioning factors are drawn from previous scholarship in civil society, public policy and social movements. I integrate these factors into a pentagon shaped framework that serves as a road map to guide my discussion throughout the thesis. The theoretical purpose of this study is to enrich understanding of the conditioning factors that are responsible for the results of CSO advocacy in China. On the other hand, it also contains a practical purpose, namely to provide implications for civil society actors seeking to influence policy process in China.
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7

Coulibaly, Kadidia. "Analyse des approches communicationnelles dans le cadre de la lutte contre une pratique socio culturelle préjudiciable : Le cas de l'excision en Côte d'Ivoire." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015USPCD108.

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Ce travail de recherche traite de la problématique des campagnes de sensibilisation et d’information contre l’excision en Cote d’Ivoire. Nous abordons surtout la question de l’efficacité des nouveaux dispositifs communicationnels en matière de sensibilisation chez les populations impliquées. Si la pratique de l’excision était reconnue positive pour la gente féminine autrefois, des études scientifiques et la médiatisation de ce phénomène ont permis au fil du temps de découvrir les préjudices divers qu'elle entraîne chez la femme en général. Ce constat a suscité des actions en vue d'éradiquer cette pratique. Ainsi depuis plus d’une vingtaine d’années, l’on entreprend un peu partout où l’excision existe, des actions de lutte contre cette pratique. En Afrique, par exemple, plusieurs actions ont été menées pour éradiquer ce phénomène. Des les années 90 des campagnes de sensibilisation ont été initiées aussi bien en Cote d’Ivoire que dans de nombreux autres pays ; On se surprend cependant à constater que malgré tous les efforts mis en oeuvre depuis tant d’années, la pratique est bel et bien toujours existante. Est-ce du a la volonté plus qu’inébranlable de certaines populations à conserver coûte que coûte une Coutume considérée comme un marqueur idéologique de la domination de l’homme sur la femme ? Ou est ce plutôt du à une réelle inadéquation des campagnes de communication avec les contextes de lutte ? Dans certains pays, l’action concertée de l’Etat, des médias et des organisations ont eu un effet très positif dans la lutte contre l’excision ; c’est le cas du Sénégal avec un taux de prévalence passé de 73% à 27%, au Burkina Faso on a une régression lente mais constante, de 85% à 45%. Par contre, en Cote d’ivoire qui représente notre cadre d’étude si la pratique de l’excision avait régressé entre 1990 et 2000 (de 43% à 36 %), force est de constater depuis 2002, on a un regain de ces pratiques caractérisées par une urbanisation du phénomène. Notre intérêt pour ce thème se situant essentiellement dans ce pays, nous avons voulu mener à travers une approche compréhensive (Kaufmann,2007), une réflexion sur les déterminants sociaux et culturels de l’excision et plus particulièrement répondre à certaines questions : D’une part pourquoi le bien fondé des campagnes de sensibilisation instaurées depuis une vingtaine d’année avait un effet limité en Cote d’ivoire ? D’autre part quelles sont les réponses en vigueur dans le cadre de la lutte contre l’excision dans ce pays? Quelle est l’approche communicationnelle et médiatique utilisée ? Quels résultats ont été constatés?Pour mener à bien nos recherches nous avons privilégié une démarche en trois étapes avec une recherche documentaire, des entretiens semi-directifs et des observations participantes. Dans notre première partie, nous ferons un décryptage de la dynamique complexe qui entoure la pratique de l’excision et nous analyserons les premiers programmes de lutte qui, par manque de diplomatie en se situant surtout sur un discours répressif, n’ont pas eu vraiment l’effet escompté vu la persistance de la pratique. Cette résistance des communautés à l’abandon de la pratique a nécessité la révision des techniques de sensibilisation et surtout l’application de techniques plus novatrices et porteuses de sens. Dans le contexte de l’excision, la réussite de l’élaboration des campagnes de communication et surtout l’atteinte des objectifs de ces campagnes dépend fortement de l’implication des populations à tous les points de vue, c’est en ce sens que l’on parle de communication participative. Dans la seconde partie nous essayerons d’analyser l’avis de chercheurs et d’experts sur l’importance de ce type de communication dans les nouveaux enjeux communicationnels pour le changement social. Dans la troisième partie nous recenserons l’implémentation de ces nouvelles approches communicationnelles sur les communautés qui pratiquent l’excision et analyserons leur efficacité
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8

Banwart, Mary. "Women's Campaign Rhetoric: A Case Study of the 1998 Northup Congressional Campaign." TopSCHOLAR®, 1999. http://digitalcommons.wku.edu/theses/741.

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As more women seek election to national political offices, and as political spot ads continue to play a vital role as a major medium through which campaigns present their candidate, this qualitative analysis examines the image-building strategies one female candidate employed in her spot ads and the potential for such strategies to overcome gender-culture constraints. This study answers four research questions: 1. What rhetorical strategies does Northup employ to build an image in her televised campaign spot ads, 2. Do these strategies fulfill the six dimensions employed by this thesis to fulfill the voter's image prototype of a candidate, 3. Do Northup's rhetorical strategies provide a fitting response to the rhetorical situation of her 1998 congressional reelection campaign, and 4. Or, does Northup, through her image building strategies, alter the rhetorical situation such that the original constraints are modified and the requirements of the fitting response thus shift to a newly created rhetorical situation? In order to respond to these questions, I utilize Bitzer's rhetorical situation construct to identify the multiple exigences, audiences, and constraints to which Northup must respond through her discourse. Additionally, I employ a candidate prototype that consists of the dimensions of competence, reliability, integrity, charisma, observable features, and consubstantiality, to identify Northup's image-building strategies. Not only do I argue that Northup's image building strategies fulfill the six dimensions of the candidate prototype but that two rhetorical situations evolve to which Northup must respond. Based on the fitting response criteria discussed, she provides correctives to the actual exigences and upholds the audience's expectations that she respond appropriately in both the cultural and institutional senses.
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Philips, Paul L. (Paul Lee). "A Descriptive Analysis of Political Campaign Advertising of the 1972 Presidential Campaign." Thesis, North Texas State University, 1987. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc504589/.

