Relevant bibliographies by topics / Cambodia – Politics and government – 1975-1979

Academic literature on the topic 'Cambodia – Politics and government – 1975-1979'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 28 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Cambodia – Politics and government – 1975-1979"

1

Chandler, David. "Will There Be a Trial for the Khmer Rouge?" Ethics & International Affairs 14 (March 2000): 67–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.2000.tb00054.x.

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The scale of what happened under the Khmer Rouge regime in Cambodia between 1975 and 1979 is difficult to deal with (over one million Cambodians lost their lives), but efforts are now underway to bring at least some of the surviving leaders of the regime to justice. This essay explores the reasons for delay of the trials, citing:The absence of international precedents prior to the 1990s;The show trial of two Khmer Rouge leaders in 1979; andThe obstacles to a trial arising from geopolitical considerations in the 1980s (in which some powers now calling for a trial, including the United States, were effectively allied with the Khmer Rouge against the Vietnamese-imposed regime in Phnom Penh).In the 1990s, following the Paris Peace Accords and the brief UN protectorate over Cambodia, demands for a trial came from overseas and from Cambodian human rights groups. The Cambodian regime considered the show trials of 1979 sufficient, however, and in 1998 Cambodian prime minister Hun Sen urged his compatriots to “dig a hole and bury the past.” Eager to regain foreign support for his regime after several brutal incidents in which political opponents were killed, Hun Sen has more recently agreed to limited international participation in a trial. A procedure targeting a few Khmer Rouge leaders seems likely in 2000, but Cambodian government control of the proceedings means that nothing like a truth commission or a wide-ranging inquiry will result.
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2

Bertelman, Hanna. "International Standards and National Ownership? Judicial Independence in Hybrid Courts: The Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia." Nordic Journal of International Law 79, no. 3 (2010): 341–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181010x512558.

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AbstractThe Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC) was established in 2004 through an agreement between the United Nations (UN) and the Cambodian government, as a means to address the crimes committed during the Khmer Rouge regime in Cambodia between 1975 and 1979. The ECCC is one in a row of international judicial institutions set up in response to gross violations of human rights, known as 'hybrid' courts, encompassing both national and international elements in their structure, composition and jurisdiction. Hybrid courts, allowing for a higher degree of participation by national actors, are expected to be better placed to give long-lasting effects in the societies in which mass atrocities have taken place. This article examines that claim with regard to the ECCC, and explores the value added by participation by various national actors in the judicial proceedings. After giving an overview of international standards of judicial independence, it provides an analysis of concerns that may be raised with regard to the judicial independence of the ECCC. This article argues that some aspects of national ownership may be promoted at the cost of lowering international standards of justice, and may cause an overall lack of ownership or accountability of the proceedings.
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Form, Wolfgang. "Justice 30 Years Later? The Cambodian Special Tribunal for the Punishment of Crimes against Humanity by the Khmer Rouge." Nationalities Papers 37, no. 6 (November 2009): 889–923. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990903230827.

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After a two-year tug-of-war between the US, the UN, and Phnom Penh, the Cambodian government, supported by massive international intervention, brought some of those accused of committing Khmer Rouge atrocities to trial before an independent court. The atrocities, which verged on genocide, were perpetrated between 1975 and 1979. The plan was to create a special tribunal consisting of both indigenous and foreign judges to try the perpetrators. Newspapers from 2002 reported that the first indictment would be issued some time during that year. As we know today, this proved to be a rosily optimistic prediction.
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4

Zarzecki, Radosław. "Uwarunkowania procesu pojednania w Kambodży." Wschodnioznawstwo 14 (2020): 267–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20827695wsc.20.015.13343.

