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1
Jacuch, Andrzej. "Czech-Russian Relations. Russian Disinformation Campaign." Polish Political Science Yearbook 51 (December 31, 2022): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202250.
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After the beginning of the conflict in Ukraine and Russia’s annexation of the Crimean Peninsula, the Czech Republic became fully aware of the threats posed by the Kremlin despite President Zeman has denied the presence of Russian troops in Ukraine and has criticised the EU sanctions against Russia. Czechia belongs to the group of countries through which Russia influences the EU, to gradually and deliberately erode its structures. Russia exerts a strong influence on the Czech Republic by non-military means, including disinformation and propaganda, the activities of secret services, and penetration of its economy and specifically its energy sector. The article aims to answer the question about the role of Russian disinformation and propaganda in the context of Russian influence in the Czech Republic. The role of Russian disinformation and propaganda and how Russia influences Czechia is extensively analysed. The main hypothesis is that Russia treats the Czech Republic as a key state for espionage and disinformation activities and as a zone of influence, undermining the sovereignty of the Czech Republic and the role of NATO and the EU.
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Dmitrieva, Olga O. "«THE RUSSIAN CAMPAIGN OF 1812» IN FRENCH HISTORIOGRAPHY OF THE XIX CENTURY." Historical Search 2, no. 1 (March 25, 2021): 47–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.47026/2712-9454-2021-2-1-47-53.
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The Patriotic War of 1812 occupies a special place in the historical memory of Russia. Сoncurrently, in France, the events of this historical period also left an indelible imprint in the memory of the French society. Based on a historiographical review of the historical works written by French historians (Frédéric François Guillaume de Vaudoncourt, R.J. Durdan, E. Labaume, Gaspard Gourgaud, Philippe-Paul de Ségur, L. de Gouvion Saint-Cyr, G. Chambray, A. Jomini and J. Pelet-Clozeau) the author analyzes the development of French historiography devoted to the personality of Napoleon Bonaparte and the historical period of 1812 taken as a whole. It should be noted that Bonaparte’s invasion into the territory of the Russian Empire entered the Russian historiographical tradition as the «Patriotic War of 1812», while in France these events became known in history as the «Napoleon’s Russian Drive» or «Napoleon’s Russian Campaign». The author analyzes the influence of Bonaparte’s personality on the historical consciousness of the European and the Russian society of the XIX century, when the so-called «Napoleonic myth» was very popular, which idealized the personality of this person. Foreign historiography of the war of 1812 differs in that researchers considered the military campaign in Russia in the context of the Napoleonic era as a whole, as a result of which there were either separate studies on the war with Russia, or general works about the period of Bonaparte’s military campaigns.
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Muravsky, Daniel, Snezhana Muravskaia, Diana Akkalaeva, and Sofia Shkaruba. "Beyond all boundaries: women empowerment and the Russian sportswear market." Emerald Emerging Markets Case Studies 12, no. 4 (December 16, 2022): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/eemcs-06-2021-0182.
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Learning outcomes The case demonstrated the importance of cultural peculiarities and mechanisms of customer learning in localizing global marketing campaigns. It introduced the consequences of unexpected spillover of viral marketing and PR scandals on the competition. It helps in developing the students’ ability to determine and assess the impact of viral marketing campaigns from the perspectives of various stakeholders of the organization. Case overview/synopsis In 2017, Nike Russia created one of the most successful and influential ad campaigns in the Russian women's sportswear market by encouraging young girls to try new sports. At the same time, Reebok launched a successful worldwide “be more human” campaign aimed at empowering women all around the globe. Two years later, Reebok Russia tried to localize the successful campaign while adjusting the message to be more assertive. As a result, the company met a country-wide outrage from both feminists and anti-feminists. The case centers around Nikolay Borisov, the CEO of Nike Russia, who was unexpectedly drawn into a provocative public discussion on the use of the female empowerment agenda for cause-related marketing. The case dilemma was set during mid-February 2019 and involved Borisov’s assessment of the impact of the competitor’s viral campaign on the market and choice of a reaction strategy to public outrage. Complexity academic level This case is appropriate for an undergraduate or graduate-level program curriculum for courses dedicated to or including topics related to positioning, doing business in emerging markets, corporate social responsibility and consumer behavior. Before engaging with the case, the students should be aware of basic management and economics-related concepts and terms, such as strategy, positioning, CSR and viral marketing. Supplementary materials Teaching notes are available for educators only. Subject code CSS 8: Marketing.
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Smyth, Regina, and Irina V. Soboleva. "Navalny’s Gamesters: Protest, Opposition Innovation, and Authoritarian Stability in Russia." Russian Politics 1, no. 4 (December 30, 2016): 347–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2451-8921-00104002.
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This paper explores the legacy of the For Fair Elections (ffe) protest movement in 2011–2012 for electoral competition in Russia. We argue that through strategic innovation, oppositions in authoritarian countries can challenge the autocratic state on multiple fronts by transferring resources from street protests to the electoral arena. Our empirical focus is on Alexei Navalny’s campaign for Moscow mayor in late summer 2013. The successful mass mobilization in the movement enabled the campaign to implement a model of electoral innovation based on ideational frames, resources, and tactics drawn from the protest movement. Voter response was stronger than expected, demonstrating the persistence of voter opposition in the face of genuine electoral choice. Relying on press reports, blogs, campaign materials and interviews with activists, we investigate the campaign’s strategy and show why it presented a particular challenge to the regime. Our conclusion underscores the state’s advantage in countering elite opposition innovation, but also highlights how effective opposition innovation can lead to significant changes in strategies to maintain regime stability.
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Urban, Michael E. "Boris El'tsin, democratic Russia and the campaign for the Russian presidency." Soviet Studies 44, no. 2 (January 1992): 187–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668139208412008.
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Bulatov, A. "Offshore Business of Russian Residents(on the Books “Offshore Business in Foreign-Economic Activity”, “Capital Flow from Russia: Issues and Decisions”, “Deoffshorization of Russian Economy: Possibilities and Limits”)." Voprosy Ekonomiki, no. 2 (February 20, 2015): 149–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.32609/0042-8736-2015-2-149-160.
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The article reviews three books: “Offshore Business in Foreign-Economic Activity” ed. by G. M. Kostyunina, “Capital Flow from Russia: Issues and Decisions” by S. S. Sulakshin et al. and “Deoffshorization of Russian Economy: Possibilities and Limits” by B. A. Kheyfets, that analyze capital flow from Russia, especially in the form of offshore investments of Russian residents. The author offers some hypotheses about specificities of these investments. Russian investments are analyzed against the background of recent anti-offshore campaign in Russia and the world. Some recommendations on state regulation of offshore business of Russian residents are formulated.
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Moskalenko, Sophia, and Ekaterina Romanova. "Deadly Disinformation." Journal of Intelligence, Conflict, and Warfare 5, no. 2 (November 24, 2022): 129–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.21810/jicw.v5i2.5032.