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The purpose of this research was to determine the aural and visual issues present in televised political campaign advertising of the 1972 Presidential election year. Content analysis was the method employed to determine these issues. The campaign commercials of George McGovern and Richard Nixon were the subject of the analysis. The issues coded were Social Welfare, Natural Resources, Labor, Management, Civil Rights, Economy, Foreign Affairs, Vietnam, Government, Public Order, Defense, Republicans, and Democrats. The results show that the campaigns used issues appearing in network news coverage, the percentage of time each campaign spent on the issues, and that the aural content was supported by the visual images in the commercials.
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10

Johnson, Joel W. "Electoral systems and campaign finance in legislative elections." Diss., [La Jolla] : University of California, San Diego, 2009. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3371953.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2009.
Title from first page of PDF file (viewed October 13, 2009). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references.
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11

Foss, John. "Running clean the inherent problems of the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act and the clean election solution /." Restricted access (UM), 2008. http://libraries.maine.edu/gateway/oroauth.asp?file=orono/etheses/37803141.pdf.

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12

Ozdemir, Emrah. "The Campaign Routing Problem." Master's thesis, METU, 2009. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12610955/index.pdf.

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In this study, a new selective and time-window routing problem is defined for the first time in the literature, which is called the campaign routing problem (CRP). The two special cases of the CRP correspond to the two real-life problems, namely political campaign routing problem (PCRP) and the experiments on wheels routing problem (EWRP). The PCRP is based on two main decision levels. In the first level, a set of campaign regions is selected according to a given criteria subject to the special time-window constraints. In the second level, a pair of selected regions or a single region is assigned to a campaign day. In the EWRP, a single selected region (school) is assigned to a campaign day. These two problems are modeled using classical mathematical programming and bi-level programming methods, and a two-step heuristic approach is developed for the solution of the problems. Implementation of the solution methods is done using the test instances that are compiled from the real-life data. Computational results show that the solution methods developed generate good solutions in reasonable time.
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13

Wendisch, Manfred, and Dagmar Rosenow. "ACRIDICON-Zugspitze field campaign." Universität Leipzig, 2013. https://ul.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A16413.

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From September 17 to October 5, 2012, a field campaign with focus on clouds, aerosols, radiation and dynamics and their interaction in clouds that was coordinated and organized by the Leipzig Institute for Meteorology took place at the Zugspitze mountain.
Vom 17. September bis 5. Oktober wurde vom Leipziger Institut eine Feldkampagne zur Untersuchung der Wechselwirkung von Aerosolen, Niederschlag und Strahlung insbesondere in Hinblick auf konvektive Wolken auf der Zugspitze koordiniert und organisiert.
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Jiggins, Stephen, and n/a. "Propaganda and public information campaigns : a case study of the 1991 Australian census communication campaign." University of Canberra. Communication, Media & Tourism, 1994. http://erl.canberra.edu.au./public/adt-AUC20060801.162048.

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Jowett and O'Donnell observe that 'there is a clear revival of interest in the important role of propaganda in many aspects of modern life, not necessarily related to international intrigue or military campaigns' (1992, p. xi). This thesis has examined the 1991 Census communication campaign (ABS 1991a) for evidence of propaganda intentions and strategies. Propaganda is clearly a pejorative term and its application to a particular campaign could imply a covert attempt at manipulation by the authority behind the campaign�the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS). As the author was responsible for the development, implementation and evaluation of the 1991 Census communication campaign and had privileged access to a range of sources, a reader might expect detailed references to internal files which reveal conscious decision-making to mount a propaganda campaign. This is not the case. An analysis of the 150 working files associated with the campaign revealed no support for such a hypothesis; there was no evidence of decision-making with the intent of implementing propaganda strategies. Similarly, during interviews with senior ABS managers, these managers categorically rejected the notion that the Bureau conducted a propaganda campaign and pointed to the fact that all procedures were cleared through both the Federal Parliament and the Privacy Commissioner. The hypothesis explored by this thesis is that despite this lack of conscious direction, propaganda processes are evident in the way the ABS conducted the communication campaign for the 1991 Census. The perspective of the thesis is closely aligned to that of Altheide and Johnson who locate propaganda as the bridge between 'organisational image and reality' (1980, p. 4). Altheide and Johnson regard propaganda as an insidious phenomena based on impression-management through the 'rigorous pursuit of scientifically valid procedures and standards' (1980, p. 229). The end result of this impression-management is that certain 'facts' are presented to the exclusion of all others. This thesis argues that impression-management strategies are evident in the way the ABS conducted the communication campaign for the 1991 Census. The processes of impression-management are subtle and do not reside in such sources as internal files. The process operates through the internalised ethos and corporate values inculcated in the minds of senior staff within the Bureau and is best conceptualised as a mindset, reflected in outcomes. I have used the term mindset to cover the process of converting abstract values into specific guides for action�fora discussion of this process see Hall (1977, pp. 69 - 83). This mindset is well-illustrated by the issue of compulsion�the obligation to complete a census form. At one level the ABS procedures are impeccable: cleared through the federal parliament and the Privacy Commissioner�and it is this form of discourse that is documented in internal files. The procedures do not, however, enable respondents to make an informed decision about whether the census is compulsory and about the ramifications for non-compliance. The mindset operating here is based on the value of the census to the ABS�the census is good for the ABS�it generates revenue and legitimises the role of the organisation. The thesis presents data which establishes that there is a significant gap between the organisational image of the census (in the corporate mind of the ABS) and that perceived by householders. The mindset of the ABS is clearly evident in the procedures adopted on this issue. The main finding of this thesis is that many of the processes underlying the development of the 1991 Census communication campaign were subtle environmental influences. These reflected the internal dynamics of the ABS, and its ability as an institution to control the communication environment through addressing the needs of other major organisations, such as the media, and the release of selective information to specific target audiences. In this context, institutional dynamics, more than decisions by individual managers, influenced the conduct of the campaign. The process of propaganda, therefore, is implicit in the 1991 Census rather than explicit�a distinction, in terms of process, drawn by Pearlin and Rosenberg (1954) in their examination of propaganda techniques in institutional advertising. It should also be acknowledged that whilst the author did have privileged access to information, there is no information contained in this thesis that would not be publicly available. The majority of primary sources are reports published by the ABS or papers delivered by Bureau staff at a range of fora. Permission was sought from the ABS for assistance in obtaining access to information and this was readily granted.
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Bloom, Paula S. "Citizen preparedness campaign information campaigns increasing citizen preparedness to support creating a 'Cuture of Preparedness' /." Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2007. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion.exe/07Mar%5FBloom.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Homeland Security and Defense))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2007.
Thesis Advisor(s): David Tucker. "March 2007." Includes bibliographical references (p. 115-125). Also available in print.
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Bloom, Paula S. "Citizen preparedness campaign : information campaigns increasing citizen preparedness to support creating a 'Culture of Preparedness'." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/3650.