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Determinants of Reconciliation in Cambodia Forty years after Cambodian genocide the reconciliation is still in early stage. Despite such long time there was almost nothing done, especially in 20th century, to make that process happened. The article discusses the determinants, reasons and factors that had impact on reconciliation. Determinants can be divided into different categories. First of all the socio-historical background. Circumstances in which Khmer Rouge come to power, their revolutionary approach to economy, implemented reforms, use of children, displacements of people and categorization of citizens had great impact on post-1979 Cambodia. Another determinant is a political one. Policy of post-Khmer Rouge Cambodia rulers stunted the reconciliation. There reason of such actions are multidimensional but the most important one is provenance of People’s Republic of Kampuchea leaders. The most important figures in Cambodia politics are ex-Khmer Rouge soldiers, accused by some of taking a part in genocide. What’s even more confusing, the most powerful opposition party in 1980s were perpetrators themselves and their allies. Even after signing Paris Peace Accords in 1991 until early 2000s there was no will to punish Khmer Rouge officials responsible for genocide. The Cambodian culture of silence, the third determinant, only exacerbates a difficult situation. Cambodians rarely speak about atrocities and harsh past because of fear, shame or trauma. Even in school textbooks until 2009 there was almost nothing said about tragic events which happened between 1975 and 1979. History of Democratic Kampuchea still affects the Cambodian society. Despite sentencing few Khmer Rouge officials in 2010s, there’s still lot to be done also on state-level. Reconciliation and coming back to the state of balance is the main challenge for Cambodia in the nearest future, crucially important to social and political life of this nation.
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5

Haq, Ahza Arzanul, Dea Putri Krisanti, and Zein Ibnu Wiguna. "The Role of Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia in trying Khmer Rouge Human Rights Offender in Cambodia." Journal of ASEAN Dynamics and Beyond 1, no. 1 (December 19, 2020): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.20961/aseandynamics.v1i1.46820.

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<p><em>Conflict often occurs when two or more interests are in contradiction and no one wants to concede. We know a variety of conflicts today, from the conflict preexisting since a long time ago such as intertribal conflict to more modern conflict such as a state’s tapping over another. The way of resolving conflict is also varying according to the types of conflict, big conflict such as interstate conflict or the one attracting the world’s attention, using more complex resolution and usually using the third party. Therefore, a special organization will be founded to solve a conflict. One of organizations created to solve a conflict is the Extraordinary Chambers in The Courts of Cambodia (ECCC) aiming to try the war criminals during Khmer Rouge humanity crime incidence in 1975-1979. Humanity crime occurring in Cambodia is one of largest humanity tragedies in modern era post 2<sup>nd</sup> World War. This ECCC was founded because at that time Cambodia’s National Justice Institution could not try the perpetrator of humanity crime. Cambodian government along with UN then agreed to found a justice institution specifically aiming to deal with and to resolve Khmer Rouge case.</em></p>
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6

Boyle, David. "Establishing the responsibility of the Khmer Rouge leadership for international crimes." Yearbook of International Humanitarian Law 5 (December 2002): 167–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1389135900001070.

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Dragged reluctantly into the debate over Khmer Rouge accountability, the United Nations Secretariat has spent the last five years attempting to find a mutually acceptable judicial structure to try the leaders of the former government of Cambodia for international crimes committed between 1975 and 1979.In response to a request for aid from the Cambodian government in June 1997, the UN originally came down in favour of establishing a thirdad hocInternational Criminal Tribunal. Taking that proposal as a starting point, this paper documents the series of events leading the Organisation towards unwilling participation in potentially unjust domestic trials after Cambodia's refusal of the UN proposal. Each time the negotiations seemed to have broken down, the UN and Cambodia came under pressure from certain Member States to return to the negotiating table. Beset with its responsibility in supporting the Khmer Rouge after the Vietnamese invasion in 1979, the UN compromised successively concerning the nature of the court (part 3) and its structure (part 4). A consensus finally seemed to have been reached in July 2000, when a UN negotiating team left Phnom Penh with a draft Memorandum of Understanding concerning ‘significant international co-operation’ in trials before ‘Extraordinary Chambers’ of the Cambodian courts (the ‘draft MOU’). However, the law finally promulgated on 10 August 2001 in order to set up these Chambers (the ‘Tribunal Law’) was not entirely consistent with the terms of the draft MOU, the exact legal status of which then became a bone of contention (part 5).
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7

Fonseca, Joana Bárbara. "The Authoritarian Government of Angola learning High-Tech Surveillance." Surveillance & Society 15, no. 3/4 (August 9, 2017): 371–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/ss.v15i3/4.6641.