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Viral online disinformation is misleading content that is generated to manipulate public opinion and to circulate rapidly in the digital space. Although viral disinformation has become an instrument for radicalization, the specific psychological mechanisms by which disinformation can be weaponized––wielded as mobilizing and radicalizing political tools––are not yet well-understood. In this paper, we establish the potential of concerted disinformation efforts to impact mass radicalization and political violence, first through historical precedents of deadly disinformation campaigns, then in modern-day examples from the USA and Russia. Comparing and contrasting political effects of two recent disinformation campaigns, QAnon’s #SaveTheChildren campaign in the USA, and anti-LGBTQ disinformation campaign in Russia, this paper highlights the significance of LGBTQ contagion threat—a notion that people can be “turned” into LGBTQ through deliberate outside influence. The psychological and political consequences of such messaging, its main target audience, and vulnerability factors rendering individuals especially susceptible to its radicalizing effects are discussed.
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Rich, Vera. "Russia to start anti-poliomyelitis vaccination campaign." Lancet 347, no. 8997 (February 1996): 319. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(96)90489-4.
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Seferbekov, Magomedkhabib R. "JOHN BELL ON THE CAMPAIGN OF PETER I TO DERBENT." History, Archeology and Ethnography of the Caucasus 18, no. 4 (December 25, 2022): 919–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.32653/ch184919-931.
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A number of publications have been devoted to the Persian campaign of Peter the Great and the stay of the Russian Imperial troops on the southwestern shores of the Caspian Sea in 1722–1735 – monographs, articles, dissertations, collections of documents and materials prepared with the use of a wide range of sources and literature. This topic continues to attract the attention of historians even today. It has acquired particular relevance in connection with the 350th anniversary of the birth of the first Russian Emperor Peter the Great and the 300th anniversary of the Persian campaign. A large number of documentary sources from the collections of the federal and regional archives of Russia cover the history of the Persian campaign and its results, which made it possible to reveal new episodes of imperial policy in the Caucasian-Caspian region in the first quarter of the 18th century. Among the most valuable sources on the history of the Persian campaign are the travel notes of the English-speaking authors – the direct participants and eyewitnesses of the events described. One of these sources is the John Bell’s book “Travels from St. Petersburg, across Russia, to different parts of Asia”, particularly, the section titled “Journey from Moscow to Derbent in Persia, in 1722”, translated by the author of the paper into Russian with commentaries. This translation may be a valuable contribution to both the ethnography and historiography of the Russian Caucasian studies of the first quarter of the 18th century.
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Boguslavsky, Dmitry V., Natalia P. Sharova, and Konstantin S. Sharov. "Public Policy Measures to Increase Anti-SARS-CoV-2 Vaccination Rate in Russia." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 19, no. 6 (March 13, 2022): 3387. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph19063387.
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The total vaccination rate remains relatively low in Russia as of March 2022 (around 55%, with around 20% in some regions). In the paper, we study the reasons for it. We communicate the results of our survey aimed at detecting reasons for the relatively low anti-SARS-CoV-2 vaccination rate in Russia (47.1% as of mid-January 2022) and suggest potential measures to increase the level of confidence in the Russian vaccination campaign. A total of 14,310 users exhibited interest to participate in the research (16.84% of the total number of invitations sent in the Russian social network VKontakte). After the sample set repair, only 5822 (40.68% of those who agreed to participate) responses were suitable for the research, and they composed the final set. The age range of the respondents was 16–51 years old (y.o.) with a mean of 29.1 ± 10.6 y.o. The proportion of the female gender in responses was 44.23%. A total of 2454 persons (42.15%) expressed their hesitant, cautious, or negative attitude towards vaccine uptake. Of the 2454 persons with cautious attitude towards vaccination, only 928 (37.82%) were concerned about the quality of the Russian vaccines. A total of 1323 individuals (53.91%) supported one or more conspiracy beliefs. A total of 5064 (86.98% of the whole set) showed cautious or negative attitude towards the planned introduction of a nationwide system of vaccination certification/verification based on QR codes. The main social factors that hinder the Russian vaccination campaign are: vexation over the lack of desire of officials to receive feedback from the general population regarding vaccination, wide support for conspiracy beliefs, and controversy over the QR code-based digital system. To elevate the vaccination rate in Russia, the following steps may be taken: social encouragement of those who support vaccination, increase in transparency of the vaccination campaign, acceptance of both digital and paper vaccination certificates, increase in participation of society in vaccination-related discussions, public disclosure of vaccine composition, and avoidance of excessive digitalization of data in the vaccination campaign.
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Yastrebov, A. O. "Peter the Great's Venetian Policy and the Prut Campaign." MGIMO Review of International Relations 14, no. 6 (December 29, 2021): 172–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2021-6-81-172-190.
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Russia's regular contacts with the Republic of Venice on the eve of the RussianTurkish war 1710-1713 resumed after almost a ten-year break. Before Sultan Ahmed III declared war, the Tsar sent two letters to the doge. They can be interpreted as a call to Venice to recognize the intermediate results of the Northern War and as an appeal to the republic's orthodox subjects to join Russia in the impending conflict. This episode is scarcely covered in Russian and international historiography. The connection of the envoys with the Prut campaign is also not covered in the literature. Therefore, it seems necessary to establish a connection between the two events, especially in changes in Russian foreign policy towards Venice.In March 1711, a Russian consul was sent to Venice to build support and attract volunteers for the opening theater of military operations in the Balkans. It is no coincidence that Dmitry Bozis became the first Russian consul in Italy. Being a prominent representative of the Greek community of the capital, he successfully extended his influence not only to the local Greeks but also to the Slavs of Dalmatia, who wanted to serve the Russian Tsar and fight the Turks. The outcome of the Prut campaign did not affect the consulate's work and the trade mission. Agents of the Russian government, who had commercial orders, were sent to Venice, and successfully fulfilled their mission. One of them was Count Savva Raguzinsky, an outstanding diplomat and successful commercial agent. His activities were relatively peaceful, although they still included political monitoring and legal intelligence.The resumption of bilateral relations caused by the Prut operation positively affected Russian-Venetian relations. Since the departure of the consul Bozis and the diplomatic agent Caretta, who had the authority to create a second Balkan "front" in the rear of the Sultan, after July 12, 1711, the Russian mission transformed into a commercial agency with broad diplomatic powers. These changes open a new, fruitful period in the history of bilateral relations between Russia and Venice.
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Howe, Caroline, Olga Obgenova, and E. J. Milner-Gulland. "Evaluating the effectiveness of a public awareness campaign as a conservation intervention: the saiga antelope Saiga tatarica in Kalmykia, Russia." Oryx 46, no. 2 (April 2012): 269–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0030605311001025.