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CHDS State/Local
Citizen preparedness has been a requirement since the events of September 11, 2001, and was reinforced as a necessity after Hurricanes Katrina and Rita in August 2005. Although National Strategy documents outline the requirement for citizen participation in national preparedness the requirement is through volunteerism using the Citizen Corps. There are currently readiness programs being conducted through the Citizen Corps, Department of Homeland Security and the Federal Emergency Management Agency but they are not coordinated across the federal state and local or proactive in nature. Proactive Information Campaigns using core and supporting elements can be one methodology to increase citizen preparedness to support the creation of a 'Culture of Preparedness', which includes citizen participation along with the all levels of government and the private sector. Homeland Security stakeholders can use the Information Campaign Model developed to formulate proactive information campaigns to increase citizen preparedness.
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Wendland, Jay L. "The Good-For-Nothing Campaign? The Importance of Campaign Visits in Presidential Nominating Contests." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/301537.

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The question of whether or not campaigns have an impact on vote choice and mobilization has been debated by a number of scholars. In this dissertation, I explore this question using data from presidential nomination elections, as I argue this setting allows us to better understand campaign effects than the general election. Due to the intra-party nature of nomination contests, voters are not able to rely on partisanship in making their decision among candidates. Instead voters need to use some other source of information in making their decisions about 1) whether or not to vote and 2) which candidate to vote for. I explore these two decisions in depth in my dissertation, focusing mainly on the effect visits have on both. I have compiled data on both the timing and location of all of the candidate visits throughout the presidential nominating contests of 2008, across both the invisible primary and election year campaigns. Using this unique dataset, I explore the different ways in which state visits affect presidential nomination outcomes. Specifically, I investigate the strategy behind the visits, whether or not visits increase turnout, and how visits affect vote choice. By examining these different aspects of nominating campaigns, I am able to address a number of different literatures and theories, including those focused on candidate strategy, presidential nominations, political communication, and whether or not campaigns matter.
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Zuercher, Robert J. "Campaigning for Judicial Office, 2012." UKnowledge, 2015. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/comm_etds/32.

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Concerns over the way in which judicial campaigns are conducted have been voiced since the 1970s. Judicial elections are thought to have become rough and tumble contests, featuring increasing campaign expenditures and controversial campaign speech. With the widespread deregulation of judicial candidate campaign speech in the early 2000s, scholars have become increasingly concerned with how judicial candidates campaign. This dissertation examines the role of the media in judicial elections, campaign communication methods used by candidates, how candidates develop campaign messages, controversial campaign speech, the consequences of campaigning, and candidates’ attitudes toward judicial selection reform. Data gathered from a survey of judicial candidates who ran for election in 2012 (n = 490) and follow-up interviews with candidates (n = 35) were used to address the research questions posed by this investigation. Findings reveal a number of areas of concern with judicial elections beyond campaign speech, including lack of media coverage, lack of access to adequate communication channels, and concerns over external group involvement in judicial elections. Controversial speech is rare in judicial campaigns and few candidates favor strong speech regulations, which are viewed as barriers between the office and the public.
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Kellett, Ian Alexander. "Remote Outreach Cinema Campaign: (R.O.C.C.)." Thesis, Montana State University, 2006. http://etd.lib.montana.edu/etd/2006/kellett/KellettI0806.pdf.

