Journal articles on the topic 'Cambodia History 1979- Historiography'

Abstrak Tulisan ini bertujuan menganalisa mengenai apa motif diskriminasi dan bagaimana kebijakan rezim Khmer Merah terhadap etnis dan agama minoritas di Kamboja, di mana etnis Cham-Melayu yang notabennya beragama Islam termasuk di dalamnya. Selain itu skripsi ini juga ingin melanjutkan tulisan P.B Lafont yang dalam artikelnya belum menjawab mengenai apa motif diskriminasi yang dilakukan Khmer Merah terhadap umat Islam di Kamboja. Penelitian ini bersifat analytical history, maka dari itu penulis menggunakan metode penelitian yang biasa digunakan dalam penelitian sejarah pada umumnya, yakni, heuristik, verifikasi, interpretasi,dan historiografi. Dalam penelitian ini penulis mendapatkan temuan-temuan baru terkait motif yang melatarbelakangi diskriminasi Khmer Merah terhadap umat Islam di Kamboja. Selain itu penulis juga menemukan fakta-fakta terkait kebijakan rezim Khmer Merah terhadap etnis dan agama minoritas di Kamboja. Dengan demikian penelitian ini diharapkan dapat melengkapi penelitian-penelitian terdahulu yang belum sempat menjawab permasalahan yang menjadi fokus kajian tulisan ini.---AbstrakThis article aim at analyzing the descrimination motive and the policy of Cham regime toward the religion and etnique minority in Cambodia, where Cham-Malay etnique are mostly muslims. Besides, this article also wants to contoinue the previous article of P.B Lafont which still did’t answer about the descrimination motive done by the Cham toward muslims in Cambodia. This article uses historical approach, the writer uses the common methode mostly done by many historians, the heuristics, verivication, interpretation, and historiography. In this article, the writer found new findings relating to the motive supporting the Cham descrimination toward Muslims in Cambodia. In addition to this, the writer found new facts relating to the policy of Cham regime toward religion and etnique minority in Cambodia. Therefore, this article is expected to accomplish the previous research which couldn’t answer the problem which becomes the focus of this article. DOI : 10.5281/zenodo.556796

Vietnam's long history starts from the effort to gain independence from France, the prolonged civil war between Communist North Vietnam and nationalist South Vietnam, to the Vietnamese invasion of Cambodia, which led to the massive migration of Vietnamese people to various countries using boats so that refugees This Vietnamese, known as the "Boat People." This study provides a comprehensive explanation of the background of the migration of Vietnamese refugees to Galang Island, the role of UNHCR and the Government of Indonesia in overcoming these problems, and their lives on Galang Island. This historical research was carried out successively from the heuristic process taken from the Vietnam-camp refugee document and observations on Galang Island. The data is then verified, interpreted analytically and synthetically, and presented in descriptive-explanative historiography. Apart from the pluses and minuses of various aspects of the history of Vietnamese refugees on Galang Island from 1979 to 1996, the Indonesian government has been maximal in overcoming the problem of Vietnamese refugees.

In the midst of Pol Pot's struggle for the control of the Cambodian Communist Party in the 1970s, the subject of the Party's history came to assume a crucial importance. In 1976, the date of the foundation of the Communist Party of Kampuchea (CPK) became so important an issue that veteran Party members who remembered that the Party had been founded at a date previous to that claimed by Pol Pot, were tortured and killed for that reason. History was rewritten to suit the interests of Pol Pot's faction and the political circumstances of the time. A particularly sensitive subject was the role played by the Vietnamese in the formation of the Khmer People's Revolutionary Party, the predecessor of the CPK in the 1950s. After the relations between the Vietnamese and Cambodian Parties turned sour in the mid-1970s, the CPK deleted all allusions to the Vietnamese role from its official Party History.

While previous research conceptualizes genocide as an outcome of complex interactions between multiple social factors, the specific ways in which these factors interact and combine with each other, and how their individual effects may be mediated through such interaction, remain to be empirically specified. Using historical accounts given by survivors of the Cambodian genocide, and drawing from insights in the collective action literature, this study presents a configurational and comparative analysis of the collective dynamics of genocidal violence. The analysis focuses on how changing local patterns of relational and cognitive collective mechanisms created distinctly local patterns of violence, affecting both levels of victimization and the targeting of different groups over time. While the expansion and consolidation of central state power accounts for a generalized increase in violence, official framing practices mediated how groups became targeted. These findings confirm and extend the insights of other meso-level studies of genocide, and demonstrate the utility of comparative configurational methods for further inquiry.