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AbstractWe carried out an in-depth analysis of a media campaign designed to raise awareness of the ecology and conservation of the Critically Endangered saiga antelope Saiga tatarica in the Pre-Caspian region of Russia. We carried out 250 semi-structured interviews in eight villages. The effectiveness of the campaign was assessed using change in opinion over the previous 3 years as an attitudinal indicator and amount pledged for saiga conservation as a measure of behavioural intention. The campaign induced positive changes in attitudes and behavioural intention. Reinforcement was important, with people's retention of information about saiga conservation from the campaign being positively correlated with their level of ecological knowledge about the species. Similarly, behavioural intention towards the saiga was more likely to be positive in individuals who had a high level of exposure to the species and/or had been subject to two or more different conservation interventions. Level of attitudinal change was dependent on an interaction between the date when the media campaign was carried out and the age of the respondent. We conclude that public awareness campaigns, if designed to take into account the socio-demographics and cultural background of the target audience, can be an effective method of improving attitudes towards conservation.
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Tsygankov, Andrei P. "The final triumph of the Pax Americana? Western intervention in Yugoslavia and Russia's debate on the post-Cold War order." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 34, no. 2 (June 1, 2001): 133–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(01)00008-3.
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This paper addresses the question of world order by considering how Western military actions in Yugoslavia were perceived from a different cultural perspective. It traces how the NATO-led bombing campaign during March–June of 1999 affected various visions of world order that had existed in Russia before the campaign and describes the discursive change this campaign produced. The argument is made that Russia's foreign policy elites, from Westernizers to Neo-Communists and Expansionists, perceived Western goals in Yugoslavia differently from their counterparts in the West. However, they differed in their recommendations regarding Russia's response and lessons to be drawn from the Kosovo crisis. The paper also identifies several points where the different perspectives can converge. More specifically, all Russian schools of thought viewed the NATO campaign as a dangerous precedent potentially destabilizing the existing world order. They also shared the conviction that Russia should play a larger role in world affairs and that without Russia's involvement there could be no peace and stability in the Balkans and in Europe. They point to the United Nations as the only forum for debating the legitimacy of military interventions and for preventing interventions carried out without the approval of the UN.
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Rogozhina, A. S. "Hunger and Food Policy of Russian Empire in Late 19th — Early 20th Centuries." Nauchnyi dialog, no. 4 (April 21, 2021): 423–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2021-4-423-437.
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The question of the causes and circumstances of overcoming hunger in Russia in the late 19th — early 20th centuries is considered in the article. Attention is paid to the analysis of historiographic material on the research topic. A review of food campaigns in Russia during the specified period is carried out. Particular attention is paid to the issue related to the circumstances of the 1891—1892 campaign, which demonstrated the inconsistency of the Food Regulations in effect in Russia since 1834. The author dwells on the issues of reforming the state food system. The main changes that took place in the state food system and associated with the approval of the food rules of 1900 are considered. The question is raised about the role of local governments in the state food policy of the period under study, as well as the perniciousness of the principle of “self-help”, which is the basis of the state food system. Attention is paid to the organization of charitable assistance to the population in the context of food campaigns. It is proved that the Russian village in the 90s of the XIX — early XX centuries was in a state of permanent food crisis due to the lack of a working model of the state food system.
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Nekrasov, I. "Russian Russian-Japanese war of 1904–1905 in the works of Russian literature of the beginning of the XX century (on the example of L. Andreev's story “Red laughter” and the story of V. Veresaev “On the Japanese war”)." Voprosy kul'turologii (Issues of Cultural Studies), no. 6 (July 1, 2020): 54–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/nik-01-2006-07.
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In the paper, the author considers the reflection of the Russo-Japanese War of 1904–1905 in the works of famous Russian writers of the 19–20th centuries. The heavy and ill-prepared military campaign against Japan, which Russia waged in Manchuria, led to unjustified losses and unsuccessful battles for the Russian army.
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Suzdaltsev, A. "Russia’s reaction to the revolution in Belarus." Pathways to Peace and Security, no. 1 (2021): 44–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2307-1494-2021-1-44-59.
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The article analyzes the role of the Russian policy, President and Ministry of Foreign Affairs in trying to find a way out of the Belarusian political crisis and to preserve the political stability in the Republic of Belarus. The key drivers for the protest voting during the August 9, 2020 presidential elections are analyzed, as well as the role of Russia-Belarus integration as a factor influencing attitudes of the Belarusian electorate. Moscow’s reaction to the anti-Russian presidential campaign of Alexander Lukashenko and reasons why Russia recognized the results of voting on 9 August 2020 are explored. Efforts by Russian authorities to promote the constitutional reform in Belarus are addressed. The article also analyses a specter of views of the Russian researchers on the Belarus-Russia relations.
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Podrezov, M. A. "Memory of Persian campaign of Peter the Great in modern Iran." MGIMO Review of International Relations 15, no. 6 (December 30, 2022): 179–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2022-6-87-179-193.
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The article investigates the modern historical memory in Iran of the Persian campaign of Peter the Great that became the first serious attempt of Russia to conquer a part of its southern neighbor’s territory. The article analyses Iranian historical memory of these events using relevant research publications of Persian-speaking authors, Iranian news agencies, and schoolbooks. It compares the Iranian perceptions of the Peter’s Persian campaign and of other Russo-Iranian conflicts at the beginning of the 19th century. The author concludes that the Iranians do not view Peter’s campaign as a war and distinguish it from other conflicts of the century. This perception can be accounted for by the short life of the results of the campaign; by the quick, peaceful restoration of the status quo; by the lack of an official state of war between Russia and the governments of Tahmasp II and the shahs from the Hotak dynasty and clashes between the armies of the countries. The Iranian media and educational literature do not mention the Persian campaign, even in the few publications and sections devoted directly to Peter I. Historical literature hardly mentions it either. Such “oblivion” of the main event in Peter’s of the first Russian emperor related to Iran does not stem from the degree of attention to his personality in Iran. He appears in the media more often than many other Russian rulers and draws comparatively much attention in the educational and scientific literature even in comparison with other significant historical figures. Iranian historiography perceives Peter the Great as a ruler who defined a new vector of Russo-Iranian interrogation but not as a person who attempted expansion on the territory of Iran. This experience helps to analyze the history of bilateral relations and the factors influencing the Iranian perception of the Russian image.
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Ilyina, Anastasiya. "Russia’s hybrid invasion in Belarus during the presidential election campaign 2020." Eastern Review 9 (December 30, 2020): 121–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1427-9657.09.08.