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This thesis proposes strategies for the making and exhibition of films that amplify conservation values and efforts in rural communities. The films support and promote the missions of local leaders and the agendas of respected environmental agencies. The filmmaking strategies entail identifying existing conservation values as experienced through broad themes such as quality of life, economics and community development. By focusing on the collaborative process of making and projecting a film, these strategies serve to inspire innovative solutions promoting responsible stewardship of the land and sea. This model of media creation and delivery is designed to empower local politics and communities with the momentum necessary to plan a future consistent with their environmental values. I call this media creation and delivery strategy, Remote Outreach Cinema Campaigns (R.O.C.C.); Remote, because the media is targeted towards rural audiences, Outreach because the media supports the missions of established environmental agencies, Cinema, because the final delivery is on a large screen and viewed collectively. And Campaign, because the final film is only one part of a process.
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DeBoer, Stewart Brett. "Visual advocacy campaign for literacy /." Online version of thesis, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/1850/11501.

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Burns, Shannon. "Rainforest action network green campaign /." Click here to view, 2009. http://digitalcommons.calpoly.edu/artsp/30.

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Thesis (B.F.A.)--California Polytechnic State University, 2009.
Project advisor: Kathryn McCormick. Title from PDF title page; viewed on Jan. 21, 2010. Includes bibliographical references. Also available on microfiche.
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PFAU, MICHAEL WALTON. "INOCULATION IN POLITICAL CAMPAIGN COMMUNICATION." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/184179.

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This study examined attack and inoculation message strategies in political campaign communication. A total of 341 initial and followup treatment interviews and 392 control interviews were completed among potential voters in a U.S. Senate campaign during October 1986. The study hypothesized that character attack messages directed to supporters of opposing candidates exert more influence than issue attack messages. This prediction was not supported. Contrary to prediction, the results indicated that, during the latter stages of a political campaign featuring known candidates, issue attack messages exert more persuasive impact than character attack messages. However, the primary purpose of this investigation was to apply McGuire's inoculation theory to political campaign communication. The study hypothesized that political campaign messages can be designed to inoculate supporters of candidates against the subsequent attack messages of opposing candidates. This prediction was supported. In addition, the results supported the hypothesis that inoculation confers more resistance to subsequent attack messages among strong political party identifiers as opposed to weak identifiers, nonidentifiers and crossovers. Contrary to prediction, however, the study found that inoculation confers more resistance among Democrat party loyalists as opposed to Republican party loyalists. The results of this investigation extend the scope of inoculation theory to new domain, and at the same time, suggest a new strategic approach for candidates in political campaigns.
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McNitt, Emily L. "Case Study of the 2012 Campaign Strategies: How Campaign Strategies Promote Democracy and Enrich Participation." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/640.

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This thesis will analyze the 2012 presidential campaign strategies, and their impact on the election. Specifically it will look at whether attack ads had an impact on the swing state polls. It will also examine the influence of technology, social media and grassroots campaigning on voter turnout. From my research I conclude that the Obama Campaign outdid the Romney Campaign in all sectors previously mentioned. However, one cannot definitely claim that these factors solely decided the election outcome. What one can conclude is that these strategies, particularly technology applications and websites, social media networks and grassroots campaigning will play major roles in future elections, as well as promoting democracy and enriched voter participation.
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Bennett, Stewart L. "A Warfare of Giants: The Battle for Atlanta, July 22, 1864." Fogler Library, University of Maine, 2009. http://www.library.umaine.edu/theses/pdf/BennettSL2009.pdf.

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Bernard, Nicholas Andrew. "Appealing to the YouTube Voter: An Analysis of Barack Obama's 2008 Presidential Campaign Advertisements on YouTube." Oxford, Ohio : Miami University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=miami1259685061.

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Pier, P. M. "He said, she said : a functional analysis of differences between male and female political campaign messages /." free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 2002. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p3060132.

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ChenReddy, Suresh Reddy, and Akbar Ali Baig Mirza. "SMS Based Pull Campaign Processing System." Thesis, Kristianstad University College, School of Engineering, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hkr:diva-4345.

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SMS based pull campaign processing system is a new model of directory service provided in mobile infrastructure basically to enable SMS based directory services Mobile directory services is a brand new phenomenon, which hold strong promises to become the best targeting advertising medium delivering new means of services to users with message other than traditional channels (e.g.: print, television, radio and email etc).The main purpose of this system is to bring customers and business organizations closer .It enables SMS based directory services. It not only acts as directory services but also as an advertising medium between the user and the business organizations.

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Grice, Lisa. "D.I.M.E.F.I.L. : a worldwide campaign for life /." Norfolk, VA : Joint Forces Staff College, Joint Advanced Warfighting School, 2007. http://stinet.dtic.mil/oai/oai?&verb=getRecord&metadataPrefix=html&identifier=ADA468858.

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29

Whang, Chloe. "Simultaneity Bias in Campaign Spending Games." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/770.

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In this paper, I replicate Erikson and Palfrey (2000) who propose that the simultaneity problem in measuring the effects of candidate spending can be resolved by restricting the sample to close elections. Vote-on-spending effects, which vary with the expected closeness of the election outcome in a systematic way, determine the extent of simultaneity bias. The simultaneity bias becomes progressively more severe as the anticipated vote margin decreases, plaguing the estimates of spending-on-vote effects on the full sample. In the range of a 50-50 expected vote, however, the vote-on-spending effects approach zero. Thus, by restricting the sample to extremely close races, I obtain unbiased estimates of candidate spending effects. I then extend their model using data that includes elections that took place after a pair of major campaign finance reforms: the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act of 2002 and the Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission ruling of 2010. The BCRA heightens the perceived effectiveness of candidate spending by removing the hidden substitute for candidates’ campaign funds, namely, soft money. After the Citizens United ruling, however, as soft money starts to play a crucial role in electoral campaigns, candidates’ own funds matter less. The ruling appears to amplify incumbency advantage, perhaps because incumbents take advantage of their non-monetary incumbency benefits to attract soft money donations. This paper contributes to the ongoing debate in academia over the causal connection between candidate spending and vote share by presenting evidence that campaign spending has significant effects on election outcomes.
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Luntz, F. I. "Candidates, consultants and modern campaign technology." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.234280.