From 1975 to 1979, Canadian politicians and diplomats observed and discussed the possibility that a genocide was taking place in Cambodia. The situation was difficult to ascertain, however, given the limited history between the two countries and the deep isolation in which the Khmer Rouge regime operated after rising to power, as well as the Canadian government’s limited interest in international human rights until the late 1970s. It wasn’t until large numbers of refugees began to cross into Thailand in 1977–78, and began to tell their stories to Western diplomats, that human rights discussions at the United Nations began to focus more closely on the situation in Cambodia. Exploring the Canadian government’s use of refugee testimonies, this article explores the relationship between narratives of mass violence and the burgeoning human rights agenda of the late 1970s to highlight the role of refugees in shaping an international human rights agenda.

Determinants of Reconciliation in Cambodia Forty years after Cambodian genocide the reconciliation is still in early stage. Despite such long time there was almost nothing done, especially in 20th century, to make that process happened. The article discusses the determinants, reasons and factors that had impact on reconciliation. Determinants can be divided into different categories. First of all the socio-historical background. Circumstances in which Khmer Rouge come to power, their revolutionary approach to economy, implemented reforms, use of children, displacements of people and categorization of citizens had great impact on post-1979 Cambodia. Another determinant is a political one. Policy of post-Khmer Rouge Cambodia rulers stunted the reconciliation. There reason of such actions are multidimensional but the most important one is provenance of People’s Republic of Kampuchea leaders. The most important figures in Cambodia politics are ex-Khmer Rouge soldiers, accused by some of taking a part in genocide. What’s even more confusing, the most powerful opposition party in 1980s were perpetrators themselves and their allies. Even after signing Paris Peace Accords in 1991 until early 2000s there was no will to punish Khmer Rouge officials responsible for genocide. The Cambodian culture of silence, the third determinant, only exacerbates a difficult situation. Cambodians rarely speak about atrocities and harsh past because of fear, shame or trauma. Even in school textbooks until 2009 there was almost nothing said about tragic events which happened between 1975 and 1979. History of Democratic Kampuchea still affects the Cambodian society. Despite sentencing few Khmer Rouge officials in 2010s, there’s still lot to be done also on state-level. Reconciliation and coming back to the state of balance is the main challenge for Cambodia in the nearest future, crucially important to social and political life of this nation.

Identifying the role of colonial-sponsored institutions and written texts produced by local scholars, this article argues that, although Cambodian scholars’ intellectual orientation was not necessarily restricted to French scholarship, French colonial rule had played the key role in introducing modern historiography and creating the platforms for the epistemological transition in Cambodia which underwent different categories of knowledge adoption and various projects of translation of local individuals. Capturing the dynamic of the epistemological transition allows us to highlight a broader picture of the interplay between a long-existing body of knowledge and more contemporary scholarship under Western colonisation.

AbstractThe history of the regime of Democratic Kampuchea (DK) which ruled Cambodia from 1975 to 1979 in the name of social revolution made on behalf of Cambodia's poor peasants has been researched and documented according to many sources. When the leaders of the counter-revolutionary Kampuchean United Front for National Salvation, spearheaded by a massive force of the People's Army of Vietnam, took back the capital, Phnom Penh, on 7 January 1979, they captured official documents, particularly the forced confessions of thousands of political prisoners, which threw light on the nature of the regime and its catastrophic course after victory in April 1975. Other contemporary sources included monitored radio broadcasts of the regime, the dossiers of Khmer Rouge defectors to Thailand compiled by the US State Department, and the rich vein of information provided to western scholars of Cambodian history by refugees in the Thai camps and in other countries which received them after 1979.

This article discusses the historiography of the European Parliament (EP) up to and including the advent of direct elections, in 1979. The term historiography is interpreted loosely to include the work not only of historians, but also of political scientists who have studied the Common Assembly of the European Coal and Steel Community and the early decades of the European Parliament, as well as practitioners - officials and Members of the European Parliament - who have written about the institution from an academic perspective. The article aims to explore changes over time in how analysts of the EP approached their subject, the contributions that they have made, and current trends in historical research on the EP - an institution that emerged as an important player in European Community governance well before the dawn of direct elections.