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There are various instruments for Russia to have influence on its neighbours, such as using opinion leaders (authorities), intellectuals, and journalists to create a favourable informational context or to place the ordered materials in the media so as to have an impact on public opinion. These are the types of information attacks that can lead to the loss of statehood or the substantial limitation of sovereignty. This hybrid aggression strives to precisely this result. The main questions are: how the Russian information space, mud-slinging and troll farms functioned in Belarus during the presidential election? How the fake news which is produced in Russia impacts societies? Which political scenarios appeared in Belarus following Russia’s informational influence? It is a fact that today the Russian authorities use tools of fake news and propaganda; combined with the extra possibilities of social media. The appearance of fake news is connected with national safety because they jeopardize democratic institutions, lead to the radicalization of society, and change the balance of authority. In the research, the methodologies were used from the sociology of communication, political science and content analysis.
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Ananieva, E. V. "RUSSIA IN THE DISCOURSE OF BREXETEERS AND BREMAINERS IN THE UK." Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 4, no. 4 (December 28, 2020): 438–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2020-4-4-438-444.
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The UK EU membership referendum (2016) brought a confused result not giving the Brexiteers or the Bremainers decisive preponderance. This led to sharp divisions in the society at large, and a prolonged political crisis in Britain. Bremainers as early as at the stage of the pre-referendum campaign accused Brexiteers of being under the influence of Russia, meddling on the part of Brexit. The Bremainers initiated a series of inquiries into Russian interference to discredit the Brexiteers, putting under question the results of the referendum and the mandate of the UK government to conduct negotiations with Brussels. This confrontation went through lines of interparty divisions, and its methods went beyond the traditions and unwritten rules of the United Kingdom's political culture. The vicissitudes of inter- and intra-party infighting around the Parliamentary Intelligence and Defence Committee's report “Russia” showed that the government feared the report would influence voters in the run-up to the 2019 early general election. The investigation found no evidence of Russian interference in the referendum, nor in the 2014 Scottish independence referendum or the 2017 and 2019 parliamentary elections. Nevertheless, the “Russia” report became the basis for mutual accusations of the parties in the 2019 election campaign. London's focus on the concept of "Global Britain" indicates that the United Kingdom, regardless of the outcome of negotiations with the EU, views Russia as a strategic adversary.
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Markov, Evgeniy A. "Transformations in political preferences of voters (Comparative analysis of the 2016 and 2021 election campaigns)." Historia provinciae – the journal of regional history 6, no. 1 (2022): 211–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.23859/2587-8344-2022-6-1-5.
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In the article offered to the readers, the author analyses the results of the 2021 Russian legislative elections, using a comparative method. The parallels with the results of previous election campaigns on the basis of the results obtained by both political parties and individual candidates are drawn. The purpose of the article is to evaluate the level of political activity of voters in different regions of Russia and to identify changes that have taken place in the moods of various social groups. The article analyses the peculiarities of the election campaigns organized by different political forces as well as the course of preparation and conduct of the elections themselves, both at the federal and regional levels. Finally, the author concludes that the United Russia political party (Edinaya Rossiya), which received a constitutional majority in the renewed State Duma again, will have to consider the realities highlighted by the election campaign. But most importantly, it is this party that will have to take responsibility for passing the laws that would ensure socio-economic development of the country as a condition of increasing the welfare of the population.
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Yener, Emir. "Reconsidering the Campaign of Dnieper Liman." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 67, no. 3 (2022): 817–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu02.2022.309.
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The naval campaign of the Dnieper Liman, fought from the autumn of 1787 to the end of 1788, was one of the most decisive maritime confrontations in the modern history of the Eastern Mediterranean. Fought in conjunction with two major siege operations, the campaign between the naval forces of the Ottoman and Russian empires decided the fate of the key Turkish fortress of Özi (Ochakov), which controlled the mouth of the Dnieper. The campaign was part of the Russian empress Catherine II’s second war with the Ottomans, a confrontation initiated by the Porte in response to Catherine II’s provocative “Greek Project” and fought with the aim of liberating the Crimean Khanate, annexed by Russia through force of arms in 1783. For the Ottoman side, the decisive operation was the storming and reduction of the Russian fortress of Kinburn, which blocked access to the Crimean interior. Since both Russians and Turks were fighting at the furthest point from their supply lines, gaining naval support and superiority was of paramount importance. Conscious of the role of sea power, Ottomans had prepared the greatest armada they ever put to the seas since the Morean Wars of 1684–1718, greatly outnumbering their adversary, the nascent Russian Black Sea Fleet. The protracted campaign of Liman resulted in the most shattering and costly Ottoman naval defeat of the Russo-Turkish Wars. Russia’s much trumpeted but in reality barren victory at Chesma in 1770 pales in comparison regarding the strategic results of the Liman campaign. The incident also serves as a perfect case study to reassess the Age of Sail in the Mediterranean.
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Liñán, Miguel Vázquez. "History as a propaganda tool in Putin’s Russia." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 43, no. 2 (May 10, 2010): 167–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2010.03.001.
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This paper analyzes the propaganda campaign orchestrated by the Russian authorities with the aim of promoting a version of the country’s history for political purposes. This version puts the accent on the exceptionality of Russian historical development, and is Geared to endowing the figure of Vladimir Putin – seen as the person who has succeeded in carrying out a number of national projects that have been frequently abandoned throughout Russian history. The analysis presented here centres on two channels used in the campaign: school textbooks and the film industry.
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E.V. Efanova, E. V. x. "ORGANIZATIONAL AND FUNCTIONAL FEATURES OF REGIONAL ELECTION CAMPAIGNS IN RUSSIA." Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 5, no. 2 (June 18, 2021): 179–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2021-5-2-179-185.
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The article presents a structural and functional analysis of election campaigns in Russia. It is obvious that electoral campaigns of candidates are unfolding during the election period, which, through interaction with citizens, enlist their support and sympathy, which contributes to their achievement of the main goal - victory in the elections and, therefore, the seizure and retention of power. The election campaign, being a structural element of the electoral process, is a set of events carried out by various subjects of this process in order to win the election by attracting the votes of the electorate. In general, the electoral company, on the one hand, is a set of measures for organizing elections, regulated by law and carried out by election commissions, and, on the other, a set of actions of political actors involved in the electoral process. It was established that election campaigns have a typical structure, organizational features, political, administrative and socio-cultural characteristics at the federal and regional levels of the electoral process. Among the regional organizational and functional features of domestic election campaigns are: a high degree of intensity of the election process, the dependence of the success of regional election campaigns on the electoral activity of citizens, the orientation of candidates to the needs of the residents of the region, and a prompt response to criticism from the electoral community. The study of the features of the implementation of regional election campaigns is important for Russian reality, especially in the conditions of the ongoing formation and intensive development of the democratic political process in the Russian Federation at the present stage.
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Rusakovskiy, Oleg. "Foreign Military Law and Mercenary Contract in Seventeenth-Century Russia: The Сase of the Smolensk War, 1632–1634." Russian History 48, no. 2 (March 22, 2022): 187–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/18763316-12340029.