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José Eduardo do Santos (JES), President of Angola, has been in charge since 1979, and is also the commander-in-chief of the FAA (Angola Armed Forces) and president of the MPLA, (the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola, in charge of the country’s politics since 1975).Since 2011, inspired by the rise of the Arab Spring, some groups started group debates, trying to finding pacific ways to raise awareness to the authoritarian regime they were living. Consequently, the government dealt with them with extreme violence, using them as object-example of fear to whoever tried to oppose. In 2015, a group of 17 activists was arrested for reading a book in an open reunion, and accused of conspiring against JES’ government. One of the front men of this movement just spoke at the European Parliament in January 2017, though a month later he was suffering police violence again when joining a new manifestation in Luanda. In April 2017, a similar case happened to another group of activists, and the 7 remain in jail in poor health conditions.
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8

Hamilton, Shane. "The Populist Appeal of Deregulation: Independent Truckers and the Politics of Free Enterprise, 1935–1980." Enterprise & Society 10, no. 1 (March 2009): 137–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1467222700007874.

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After spending a decade as an independent trucker hauling milk, watermelons, and paper across the United States, Mike Parkhurst sold his tractor-trailer in 1961 and used the proceeds to establish Overdrive magazine—the “Voice of the American Trucker.” Believing “truckers were ready for a magazine that would pull no punches,” Parkhurst launched a decades-long editorial assault on transportation regulations that he believed bound American enterprise in the chains of corporate control, government malfeasance, and brutish boss unionism. By the mid-1970s, Parkhurst became one of the nation's most outspoken advocates of transportation deregulation. As he told a reporter for Time in 1975, he hoped “to wake the truckers up to the fact that they're slaves to a monopoly”—a monopoly on freight transportation maintained by corporate trucking firms, abetted by the Teamsters Union, and sanctioned by corrupt government officials. In the summer of 1979, Parkhurst helped to orchestrate a nationwide strike by tens of thousands of independent truckers, in which drivers demanded, according to William Scheffer of the Overdrive-sponsored Independent Truckers Association, “the dismantling of a giant Federal bureaucracy that has grown to govern the trucking industry since the mid-1930's.”
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9

Raymond, Gregory V. "Strategic Culture and Thailand's Response to Vietnam's Occupation of Cambodia, 1979–1989: A Cold War Epilogue." Journal of Cold War Studies 22, no. 1 (February 2020): 4–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00924.

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Thailand's role in the Cold War is often seen through the prism of its support for U.S. operations during the Vietnam War. Yet after the departure of U.S. troops from Thai territory in 1976, the Thai government was largely left to fend for itself. Soon after the U.S. withdrawal, a serious crisis arose for Thailand: Vietnam's invasion and occupation of Cambodia from 1979 to 1989. Scholars have examined Thailand's diplomacy during this period but have devoted scant attention to Thailand's defense planning. This article considers both the strategic and the operational dimensions of that planning. The analysis shows that Thailand's strategic culture can explain its adroit strategic-level decision-making and its ability to use its relationships with China, the United States, and the Association of South East Asian Nations to make the costs of Vietnam's occupation unsustainably high. In contrast, Thai military organizational culture can help explain why, at the operational level, Thailand's defense planning was compromised by unclear and incoherent military doctrine, materiel procurement, preparedness planning, and resource allocation.
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Feldstein, Bruce, and Graeme Frelick. "A Refugee Health Care Training Workshop for Health Professionals in the United States." Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 1, no. 3 (1985): 310–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x00065948.