The article briefly considers the history of the Cambodian People’s Party (CPP). The author shows that despite notable successes in Cambodia under CPP’s leadership the party still concentrates on its pivotal role in the overthrow of the Khmer Rouge regime in 1979. Prime Minister Hun Sen is widely presented as the founder of the Khmer Rouge resistance movement. The glorification of Hun Sen’s role is used in the official narrative to justify Hun Sen’s ‘indisputable’ right to power.

Thailand's role in the Cold War is often seen through the prism of its support for U.S. operations during the Vietnam War. Yet after the departure of U.S. troops from Thai territory in 1976, the Thai government was largely left to fend for itself. Soon after the U.S. withdrawal, a serious crisis arose for Thailand: Vietnam's invasion and occupation of Cambodia from 1979 to 1989. Scholars have examined Thailand's diplomacy during this period but have devoted scant attention to Thailand's defense planning. This article considers both the strategic and the operational dimensions of that planning. The analysis shows that Thailand's strategic culture can explain its adroit strategic-level decision-making and its ability to use its relationships with China, the United States, and the Association of South East Asian Nations to make the costs of Vietnam's occupation unsustainably high. In contrast, Thai military organizational culture can help explain why, at the operational level, Thailand's defense planning was compromised by unclear and incoherent military doctrine, materiel procurement, preparedness planning, and resource allocation.

Cambodia has been governed by the same, relatively fixed, elite since the Vietnamese removal of the Khmer Rouge from power in early 1979. This article provides an analysis of the dynamic interplay of external and internal factors that have contributed to the perpetuation of this elite's rule in the context of a nominal political and economic transition that might have been expected to undermine the bases of their power. It is argued that the patrimonialism of the Cambodian state and the provision of material aid and political legitimacy by external actors have been central to the endurance of this ruling elite.

This article is focused on the figure of personal secretary in the history of science with the example of Anne Berman (1889–1979) who was, between 1933 and 1962, the secretary for the psychoanalyst Marie Bonaparte (1882–1962). Berman was not a psychoanalyst and psychoanalytic historiography considers her as a minor figure. However, her career as a personal secretary and her role in the French psychoanalytic movement should be considered in conjunction with her involvement with the feminist movement. This pharmacist by training has indeed played a prominent role within the Soroptimist, which was a movement that championed the professional interest of women and prides female excellence. In the case of Berman, the status of personal secretary did not enable her to gain lasting recognition by psychoanalysts, but only a weak and fragile legitimacy.

The history of urbanisation in Cambodia is a fascinating case study. During 1965–1973, the Vietnam war triggered the mass migration of Cambodians to the urban centres as its rural economy was virtually annihilated by an unprecedented cascade of aerial bombardments. During the Pol Pot regime, 1975–1979, urban areas were hastily closed down by the Khmer Rouge militia that led to the phase of forced de-urbanisation. With the ouster of the Pol Pot regime, since 1993 a new wave of urbanisation has taken shape for Cambodia. Rising urban population in a few urban regions has triggered multidimensional problems in terms of housing, employment, infrastructure, crime rates and congestions. This paper investigates the significant drivers of urbanisation since 1994 in Cambodia. Despite severe limitations of the availability of relevant data, we have extrapolated the major long-term drivers of urbanization by using autoregressive distributed lag (ARDL) analysis and nonlinear autoregressive distributed lag (NARDL) models. Our main finding is that FDI flows have a significant short-run and long-run asymmetric effect on urbanisation. We conclude that an increase in FDI boosts the pull-factor behind rural–urban migration. At the same time, a decrease in FDI impoverishes the economy and promotes the push-factor behind the rural–urban migration.

As the globally eventful year of 1968 drew to a close, Brazilian university students living in what was then a four-year-old dictatorship faced two new challenges that would profoundly alter student politics and resistance on campuses in the coming decade. The more infamous was Ato Institucional 5 (Institutional Act No. 5, or AI-5), which Brazil's military regime decreed on December 13, 1968 (a Friday). History and historiography have rightfully acknowledged AI-5 as ushering in the most repressive and authoritarian phase of Brazil's military dictatorship, with the regime closing the national congress and dramatically escalating state-sponsored violence and political silencing in ways that exponentially intensified earlier forms of repression and censorship.