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Abstract The article aims to discuss how the Russian government dealt with foreign military law based on mercenary contracts while recruiting troops in Germany and Britain for the Smolensk campaign of 1632 to 1634. In the agreements made with foreign colonels that survive in contemporary Russian translations, the Tsar’s officials granted an almost unlimited legal and administrative autonomy to foreign military commanders in order to make service in Russia more attractive for Western mercenaries. While doing so, the Russian government believed that a unified military law and an effective court and administration system existed among the European military communities. However, some essential terms of military service remained unspecified in the documentation, depriving the Russian army commanders of any legal recourse to prevent conflicts within foreign regiments, which ultimately contributed to an administrative disaster at the end of the Smolensk campaign. The article analyzes both the Russian attitudes towards foreign military law and mercenary contracts and how this might have affected European mercenary units in Russian service.
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Chen, Cheng. "What Is behind Anti-Corruption?" Communist and Post-Communist Studies 53, no. 4 (December 1, 2020): 155–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/j.postcomstud.2020.53.4.155.
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Under Putin and Xi, the post-communist authoritarian regimes in Russia and China had both initiated anti-corruption programs that exhibited some parallels but were also profoundly different. Through a contextualized comparison, and drawing on Russian and Chinese sources, this article puts forth an institutionalist argument that these campaigns were being driven by divergent strategic objectives shaped by different formal and informal institutional settings. Whereas Putin’s more limited anti-corruption program was essentially a defensive move, embedded in factionalism, primarily aimed at protecting his political power under “competitive” authoritarianism, Xi’s broader and deeper campaign could be seen as an offensive initiative, targeting factionalism with a long-term goal to strengthen the CCP party-state, in addition to the obvious short-term objective of his own power consolidation.
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Varakin, Andrei V. "Нерешенные проблемы изучения похода А. Лисовского в 1615 году: историография." Canadian-American Slavic Studies 48, no. 1-2 (2014): 98–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22102396-04801010.
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Based on a preliminary analysis of Polish and Russian Historiography concerning Colonel A. Lisovsky’s campaign in Russia in 1614, the author concludes that further progress in studying this subject is possible by means of a complex examination of “Lisovchiks” and their commander’s activities during the last stage of Russia’s Time of Troubles, 1607–1615.
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Riehle, Kevin. "Russia and Information Power." Journal of Intelligence, Conflict, and Warfare 4, no. 3 (March 8, 2022): 261–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.21810/jicw.v4i3.4206.
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On November 23, 2021, Dr. Kevin Riehle, Associate Professor at the University of Mississippi, presented on Russia and Information Power at the 2021 CASIS West Coast Security Conference. The presentation was followed by a question and answer period with questions from the audience and CASIS Vancouver executives. The key points discussed were Russia’s foreign policy goals in its information warfare campaign, as well as how Russia exploits information and wields military and diplomatic power as levers to accomplish its political and strategic goals.
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Mally, Lynn, and Charles E. Clark. "Uprooting Otherness: The Literacy Campaign in NEP-Era Russia." American Historical Review 106, no. 3 (June 2001): 1094. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2692519.
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Georgeoff, John, and Charles B. Clark. "Uprooting Otherness: The Literacy Campaign in NEP-Era Russia." History of Education Quarterly 40, no. 4 (2000): 485. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/369728.
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ALLISON, ROY. "Russia resurgent? Moscow's campaign to ‘coerce Georgia to peace’." International Affairs 84, no. 6 (November 2008): 1145–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2346.2008.00762.x.
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Peisakhin, Leonid, Arturas Rozenas, and Sergey Sanovich. "Mobilizing opposition voters under electoral authoritarianism: A field experiment in Russia." Research & Politics 7, no. 4 (October 2020): 205316802097074. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2053168020970746.
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Under electoral authoritarianism opposition supporters often abstain from voting because they think that their votes will not make a difference. Opposition parties try to counteract this apathy by informational campaigns that stress how voting can impact the outcome of the election and policy. Evidence from established democracies suggests that such campaigns are generally ineffective, but it remains an open question whether the same holds in elections under authoritarianism where information is scarce. We follow a large-scale campaign experiment by an opposition candidate in Russia’s 2016 parliamentary election, which distributed 240,000 fliers to 75% of the district’s households. Relative to a control flier, priming voters about the closeness of the election or the link between voting and policy outcomes had no practically meaningful impact on turnout or votes. Contrary to some existing theories and the stated expectations of politicians, information about the value of voting appears as ineffective in uncompetitive electoral autocracies as it is in democracies.
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Dmitriev, Andrei V. "The Pruth Campaign of 1711 – Military and Political Miscalculation or Personal Surrender of Peter I?" History 19, no. 8 (2020): 153–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7919-2020-19-8-153-158.
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The paper discusses the new monograph, published in 2019 by V. A. Artamonov, well-known researcher of the Petrine epoch. His book is dedicated to studying the military conflict between Russia and Ottoman empire in 1710–1713. The author shows clearly that Ottoman Sultan Ahmed III and his commander in chief Mehmed Pasha had no plan of any invasions to Russia, but wanted just return to the borders before 1696 in the Priazovye region. Peter I, planning his expedition to Moldavia in 1711, did not take to consideration the experience of Austrian and Polish campaigns against Ottomans in the end of the 17th century. This led to encirclement and blockade of the Russian army by the Ottoman forces on the Pruth river (July 9–12, 1711). Under these conditions Peter I could not make a decision to fight, but preferred to negotiate peace, although Russian army was quite able to defeat enemy. The Ottoman side willingly agreed to make peace, which was supported by giving almost 300.000 Rubles to commander in chief Mehmed Pasha and his staff. After that Russia lost some fortresses in the Priazovye region and political influence on the Christian peoples under Ottoman rule in the Balkans. This monograph could be highly recommended for academic scholars, teachers and students of higher education institutions.
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Rodin, Denis V. "The Khivan Campaign of V.A. Perovsky 1839-1840 in the Context of Anglo-Russian Rivalry in Central Asia." Journal of Frontier Studies 7, no. 1 (March 3, 2022): 34–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.46539/jfs.v7i1.368.
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Traditionally, when studying the campaign of the Orenburg military governor V.A. Perovsky to Khiva in 1839-1840, among the motives that prompted the Russian authorities to sanction this approach, researchers primarily noted economic interests and the desire to end the raids of Khivans on Russian caravans. At the same time, the international context of this campaign which coincided with the first Anglo-Afghan war was pushed into the background. The purpose of this article written within the framework of a systematic approach to the study of international relations is to prove the correlation between the actions of the Russian and British authorities in Central Asia at the turn of the 1830s and 1840s. Studying the logic of the events preceding the Khiva campaign of V.A. Perovsky and referring to documents directly related to the preparation of this campaign allow us to conclude that the concern of a number of Russian political figures (among whom V.A. Perovsky was) with the activation of British agents in Central Asia and the actions of the British army in Afghanistan was one of the main motives for organizing the campaign, the purpose of which was to strengthen Russian positions in the named region. Despite the failure of V.A. Perovsky’s idea, the authorities of British India, frightened by the movement of Russian troops and suffering defeats in Afghanistan, contributed to the settlement of contradictions between Russia and Khiva in order to preserve the regional status quo. The actions of the British side, as well as the insufficient interest of the Russian authorities in the Central Asian direction in comparison with the European and Middle Eastern ones, contributed to a decrease in Russia’s activity in Central Asia after the unsuccessful campaign of V.A. Perovsky.