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31

Sullivan, Jonathan. "Negativity and information in campaign advertising." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2010. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/11138/.

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In many democracies election campaign advertising is an important form of communication between parties and candidates and voters. There is however an uncomfortable tension between what campaigns should achieve (according to democratic theories) and what they are like in reality. In Taiwan, political scientists have voiced concerns about the excessively negative tone of party and candidate advertising. Descriptive single-election accounts also suggest that campaign ads in Taiwan regularly fail to provide voters with the substantive information they need to make reasoned choices. These observations are cited as reason to conceive campaign advertising as deleterious to Taiwan’s new democracy. However, recent work in the US, suggests that negative advertising may in fact be a source of useful information to voters. By extension, the authors of these studies claim that negative ads make an important contribution to democratic political competition. The central objective of the thesis is to explore these claims in the Taiwan context. Are the theoretical arguments used to explain the content of negative advertising in the US supported by empirical evidence in the highly dissimilar Taiwanese context? Do negative ads in Taiwan, in spite of prior scholarly observations to the contrary, make a useful contribution to the information environment available to voters? In addressing these questions, the thesis aims to contribute a non-western case study to general research on campaign advertising. It also aims to provide the Taiwan studies field with a more systematic account of campaign communications than is currently available. To this end, the study analyzes more than 500 TV and newspaper ads from all four Presidential elections held to date.
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Backler, Ray. "Southern leadership during the Vicksburg campaign." Thesis, University of Kent, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.516210.

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33

Stelzer, Blenda R. "Full advertising campaign for Collegienne Shops." Virtual Press, 1986. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/491460.

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Presented in the creative project is a full advertising campaign for Collegienne Shops, a department store located in Muncie, Indiana adjacent to the campus of Ball State University. The campaign utilized a newly developed logo together with new color schemes and concepts to create a new image for the store. The goal of this new image was to attract younger, college aged customers, while continuing to appeal to the traditionally affluent, older clientele, with no large adjustments in the store's product lines.The new logo, color schemes and concepts of the advertising campaign, coupled with new store interior displays and exterior modifications were calculated to present a new image for Collegienne Shops, apart from that of its parent company, Ball Stores [of Muncie]. Currently the store markets the same line of women's clothing and accessories as Ball Stores, and projects a decidedly similar image through its advertisements and in-store atmosphere.The new logo and design concepts were incorporated into the company letterhead, a business card, an envelope, a tractor-trailer truck, a shopping bag, T-shirts, packaging designs, posters and numerous print ads.Also developed was a complete concept for a television commercial, along with novelty and point of purchase items, premiums, as well as interior displays and exterior modifications, including a design for a large sculpture for the store's sidewalk.The project is presented in manual form to share the experience and assist other students with their own graphic design projects.
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34

Sheikhalishahi, Mina. "Spam campaign detection, analysis, and formalization." Doctoral thesis, Université Laval, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/26935.

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Tableau d'honneur de la Faculté des études supérieures et postdoctorales, 2016-2017
Les courriels Spams (courriels indésirables ou pourriels) imposent des coûts annuels extrêmement lourds en termes de temps, d’espace de stockage et d’argent aux utilisateurs privés et aux entreprises. Afin de lutter efficacement contre le problème des spams, il ne suffit pas d’arrêter les messages de spam qui sont livrés à la boîte de réception de l’utilisateur. Il est obligatoire, soit d’essayer de trouver et de persécuter les spammeurs qui, généralement, se cachent derrière des réseaux complexes de dispositifs infectés, ou d’analyser le comportement des spammeurs afin de trouver des stratégies de défense appropriées. Cependant, une telle tâche est difficile en raison des techniques de camouflage, ce qui nécessite une analyse manuelle des spams corrélés pour trouver les spammeurs. Pour faciliter une telle analyse, qui doit être effectuée sur de grandes quantités des courriels non classés, nous proposons une méthodologie de regroupement catégorique, nommé CCTree, permettant de diviser un grand volume de spams en des campagnes, et ce, en se basant sur leur similarité structurale. Nous montrons l’efficacité et l’efficience de notre algorithme de clustering proposé par plusieurs expériences. Ensuite, une approche d’auto-apprentissage est proposée pour étiqueter les campagnes de spam en se basant sur le but des spammeur, par exemple, phishing. Les campagnes de spam marquées sont utilisées afin de former un classificateur, qui peut être appliqué dans la classification des nouveaux courriels de spam. En outre, les campagnes marquées, avec un ensemble de quatre autres critères de classement, sont ordonnées selon les priorités des enquêteurs. Finalement, une structure basée sur le semiring est proposée pour la représentation abstraite de CCTree. Le schéma abstrait de CCTree, nommé CCTree terme, est appliqué pour formaliser la parallélisation du CCTree. Grâce à un certain nombre d’analyses mathématiques et de résultats expérimentaux, nous montrons l’efficience et l’efficacité du cadre proposé.
Spam emails yearly impose extremely heavy costs in terms of time, storage space, and money to both private users and companies. To effectively fight the problem of spam emails, it is not enough to stop spam messages to be delivered to end user inbox or be collected in spam box. It is mandatory either to try to find and persecute the spammers, generally hiding behind complex networks of infected devices, which send spam emails against their user will, i.e. botnets; or analyze the spammer behavior to find appropriate strategies against it. However, such a task is difficult due to the camouflage techniques, which makes necessary a manual analysis of correlated spam emails to find the spammers. To facilitate such an analysis, which should be performed on large amounts of unclassified raw emails, we propose a categorical clustering methodology, named CCTree, to divide large amount of spam emails into spam campaigns by structural similarity. We show the effectiveness and efficiency of our proposed clustering algorithm through several experiments. Afterwards, a self-learning approach is proposed to label spam campaigns based on the goal of spammer, e.g. phishing. The labeled spam campaigns are used to train a classifier, which can be applied in classifying new spam emails. Furthermore, the labeled campaigns, with the set of four more ranking features, are ordered according to investigators priorities. A semiring-based structure is proposed to abstract CCTree representation. Through several theorems we show under some conditions the proposed approach fully abstracts the tree representation. The abstract schema of CCTree, named CCTree term, is applied to formalize CCTree parallelism. Through a number of mathematical analysis and experimental results, we show the efficiency and effectiveness of our proposed framework as an automatic tool for spam campaign detection, labeling, ranking, and formalization.
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35