AbstractThe Palestine Group was a loosely connected collection of young anti-Shah activists some of whom were arrested and tried publically in 1970 for the crime of acting against the Pahlavi monarchy and Iran's national security. Their plight became global, receiving support from anticolonial figures such as Jean-Paul Sartre. But while they played an important role in inspiring the revolutionary generation, in the historiography of the 1979 revolution and that of the global south, their story has been mostly forgotten. This article argues for remembering the Palestine Group by focusing on two facets of their prerevolutionary activism: the importance of a connection to the anti-imperial/colonial struggles that spread from “Asia to Africa”; and the centrality ofmaḥfilīpolitics (friendship circles) in addition totashkīlātī(organizational) politics, which the historiography has traditionally emphasized. It demonstrates that as resistance shifted frommaḥfiltotashkīlāt,it also shifted from a global struggle where Iran was one node out of many, to a nationalized struggle.

This paper provides historical backgrounds of dollarization, the introduction of the Khmer riel and macroeconomic performance in the context of high dollarization after the Khmer Rouge regime which ended in year 1979. The high level of dollarization was caused by both economic and political factors. The history of large exchange rate depreciation and high inflation, trust in new local currency (which was abolished during the Khmer Rouge), political unrests, spending in U.S. dollars by international organizations for running elections, are among those factors. Macroeconomic environment was favourable as low inflation, stable exchange rate against U.S. dollar and high rate of GDP growth were achieved recently. Policy to gradually de-dollarize the economy is in place. However, dollarization cannot cushion Cambodian economy against recent global economic shocks such as global financial crisis in 2008 and Covid-19. A more active dedollarization policy shall be considered.

In the historiography of British imperialism, the role of the ‘man on the spot’ has been identified as an important impulse to the imperial project, and as a key instigator of decision making. Equal attention should be directed to assessing the contribution of ‘the man on the spot’ in the final unravelling of empire. Old fashioned diplomacy and diplomats should not be airbrushed from history as key individuals navigated the rocky terrain of decolonisation. The fraught negotiations at Lancaster House on Rhodesia-Zimbabwe's constitutional arrangements for independence between September-December 1979 were only part of the delicate process of resolution of the intractable UDI problem. The four months of Christopher Soames’ administration as the last British Governor comprised the second vital stage of implementation, particularly given the presence of four competing armed forces in Rhodesia at the time, all of whom had external backers.

AbstractAlthough biographical and life history approaches are potentially important tools for historical geographers, biographical methodologies have rarely been used to specifically investigate borderland dynamics. In this article, I argue that biography can be useful for understanding the ways in which borders have been recognised and negotiated historically. As a case study, I examine the life of Chao Sone Bouttarobol, a member of the Champassak Royal House, who was born in 1895 and died in 1979. As his life story illustrates, the emergence of new national borders had a significant impact on Sone, although family ties and relationships allowed him to cross the national administrative borders that now exist between Thailand, Laos, and Cambodia, often with relative ease. Studying one individual makes it possible to explore the ways in which he interacted and negotiated with borders that cut across the Champassak Royal House's traditional space of influence.

Why did you kill?From the first day I arrived in Cambodia to conduct ethnographic research, I had wanted to pose this question to a Khmer Rouge who had executed people during the genocidal Democratic Kampuchea regime (April 1975 to January 1979)- When the Khmer Rouge—a radical group of Maoist-inspired Communist rebels—came to power after a bloody civil war in which 600,000 people died, they transformed Cambodian society into what some survivors now call “the prison without walls”(kuk et chonhcheang). The cities were evacuated; economic production and consumption were collectivized; books were confiscated and sometimes burned; Buddhism and other forms of religious worship were banned; freedom of speech, travel, residence, and occupational choice were dramatically curtailed; formal education largely disappeared; money, markets, and courts were abolished; and the family was subordinated to the Party Organization,Ângkar. Over one and a half million of Cambodia's eight million inhabitants perished from disease, over-work, starvation, and outright execution under this genocidal regime (Kiernan 1996).