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Lähteenmäki, Maria. "A Sense of Terijoki: The Discourse of Karelia in the Karelian Borderlands." Journal of Finnish Studies 16, no. 2 (May 1, 2013): 29–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/28315081.16.2.04.
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Abstract Karelia, the borderland between Finland and Russia, has been a “land of quarrels” for centuries. The Swedish kingdom, the Novgorod realm, and the Russian Empire, one after another, have colonized the area. In 1812 the southwest part of Karelia, the Karelian Isthmus, was incorporated into the Grand Duchy of Finland. This incorporation was practical: for hundreds of years the area had already been a region of Finnish-speaking people. After Finland's declaration of independence (1917) and civil war (1918) and the birth of Soviet Russia (1917), political tensions sharpened in the Karelian Isthmus. In those days, the borderline between Finnish Terijoki and Russian St. Petersburg became the most important ideological barrier between revolutionary Russia and Finland, where the right-wing Whites had won the civil war and begun an unequalled campaign against the Bolshevist power. In 1939 and again in 1944, Soviet troops occupied the Karelian Isthmus, and the area ever since has been a part of the Soviet Union/Russia.
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Karkocha, Małgorzata. "‘Gazeta Warszawska’ on the Russo-Turkish War (the 1789 campaign)." Przegląd Nauk Historycznych 17, no. 3 (December 13, 2018): 157–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1644-857x.17.03.06.
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The article presents a selected campaign of the Russo-Turkish War, which Turkey fought with Russia and its ally, Austria, in 1787–1792. The Author used the reports of „Gazeta Warszawska” – a leading information magazine, published in 1774–1793 under the editorial supervision of an ex-Jesuit, Father Stefan Łuskina, as the principal source of information. Throughout the entire conflict, Łuskin’s newspaper reported regularly (almost in every issue) on activities on the eastern front. The editor-in-chief was an advocate of pro-Russian position, which did affect the information provided by the publication. The news from the Eastern War published in „Gazeta Warszawska” was selected in such a way as to show the superiority of the Russian army over the Ottoman fleet and army and to prove that the opponents of the Tsaritsa opponents would be inevitably defeated.
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Zadorozhnii, O. "МН17 TRAGEDY: RUSSIA IS NOT INVOLVED, REALLY?" Actual Problems of International Relations, no. 129 (2016): 47–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/apmv.2016.129.0.47-64.
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Examines the arguments used by Russia to accuse Ukraine in disaster of Malaysian Boeing 777 that occurred on July 17, 2014. In particular, the article analyzes the following lines of arguments developed by the representatives of the Russian government and doctrine: responsibility of the state in whose territory the crime has been committed; the campaign to discredit the investigation into the incident aimed at whitewashing Russia and at deflecting suspicion and accusations from Russia; criticism of the ideas and procedures for the establishment of an international tribunal to investigate crimes associated with the downing of MH17. The author points to the absurdity, contradictions of the positions of the Russian authorities and the doctrine of international law in terms of international law, and in terms of the facts. In his turn, the author qualifies accident in terms of international law against the general context of the war of aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine. The author also argues in favor of a qualified international investigation into the accident and the creation of an international tribunal to prosecute the perpetrators of the tragedy.
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Arnold, Richard. "Systematic racist violence in Russia between ‘hate crime’ and ‘ethnic conflict’." Theoretical Criminology 19, no. 2 (April 30, 2015): 239–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1362480615581102.
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Racist violence in Russia has recently become a subject of interest to scholars and analysts of Russian politics. What are the similarities and differences between racist violence in Russia and the West? How does the level of Russian racist violence compare to other societies? Do racist hate groups in Russia have similar origins to groups in the West? This article considers these questions. I first demonstrate that Russia is indeed the most dangerous country in Europe for ethnic minorities, and argue that such violence is more ‘systematic’ (structured, ideologically coherent, patterned) than in other developed societies. The high level of violence against ethnic minorities in Russia is ‘over-determined’ by a combination of post-Soviet social and economic social changes, the brutalizing consequences of a long counter-insurgency campaign, and government passivity (and sometimes complicity) in the face of racist violence and hate speech. Thus, Russia’s systematic racist violence is analytically closer to outright ethnic conflict than to a form of criminal deviance that could aptly be termed ‘hate crime’.
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Sobolev, O. S. "Climate and weather changes, agricultural prices and exports in the first quarter of 2021 in Russia." Economy of agricultural and processing enterprises, no. 6 (2021): 48–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.31442/0235-2494-2021-0-6-48-54.
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The article presents the climatic and weather features of the sowing campaign in the 1st quarter of 2021. Formulas for forecasting grain resource balances in the Russian Federation for any perspective are presented. Producer prices for grain, milk, and meat in Russia, the EU, and the United States in the 1st quarter of 2021 are compared. The influence of the grain export duty on prices in the Russian Federation and in the world is analyzed.
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Vasileva, E. I., and T. E. Zerchaninova. "Forms and channels of interaction of young compatriots with Russia in sociological dimension." POWER AND ADMINISTRATION IN THE EAST OF RUSSIA 97, no. 4 (2021): 143–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/1818-4049-2021-97-4-143-153.
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The article examines the system of interactions between the young Russian compatriots living abroad and Russia. The article considers the question of how closely young Russian compatriots are connected with Russia. The purpose of the study is to study the forms and channels of interaction of young Russian compatriots with Russia. The article is based on a study of the opinion of young members of the Russian community abroad. The empirical basis of the study is a questionnaire survey conducted in 54 foreign countries. The survey was conducted in groups in social networks and in organizations of Russian compatriots. 2042 respondents aged from 14 to 30 years inclusive were interviewed. Russian studies show that young Russian compatriots largely continue to preserve their Russian identity, identify themselves with the Russian people and speak Russian better than the language of their country of residence. Most of the young compatriots maintain close ties with Russia, which is confirmed by their personal visits to visit relatives, for the purpose of tourism in Russia, etc. A significant part of the interaction is outside the political space, but in the field of informal communication and mass culture, which determines the image of Russia and the people as a whole. The main communication channels are social networks, messengers and Internet resources. The development of centers for the study of the Russian language, education and culture, while expanding the resource base of state policy and its information campaign, can prove to be a powerful tool of the Russian public administration in the long term.