Lu, Xi. "Essays in China's Anti-corruption Campaign." Thesis, University of California, Berkeley, 2017. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10280422.

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China's unique system of hiring and promoting talented people within the state, under the supervision of the Communist Party, has been held up as an important institutional factor supporting its remarkably rapid and sustained economic growth. Jointly with Professor Peter L. Lorentzen, we explore this meritocracy argument in the context of Chinese leader Xi Jinping's ongoing anti-corruption campaign. Some question the sincerity of the campaign, arguing that it is nothing but a cover for intra-elite struggle and a purge of Xi's opponents. In the first chapter of my thesis, we use a dataset I have created to identify accused officials and map their connections. Our evidence supports the Party's claim that the crackdown is primarily a sincere effort to cut down on the widespread corruption that was undermining its efforts to develop an effective meritocratic governing system. First, we visualize the "patron-client'' network of all probed officials announced by the central government and identify the core targets of the anti-corruption campaign. Second, we use a recursive selection model to analyze who the campaign has targeted, providing evidence that even personal ties to top leaders have provided little protection. Finally, we show that, in the years leading up to the crackdown, the provinces later targeted had departed from the growth-oriented meritocratic selection procedures evident in other provinces.

In addition to its motivation, I also discuss the campaign's effects on economic efficiency. The second chapter of my thesis tests the "greasing-the-wheels'' hypothesis in the context of China's residential land market. We show that China's anti-corruption campaign, aimed at removing corruption in China's monopoly land market, caused a decrease in land transaction volumes. Furthermore, not removing any form of corruption would also lead to a similar decrease. It is only necessary to remove corruption that enables real estate developers to circumvent red tape and reduce trading costs. Our findings support the "greasing-the-wheels'' hypothesis hypothesis: when an economy has a low outcome owing to some preexisting distortions, corruption could be a positive factor in that it offers a "second-best world.''

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Gallagher, William R. "Sennacherib's campaign to Judah : new studies /." Leiden ; Boston (Mass.) ; Köln : Brill, 1999. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb39078931r.

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37

Munoz, Genevieve Ann. "Emotional branding Obama's bottom-up campaign /." Click here to view, 2009. http://digitalcommons.calpoly.edu/comssp/6/.

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Thesis (B.A.)--California Polytechnic State University, 2009.
Project advisor: Bernard Duffy. Title from PDF title page; viewed on Mar. 11, 2010. Includes bibliographical references. Also available on microfiche.
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38

Dillon, Tully. "PLURALISM AND PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN FINANCE REFORM: A POLICY ANALYSIS OF CAMPAIGN FINANCE REFORM FROM FECA TO BCRA." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2006. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/4195.

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One of the underlying themes in American politics is that the addition of campaign finance laws at the presidential election level will have a negative relationship with amount of influence and money in campaigns and the amount of regulation. In other words, as regulation goes up the amount of money and influence will decrease. However, with the recent 2004 presidential election this concept has surely been shown to be problematic, at least at the outset. The purpose of this thesis is to examine this relationship and to further expand upon the limited knowledge of this sub-field of political science. This thesis will suggest that the intended result of campaign finance reform may not necessarily be realized. Subsequently, we must ask ourselves whether or not campaign finance regulations actually result in the intended consequences. Federal campaign finance laws do not necessarily reduce the amount of money and influence by special interests in presidential elections. In examining presidential campaign finance regulations do higher levels of regulations really have an impact upon the amount of money (influence) collected and spent in a particular campaign? The McCain-Feingold Campaign Finance Act of 2002 (officially implemented in 2002), or the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act (BCRA), was a rudimentary attempt to dramatically change the electoral system in terms of money. In fact, this bill was the most comprehensive overhaul of the electoral system in a quarter of a century (at least since the 1970's) and one of the underlying reasons, arguably, for the bill was to limit soft money and interest group contributions to presidential candidates or to the presidential campaigns during a given election cycle. Basically, the attempt was made to limit the "money" in politics and particularly in presidential campaigns. However, as most media outlets have claimed (such as CNN) that money or contributions given by individuals and various organizations and the amount of money spent by each campaign (President Bush and Senator Kerry) in the most recent presidential election of 2004 surpassed that of any previous presidential election cycle. Part of the reasoning for the limitation of soft money in presidential elections is the whimsical "myth" that more money in presidential elections will inevitably lead to more influence of the executive branch by big time donors such as labor unions, business, wealthy persons, and by interest groups to name just a few. In other words, wealthy interests such as those mentioned in the previous sentence, would theoretically have a greater impact on the electoral process than by individuals. This concept is briefly examined. Of course, the data will come from many sources with government resources being the dominant resource. The FEC began collecting campaign finance data since the 1970's and much of the data comes from published data files from the FEC. Additionally, data will be taken from other government resources such as the U.S. Census Bureau and the U.S Bureau of Labor statistics. Other data contained within in this will be properly noted.
M.A.
Department of Political Science
Arts and Sciences
Political Science
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39