The most prominent monster in Khmer horror cinema, the ap, is originally a creature of folklore and is traditionally depicted as a woman's glowing head connected to exposed, floating entrails. I begin with an overview of the ap's historical origins in Khmer folktales about female transgression and witchcraft. I then discuss the ap's reemergence in Gothic horror film following the Khmer Rouge genocide of 1975–1979. In film, unlike in folklore, the ap is depicted as an innocent woman who was violated and then denied justice from her insular rural society; her assumption of a monstrous spectral body serves to make visible and undeniable the otherwise invisible violence exacted upon her. In staging dramas of reckoning and unburial, I argue, ap film in twenty-first-century Cambodia performs the typically Gothic work of using folklore and the supernatural to speak about otherwise unspeakable past trauma.

As a result of the turmoil in Cambodia during the 1970s, traditional Cambodian society was fundamentally altered: Cambodians were uprooted, and after the Vietnamese invasion in 1978, thousands fled to camps on the Thai-Cambodian border, where many sought and were selected for resettlement in other countries. Approximately 12,000 Cambodians were accepted for resettlement in Australia as refugees in the period 1975-85, with approximately 2,500 settling in South Australia. The emigrants to South Australia were youthful, with 51% of all arrivals in the period 1979-85 aged 19 years or less (Stevens). Since this period when refugees first arrived in Australia from Cambodia, Laos, and Vietnam, the social adaptation of refugee youth has been little researched. Generally, young people have been but one of the age groups included in large-scale surveys or in-depth studies, such as those by Wendy Poussard, Nancy Viviani, and others, that focused on the early stages of resettlement. The research that has focused on refugee youth has concentrated on educational achievement (Spearritt and Colman; Kelly and Bennoun; Chan; Mundy) or mental health status and adjustment (Krupinski and Burrows). At a time of ongoing debate about the size and nature of the immigrant intake, and concern that the resulting cultural diversity may foster ethnic conflicts and endanger social cohesion, this lack of research on the social aspects of the settlement process young refugees from Southeast Asia undertake is a significant omission.

<p>Este artículo analiza el rol del Seminario de Historia Rural Andina y de Pablo Macera en la formulación de los criterios teóricos y metodológicos que guiaron los primeros trabajos de la moderna historia económica peruana de la segunda mitad del siglo XX. Se distinguen tres etapas en el continuo proceso de producción bibliográfica del SHRA (1966-1978, 1979-2000 y 2001-2015) destacando las perspectivas de los investigadores actuantes al interior de cada una de estas en el marco de los debates historiográficos ocurridos durante los últimos cincuenta años.</p><p> </p><p><strong>The Peruvian economical history and the role of the Seminario de Historia Rural Andina </strong></p><p>This article analyses the role of the Seminario de Historia Rural Andina and of Pablo Macera designing methodological and theoretical criteria guiding the first research efforts of modern Peruvian economical history in the second half of the XX Century. Such research has been divided into three phases: 1966-1978; 1979-2000; and 2001-2015. Each phase is marked by specific characteristics of the theoretical orientation of the investigators in the context of the history debates that have occurred in the past five decades.</p><p>Keywords: Peru; historiography; economic history; Seminar of Andean Rural History; Pablo Macera.</p>

A few years ago, while conducting archival research on Pahlavi-era Iranian newspapers, I came across a photo from the anti-shah demonstrations that took place in late 1978 and early 1979. It showed a large group of Armenians protesting against the shah. In these years many Iranians and Westerners considered the shah's policies beneficial for religious minorities in Iran. Around the same time, I found a sentence that made this discovery more intriguing. In his seminal workIran between Two Revolutions, Ervand Abrahamian mentions that throughout the Muhammad Riza Pahlavi era, the opposition to the communist Tudeh party accused it of being controlled by “Armenians, Jews, and Caucasian émigrés.” I tried to find references in the current scholarship to Jews participating in the party, which could have earned them their part in this propaganda campaign, but found very little. Having read the important works of Joel Beinin, Orit Bashkin, and Rami Ginat on Jewish revolutionaries, including communists, in the Middle East, I wondered where the Jewish radicals in Iran were. Several factors may contribute to this silence in the historiography: the writing of Iranian history from a Zionist vantage point, a lack of interest in the history of the Iranian left in the postrevolutionary historiography, and an inability to conceptualize the transregional and global nature of the Iranian Jewish community.