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Kellner, Douglas. "Donald Trump, Globalization, and the Russia Connection in Election 2016." Cultural Politics 14, no. 2 (July 1, 2018): 139–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/17432197-6609032.
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Donald Trump can best be understood in the context of the rise of authoritarian populist, nationalist, and antiglobalist movements throughout the world. In this article, I focus on the assault on globalization in the Trump campaign, look at his administration and actions as president, and raise questions about whether he has betrayed his antiglobalist followers and is pursuing business-as-usual for global, corporate capitalism—or something else. This investigation also leads us into engaging the Trump campaign/administration connections with Russia and the role of Russia, cyberwar, and global computer networks in Election 2016.
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Volkhonsky, Mikhail Alekseevich, and Akhmet Aminovich Yarlykapov. "Symbolic Politics of Georgia and Azerbaijan in Russia: Two Research Cases." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 20, no. 3 (December 15, 2020): 605–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2020-20-3-605-618.
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One of the most actively discussed topics in modern political science is symbolic politics. This topic looks especially relevant in relation to the former Soviet republics, which are actively operating within the framework of the symbolic component of politics. Based on an interdisciplinary approach to the study of symbolic politics, the article analyzes two cases related to the symbolic politics of the two republics of the post-Soviet space - Georgia and Azerbaijan, respectively. The first case refers to an attempt by the leadership of the Georgian Orthodox Church to obtain permission from the Russian Orthodox Church and the Russian authorities to transfer the ashes of Georgian kings Vakhtang VI and Teymuraz II from Astrakhan to Tbilisi. The second case studies the circumstances of the construction of a monument in Dagestan near Agachaul to Turkish soldiers who died here in 1918 during the Civil war. The two cases presented in the article are interesting primarily because they allow us to see the methods of symbolic politics using concrete examples. In both cases, the actors were not state structures, but religious, social, and scientific organizations. The main method of the actors was to organize a commemorative campaign, around which an information campaign was then built, with the aim of replicating a certain interpretation of historical events. At the same time, cases differ from each other in the degree of openness and scale of actions of actors. In the first case regarding the transfer of the ashes of Georgian tsars, the Georgian side directly addressed both the leadership of the Russian Orthodox Church and the leadership of Russia. At the same time, the actions undertaken by the Georgian side were not successful. In the second case, the Azerbaijani side actively used the local commemorative campaign, initiated by local communities in Dagestan, to launch an appropriate wide information campaign. A comparison of cases leads to the conclusion that the success of a symbolic policy does not depend on the scale of the actions taken.
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Vilkov, Alexander A. "The leading “left” Russian parties on the eve of State Duma election-2021." Izvestia of Saratov University. New Series. Series: Sociology. Politology 21, no. 2 (May 25, 2021): 203–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1818-9601-2021-21-2-203-210.
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Stances of “Communist Party of the Russian Federation” and “Fair Russia” as two main left parties on the eve of State Duma election-2021 are considered in the article. Based on the analysis of CPRF leaders’ reaction to January protest campaign, the author concludes that there are some signs of crisis within the party and pinpoints reasons of communists’ inability to crucially change their image and electoral resources for the upcoming election. “Fair Russia” attempt to strengthen its potential through alliance with the left and patriotic forces as well as its possible outcomes within the context of rather controversial perception of the party as an oppositional one are evaluated. Objective demand for consolidation of all Russian “left” forces on modern social and democratic platform is substantiated.
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Buranok, Sergey Olegovich. "Russia electrification plan in the USA and UK press assessment of the 1920-1929." Samara Journal of Science 7, no. 1 (March 1, 2018): 171–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/snv201871208.
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The following paper deals with the research of the place and value of Russia electrification plan and its reflection in Great Britain and the USA public opinion. The study of information campaign around Russia electrification plan has its specifics and value: first, it gives a chance to establish new, unknown facts; secondly, to determine the level of knowledge of Another (in this case, American) society about the Soviet power; thirdly, to understand what place information about Russia electrification plan took in the USA and Great Britain in the system of the USSR image creation, the image of the Soviet power revolution. This paper uses materials of the USA and Great Britain press about Russia electrification plan. Besides, the author analyzes the image of the Soviet power in the American and British society. The information campaign around Russia electrification plan could report to the world about the Soviet economy achievements as well as promote preparation (in the information plan) to the following large project - industrialization. Articles, reports, notes on Russia electrification plan helped to change the attitude towards Russia / the USSR in the USA and Great Britain and helped to correct the image of the USSR in the world.
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Kazharski, Aliaksei, and Andrey Makarychev. "Russia’s Vaccine Diplomacy in Central Europe: Between a Political Campaign and a Business Project." Mezinárodní vztahy 56, no. 4 (December 1, 2021): 131–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.32422/mv-cjir.1820.
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Drawing on the concept of vaccine diplomacy, the article analyses Russia’s efforts to promote its Sputnik V vaccine and the repercussions this had in two Central European EU member states which authorized the use of the Russian vaccine. The authors argue that for Russia, Sputnik V promotion was significant both as a business project and as a political enterprise, as it was supposed to enhance Russia’s international status and help it in overcoming its post-Crimea isolation from the West. The results were mixed, however, as Russia’s international credibility had been undermined by its previous policies. Thus, in Hungary the vaccine managed to gain some traction thanks to a government that preferred importing non-EU certified vaccines as part of its larger policy of fostering closer ties with the authoritarian great powers in Eurasia. In Slovakia, the vaccine deal with Russia caused a political crisis but eventually resulted in a very poor performance of Sputnik V as compared to EU-certified vaccines.
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Shaidurov, Vladimir N. "Gypsies of the Belarusian Provinces and Land Management Policy at the turn of the 1830s-1840s." Journal of Frontier Studies 6, no. 3 (September 16, 2021): 94–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.46539/jfs.v6i3.259.
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At the turn of the 18th-19th centuries, the tsarist government in Russia faced the Gypsy question in the context of implementation of the society homogenization policy. There were campaigns initiated to fight with Gypsy vagrancyduring the 1770s-1810s, the primary target of which was to modernize the Gypsies of the Russian Empire and turn them into a constant component of rural or urban societies. However, despite the repressive tools included, these measures did not effect the desired result. The purpose of the present paper is to study the relationship between the Belarusian Gypsies and the authorities when it came to acquisition of land and set up of arable farms in the late 1830s-early 1840s as part of implementation of the subsequent campaign to turn the Gypsies of Russia into a settled population. The basis of the research were archival materials from the fund of the Second Department of the Ministry of State Property of the Russian State Historical Archive (St. Petersburg). Studying of various historical sources revealed the features of implementation of the decree of Nicholas I (1839) in the Belarusian provinces. Despite the willingness of the local gypsy camps to adopt the sedentary life, they faced various forms of latent chauvinism at the local level: officials sabotaged orders from St. Petersburg; peasants did not want to accept Gypsies into their societies. The article is intended for specialists in the history of the Roma and the national politics in the Russian Empire.