Marquisio, Carbajal Victoria, and Melendez Andrea Sosa. "Stereotypes in political rhetoric: “Other-Self” in electoral campaigns : a case study about the 2016 US presidential campaign." Thesis, Högskolan Väst, Avd för juridik, ekonomi, statistik och politik, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hv:diva-11428.

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This thesis aims to analyse the use of stereotypes about the Latin-American minority in the rhetoric of presidential candidates, using the single case of the 2016 US Presidential Campaign. The primary focus is the binary relation Self-Other established by the candidates through the use of stereotypes about the minority group and themselves. The analysis is performed in a framework that combines representation theory, constructivism and post colonial theory. The speeches and debates of the candidates, which served as data, demonstrate that stereotypes are present and help represent the Latin-American group as a negative Other, a threat or victimized burden. At the same time, through the representation of this specific Other, the candidates are creating their Self political persona, which in this case is a hero who will protect the American society from the threat, or a hero who will rescue the poor from their own victimized situation. Both candidates show similarities in the use of generalized stereotypes to mention LatinAmericans or in the context in which they refer to them. While they differ in the way that they create the Other, their position to confront the problem yields a similar political persona, as both want to be rescuers. Trump portrays LatinAmericans as a threat to security or as a poor victim, while Clinton also refers to the group as a victim, but also as an asset to economy. The intention of this thesis is to contribute to the field of stereotypes in political discourse in relation to the establishment of binary oppositions.
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Martinez, Åkesson Jo Anne. "WOW Philippines campaign : an analysis on collaboration." Thesis, University of Kalmar, Baltic Business School, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hik:diva-2601.

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The Philippines is a country with a lot to offer within the tourism sector. With its 7107 islands, it offers diversity in culture and a wide range of tourism destinations. However, tourism development in the Philippines has not been as successful as its neighbouring countries. In order to develop the country as an attractive destination, collaboration is needed. The cooperation of different stakeholders as well as the importance of trust and reciprocity is vital for an effective collaboration.

Destination development within the tourism industry is seen as a collaboration or cooperation between different stakeholders who in part have something to gain in joining the collaboration. The relationship among the stakeholders may be based on previous interactions. In addition, concerning their respective involvement within the collaboration, theories argue that stakeholders do not necessarily exercise equal participation. With the use of the WOW Philippines campaign as an example of collaboration involving several stakeholders, the theories within collaboration shall be examined. At the same time, the theories will aid in researching the factors that may or may not be responsible for the advancements of thecampaign.

The purpose of this thesis is to analyze the different theories within collaboration with the WOW Philippines campaign as an example of a collaborative endeavour. This thesis is addressed to students within the discipline of tourism development for future studies.

The researcher has utilized the hypothetico-deductive method which entails the examination of three theories within collaboration. Three hypotheses formulated from these theories will be either confirmed or dismissed in the end of the study.

With the help of the hypotheses, the researcher has concluded that aspects of trust and reciprocity within collaboration are vital in its success. Although in this case, it refers to a country’s perception of trust and reciprocity. The problem domain i.e. destination development aiming on increasing inbound tourism cannot be said to be the main reason for the achievements of the campaign. It is a contributing factor, as well as, the involvement of the stakeholders. The theories are acceptable in different levels with regard to the WOW Philippines campaign i.e. they cannot be either taken as individual reasons for its advancements or proclaimed as false. These theories are intertwined which means their relevance to each other is important in the case of tourism development in the Philippines.

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41

Allrich, Helen Boynton Lois A. "The heart truth campaign a communication audit /." Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2007. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,916.

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Thesis (M.A.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2007.
Title from electronic title page (viewed Dec. 18, 2007). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of [sic] in The School of Journalism and Mass Communication." Discipline: Journalism and Mass Communication; Department/School: Journalism and Mass Communication, School of.
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Chen, Yi-Hsin. "National Rifle Association and Anti-gun Campaign /." Taipei, Taiwan : Tamkang University Graduate Institute of American Studiesm, 2007. http://www.cetd.com.tw/ec/thesisdetail.aspx?etdun=U0002-0703200713521100.

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43

Lee, Savina. "The British press and the Gallipoli campaign /." Title page, contents and introduction only, 1985. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arl481.pdf.

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44

Hesketh, Tom. "The Pro-Life Amendment Campaign 1981-1983." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.303787.

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45

Brivati, Leopoldo. "The campaign for democratic socialism 1960-1964." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 1992. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/1447.