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Since the Cambodian refugee emergency of 1979, refugee emergencies continue to be a global problem. Health care workers returning from the Cambodian emergency relief presented the need for improved predeparture training and orientation to the Second World Congress on Emergency and Disaster Medicine in Pittsburgh and elsewhere (1,2). The special training needs of health professionals working in such emergencies have come to the attention of the National Council for International Health in the US (NCIH) whose role is to increase US effectiveness in international health in developing countries (3,4,5). NCIH, established in 1971, is a private non-profit organization. Membership includes individuals, private and voluntary organizations, health and medical associations, universities, governmental agencies, foundations, corporations and consulting firms.Worldwide today, more than 10 mill. refugees have been forced to leave their homelands because of political and civil disturbances, war, famine, earthquakes, floods and other disasters. Host governments are often unable to deal with these situations and rely on international relief to provide for the various physical, humanitarian and other needs of these victims.Providing health care is a complex process that takes place in phases within political, economic, social and cultural constraints that are unfamiliar to health care workers without prior experience or special training. Unfortunately training to meet these emergencies is either non-existent or consists of brief predeparture sessions. Only a fraction of those with prior experience are available at short notice. In Thailand, for example, organizations were forced to recruit medical professionals who were inexperienced in refugee relief.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Cambodia – Politics and government – 1975-1979"

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Norén-Nilsson, Astrid Asa Thyra. "Imagining Cambodia : competing nationalisms in the Second Kingdom (1993-)." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.607930.

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Chartprasert, Kiattikhun. "Australia and the Kampuchean problem : Thai perspectives." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112144.

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Throughout recorded history, Indochina has experienced conflict, turbulence and violence. One of the first recorded conflicts was in the first century A. D. when the Hung Sisters led a revolt in Northern Vietnam against Chinese domination. Ever since, relations with China have included long periods of peace and stability broken by conflict, invasion and resistance. But it was not until the United States directly participated in Vietnamese affairs following the French withdrawal after the battle of Dien Bien Phu and the Geneva Settlement of 1954 that the region has been the scene of "superpower rivalry". The wars which have engulfed the Indochina states over the past 30 years have brought untold human suffering and misery. When hostilities finally ceased as a result of the communist victories in Indochina in mid 1970s, the world looked forward hopefully to a long period of peace in which the well-being of the people of the region could be advanced and assured. Unfortunately, conflicts and instability have broken out anew.
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Elston, Garreth Edward. "From confrontation to co-operation, ASEAN's search for security, 1967 to 1981." Thesis, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10539/22711.

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A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Arts, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, for the degree of Master of Arts, November 1998.
The Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) is a regional organisation that emerged from a situation of inter-regional and ethnic discord, into a largely unified body. In effect, the organisation underwent a transformation from confrontation to co-operation. This dissertation charts the historical regional situation, covering the period from ASEAN's formation in 1967 up to 1981. The dissertation further analyses the rationale for the evolution of this collaborative association, providing the basis for the key argument of the hypothesis, which states that threats to regional security and stability during this period served as the primary catalyst for greater co-operation between member states. This thesis therefore opposes the generally held view that economic imperatives were the principal drivers of increased regional co-operation in the South East Asian region.
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Books on the topic "Cambodia – Politics and government – 1975-1979"

1

Jermiah, Zasloff Joseph, ed. Cambodia confounds the peacemakers, 1979-1998. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press., 1998.

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2

Brothers in Arms: Chinese Aid to the Khmer Rouge, 1975-1979. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2014.

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3

Corfield, Justin J. Khmers stand up!: A history of the Cambodian government 1970-1975. Clayton, Victoria, Australia: Centre of Southeast Asian Studies, Monash University, 1994.

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4

When the war was over: Cambodia and the Khmer Rouge revolution. New York: PublicAffairs, 1998.

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5

Becker, Elizabeth. When the war was over: The voices of Cambodia's revolution and its people. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1986.

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When the war was over: The voices of Cambodia's revolution and its people. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1986.

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1948-, Rowley Kelvin, ed. Red brotherhood at war: Vietnam, Cambodia, and Laos since 1975. London: Verso, 1990.

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8

Metzl, Jamie Frederic. Western responses to human rights abuses in Cambodia, 1975-80. New York: St. Martin's Press in association with St. Antony's College, Oxford, 1996.

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9

Kiernan, Ben. How Pol Pot came to power: Colonialism, nationalism, and communism in Cambodia, 1930-1975. 2nd ed. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2004.

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How Pol Pot came to power: A history of communism in Kampuchea, 1930-1975. London: Verso, 1985.

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