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Ganin, Andrey V. "The former chief of P. N. Wrangel’ staff P. S. Makhrov on the Red Army campaign to Western Ukraine and Western Belarus in 1939." Slavic Almanac, no. 1-2 (2020): 461–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2073-5731.2020.1-2.5.01.
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The memoirs of general P. S. Makhrov are devoted to the events of 1939 and the campaign of the Red army in Western Ukraine and Western Belarus. Pyotr Semyonovich Makhrov was a General staff officer, participant of the Russian-Japanese war, World War I, and the Russian Civil war. In 1918, Makhrov lived in Ukraine, and in 1919-1920 he took part in the White movement in Southern Russia, after which he emigrated. In exile he lived in France, where he wrote his extensive memoirs. The events of September 1939 could not pass past his attention. At that time, the Red army committed approach in Western Ukraine and Western Belarus. Contrary to the widespread Anti-Sovietism among the white emigrants, Makhrov perceived the incident with enthusiasm as a return of Russia to its ancestral lands occupied by the Poles.
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Ovchinnikov, Vladimir Mikhailovich. "Smolensk in the autumn-winter campaign of 1812 according to the memoirs of contemporaries." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 3 (March 2022): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2022.3.34310.
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The article discusses the main features of the conduct of hostilities in the autumn of 1812 in Russia, and the role of Smolensk in Napoleon's strategic plans for the subsequent period. On the basis of the epistolary heritage, primarily of French contemporaries (both soldiers and officers), the specific aspects of the retreat of the Great Army along the Old Smolensk Road are considered, another facet of the Moscow campaign of the Emperor of all the French is demonstrated. The author also draws attention to the activities of the occupation authorities in Smolensk itself, based on creating conditions for turning the city into a powerful operational base for the entire army. В The main conclusions of the study are the following theses: 1. Numerous memoirs of contemporaries pay rather close attention to the problem of the retreat of the Great Army to the Smolensk region, giving quite detailed descriptions of both the life itself and the possible prospects for the further course of the campaign. 2. A number of indirect evidences demonstrate attempts to turn the city into an operational base that allows preparing troops for the next campaign in the East, which is indirectly confirmed by descriptions of attempts to create local self-government bodies in the city. 3. Smolensk in numerous French memoirs devoted to the campaign of 1812 was presented as a symbol of the drama that broke out in Russia. 4. In the Russian epistolary heritage of the epoch, the corresponding descriptions contain a sense of transformation of mass consciousness, in the conditions of a new practice for humanity called "total war". 5. In general, summing up the general results of the consideration of Smolensk in the autumn-winter campaign of 1812, it can be argued that its role as a moral barrier in Napoleon's desire to continue hostilities and the importance of the city as a strategic point has been insufficiently studied until now and requires a very deep analysis
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Terskikh, Marina V. "Representations of Russia and the Russian national character in the modern advertising discourse: linguistic and cognitive analysis." Neophilology, no. 24 (2020): 819–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/2587-6953-2020-6-24-819-835.
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We refer to the concept of the country’s image, which arose in the practice of politicians, government executives, and marketing specialists and has been actively developed in recent dec-ades in the works of representatives of various branches of scientific knowledge: linguists, political scientists, sociologists, philosophers, etc. Media discourse becomes a communication space within which messages are created, on the one hand, reflecting the stereotypical attitudes of the internal and external audience regarding Russia and the Russian people, on the other, correcting negative and reinforcing positive ethnic stereotypes. In this work, the media image of Russia is modeled on the basis of texts of commercial, social and political advertising, speeches of political figures, in particular, in the framework of the election campaign. As a basic methodology, we use the frame modeling method, reconstructs the “Russia” frame in Russian and foreign advertising discourse. Russian commercial advertising forms a positive image of a great, beautiful country with a strong and spiritually rich people, and the concept of “Russian” is used in texts exclusively with positive connotations. Russian social advertising creates the image of a country with a rich history and a great past, however it represents modern Russia as a country in which spiritual values play an increasingly smaller role. The external image of Russia can be generally assessed as negative. The sphere in which the least attractive image is realized is politics. The political theme is updated in all considered types of media discourse and forms the image of a backward, undemocratic state with high corruption and Soviet heritage.
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PRODIĆ, SLOBODAN. "ROLE OF SCIENTIFIC ATHEISM IN NIKITA SERGEYEVICH KRUSHCHEV’S ANTIRELIGIC CAMPAIGN." Kultura polisa, no. 44 (March 8, 2021): 239–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.51738/kpolisa2021.18.1r.3.06.
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The 20th century brought many interesting occurrences Russia. One of that occurrence is also changing governance type and creating new country called Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR). In this country which existed from 1917 to 1991, position of Orthodox church and other religic communities was bad and hard. For achiving their idea about destroying religion, members of government used many different techniques which were gradually setted- from cruel physical extermination of belivers to try as many as it is possible people refuse religion because of scientific atheism. One of phases in persecution Church in USSR’s area was campaign that was conducted from Nikita Sergeyevich Krushchev. The biggest rememberance on this phase was applying scientific atheism and consequences of this phase are felt in today Russia.
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Zonova, T. V., and A. Giannotti. "Russia and the West: Contradictory Dialogue." MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, no. 1 (March 3, 2020): 23–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-1-70-23-38.
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The authors focus on the historical evolution of the relations between Russia and the West and attempt to suggest their own vision on the future prospects. The aforementioned relationship span centuries of history. At times, these relations were peaceful, while at times, “Russophobia,” on the one hand, and anti-Western feelings, on the other, served as a backdrop to military clashes. The authors pay special attention to the events of recent decades that have posed new threats and challenges. Given the current militarization and securitization of world politics, strategic stability, which is highly dependent on relations between Russia and the West, is being called into question. After Crimea became part of the Russian Federation and hostilities began in the Donbass region, anti-Russian sanctions were imposed, and Russia, in turn, passed counter-sanctions legislation. Therefore, Russia’s relations with the United States have sharply deteriorated. Likewise, comprehensive ties with the European Union have been frozen. The West, mainly the United States and UK, has launched anti-Russian campaign. As a mirror response Russian media also dazzles with speculations about "the decay and decline of the West". Consequently, Russia has declared its “shift to the East”. A real psychological war is being waged between Russia and the West, with both sides resorting to the latest advanced technology in their propaganda. A number of Russian politicians grew supportive of some Western movements and parties of the right spectrum, the so called “sovranists” who aimed at withdrawing their countries from international treaties and unions. Meanwhile, Donald Trump’s victory in the 2016 elections as the Republican right-wing candidate, who pledged to improve US-Russia relations, was much praised in Moscow. The authors conclude that recent constructive Russian-American meetings and the 2019 meeting in the Normandy Format which contributes to conflict resolution in the South-East of Ukraine can facilitate positive developments of Russia’s relations with the West.