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In early 1960 it seemed likely that the official Labour Party defence policy would be defeated by a unilateralist resolution at the Scarborough Conference. In response to this possibility the Campaign for Democratic Socialism, or CDS, was established. The CDS projected the image of a grass-roots movement inspired by Gaitskell's "fight and fight again" speech. But it was run by a Campaign Committee which included leading members of the Party like Tony Crosland, Roy Jenkins and Patrick Gordon Walker, as well as less well known members like Bill Rodgers, Dick Taverne, Philip Williams, Brian Walden, Denis Howell and David Marquand. This highly talented group launched an elaborate and successful lobbying, publicity and briefing operation which was influential in overturning the unilateralist vote at the Blackpool Conference of 1961. After Blackpool the Campaign helped many of its leading members find seats in the House of Commons while continuing to put the "revisionist" case through its newspaper Campaign. The importance of the CDS in the history of the Labour Party is, primarily, as the first internal pressure group organised by the right of the Party. It was also the first internal Party group to use such sophisticated lobbying techniques. Moreover, the subsequent careers of the leading members of the Campaign influenced the development of the Labour Party. The CDS was an important formative political action for many of them. Finally many of the CDS supporters set-up or joined the SDP when it was launched.
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46

Paek, Sung Wook. "Asteroid deflection campaign design integrating epistemic uncertainty." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/105602.

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Thesis: Ph. D., Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Aeronautics and Astronautics, 2016.
Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (pages 241-249).
Planetary defense, or asteroid collision avoidance, has been gaining interest with recent meteor or fly-by events, including the Chelyabinsk meteor that entered the Earth's atmosphere and exploded over Russia in 2013. Past or planned robotic missions to near-Earth asteroids are expected to provide an excellent opportunity to demonstrate asteroid deflection techniques. However, applying a deflection technique to a hazardous asteroid in real-world situations requires extreme care for decision makers due to inherent uncertainty. The forms of uncertainty can be epistemic or aleatoric. Epistemic uncertainty can be reduced by replenishing incomplete information with better observations, whereas stochastic uncertainty cannot be reduced owing to its randomness. Although we cannot reduce stochastic uncertainty itself, we can come up with a plan which is robust to random uncertainty, by reducing epistemic uncertainty. This thesis develops a methodology to design an asteroid deflection campaign that consists of multiple mission stages. The first stage serves as a precursor whose type can achieve different amounts of uncertainty reduction. With this in-situ information obtained by precursors, the follow-up stage may adapt its impactor design. The methodology is implemented in the Asteroid Deflection Integrating Epistemic Uncertainty (ADIEU) framework. The ADIEU framework is demonstrated in deflection campaigns of select near- Earth asteroids. Generation of campaign solutions over a 15-year period, with different confidence requirements, requires up to 125,000 full-factorial runs and 400 optimization runs per asteroid. Results show that campaigns which consider and reduce epistemic uncertainty can both decrease launch mass and increase robustness. However, there are also cases, under extreme conditions, where a single-stage mission turns out to perform best. The performance envelopes of these different approaches are superposed to generate a decision map for use as a visual aid. Finally, this thesis concludes by outlining future work to refine the framework, as well as potential uses of the methodology in terrestrial applications.
by Sung Wook Paek.
Ph. D.
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47

Mika, Marie Frances. "Framing the Issue: Peta's Animal Rights Campaign." The Ohio State University, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1396360641.

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48

Fouirnaies, Alexander. "Essays on campaign finance and political power." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2015. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3298/.

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This thesis is concerned with the influence of campaign finance on the interplay between political power and electoral competition in the United States and the United Kingdom. The thesis considers both the donation and expenditure sides of campaign finance: In the context of U.S. state and federal legislative elections (1980-2014), I study how political power affects the allocation of campaign contributions, and in the context of U.K. House of Commons elections (1885-2010), I examine how campaign spending restrictions affect political power via electoral behavior. The three papers which make up the construct of the thesis answer the following questions: (i) What is the financial value of incumbency status, and who generates it? (ii) Who values legislative agenda setters, and why do they do so? (iii) What are the electoral consequences of statutory limits on campaign expenditure? I argue that campaign donors make their contributions to powerful politicians in exchange for access to the policy-making process, and that the power of these politicians is sustained, at least in part, due to these contributions. In the first paper, I document that U.S. incumbent legislators enjoy sizeable financial advantages compared to challengers, and I demonstrate that this advantage is the result of donations from access-seeking industries. In the second paper, I show that U.S. legislators who are institutionally endowed with agenda-setting powers are given special treatment by campaign donors. I document that donors with vested economic interests in regulatory policy place great value on agenda-setting legislators – in particular when institutions provide these legislators with the authority to block new legislation. In the final paper, I study the consequences of campaign spending limits in the context of U.K. House of Commons elections. I show that unrestrained spending reduces electoral competition, promotes professionalized campaigns, and benefits incumbents and centerright parties.
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49

Schmidt, Amanda E. "Cut the fat 1% or less campaign /." Online version, 2001. http://www.uwstout.edu/lib/thesis/2001/2001schmidta.pdf.

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50

Girimaji, Abhay, and Rahman Thameez Abdul. "Effect of Storytelling on Crowdfunding Campaign Success." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Företagsekonomiska institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-388544.

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Storytelling is an important skillset for an entrepreneur to possess in order to appeal to funders. Crowdfunding is a relatively new funding mechanism, involving the crowd to fund projects or ideas. The evolution of crowdfunding has created an alternative to traditional means of funding such as bank loans, venture capital and angel investors. This paper examines the effects of storytelling on an entrepreneur’s ability to secure funding at crowdfunding platforms. We argue that stories help leverage funding by conveying a comprehensible story with a clear sequence of events and entrepreneurial identity for the project. Quantitative analysis of 60 Kickstarter crowdfunding campaigns within technology sector reveal that successful crowdfunding campaigns have more comprehensive stories than unsuccessful crowdfunding campaigns. Also, an increase in the comprehensiveness of the stories has a positive influence on the funding success. Findings inform research on storytelling in entrepreneurship and innovation and, research on mobilization of resources from crowds.
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