In his 1992 article, ‘Today, Freedom is Unfettered in Hungary,’ Columbia University history professor István Deák argued that after 1989 Hungarian historical research enjoyed ‘unfettered freedom. Deák gleefully listed the growing English literature on Hungarian history and hailed the ‘step-by step dismantling of the Marxist-Leninist edifice in historiography’ that he associated with the Institute of History at the Hungarian Academy of Sciences (HAS) under the leadership of György Ránki (1930–88). In this article he argued that the dismantling of communist historiography had started well before 1989. Besides celebrating the establishment of the popular science-oriented historical journal, History (História) (founded in 1979) and new institutions such as the Európa Intézet – Europa Institute (founded in 1990) or the Central European University (CEU) (founded in 1991) as turning points in Hungarian historical research, Deák listed the emergence of the question of minorities and Transylvania; anti-Semitism and the Holocaust; as well as the 1956 revolution. It is very true that these topics were addressed by prominent members of the Hungarian democratic opposition who were publishing in samizdat publications: among them János M. Rainer, the director of the 1956 Institute after 1989, who wrote about 1956. This list of research topics implies that other topics than these listed before had been free to research and were not at all political. This logic interiorised and duplicated the logic of communist science policy and refused to acknowledge other ideological interventions, including his own, while also insisting on the ‘objectivity’ of science. Lastly, Deák concluded that ‘there exists a small possibility that the past may be rewritten again, in an ultra-conservative and xenophobic vein. This is, however, only a speculation.’ Twenty years later Ignác Romsics, the doyen of Hungarian historiography, re-stated Deák's claim, arguing that there are no more ideological barriers for historical research. However, in his 2011 article Romsics strictly separated professional historical research as such from ‘dilettantish or propaganda-oriented interpretations of the past, which leave aside professional criteria and feed susceptible readers – and there are always many – with fraudulent and self-deceiving myths’. He thereby hinted at a new threat to the historical profession posed by new and ideologically driven forces. The question of where these ‘dilettantish or propaganda-oriented’ historians are coming from has not been asked as it would pose a painful question about personal and institutional continuity. Those historians who have become the poster boys of the illiberal memory politics had not only been members of the communist party, they also received all necessary professional titles and degrees within the professional community of historians.

This paper examines the relations of the Soviet Union, Cuba, and the East European socialist states with Nicaragua from Anastasio Somoza's removal in July 1979 until Violeta Chamorro's election victory in February 1990, using a wide array of original documents, collected from Polish, Hungarian, Bulgarian, German and Czech diplomatic, party and security services archives. It delves deeply into the motivations behind the Kremlin's circumscribed approach, attempting to break new ground by looking in detail at Moscow's communication and coordination with its East European allies and Cuba, aimed at supporting Managua without risking major confrontation with Washington. This research aims to contribute to the existing historiography by looking not only at the motivations behind Soviet and Eastern Bloc involvement, but also by taking into account the circumstances preventing Moscow and its allies from developing more comprehensive political and economic relations with the Sandinista regime.

The article considers the history of the concept of the tributary mode of production in the Mexican historiography between the 1960s and the 1980s. This concept was elaborated by Ion Banu and Samir Amin as an al- ternative to the traditional “Asiatic mode of production”. It entered Mexican historiography in the late 1960s as a result of the spread of Neomarxist ideas. In the mid-1970s various scholars, including Alberto Ruz in the Maya studies and Roger Bartra and Pedro Carrasco in the Aztec studies, became interested in the concept of tributary mode of production to explain the socio-economic nature of Mesoamerican state. Analysis of the ideas of Alberto Ruz (1906– 1979) shows that his interest in tributary mode of production was the result of a search for new theoretical and methodological base and interpretation of the new materials. The problematics of the socio-economic characteristics of the Ancient Maya society became essential for Ruz in the last years of his life. His ideas could develop into an original theoretical model, which would become the basis for the consolidation of Mesoamerican studies in Mexico into a unified school. However, his death and the absence of a comparable figure among the next generation resulted in a denouement of the concept of tributary mode of production during the next decade.

А role and place of soldiery and civil advisers as an important instrument of soviet politics in the Democratic republic of Afghanistan are investigated in the article. It is well-proven that on a quantity, scales of activity and sphere of plenary powers the institute of soviet advisers in Afghanistan did not have analogues in history of the "cold war". The attempt of determination of degree of efficiency of realization of orders of soviet guidance by advisers is realizable. Factors that influenced on their activity are found out. Question about responsibility of soviet advisers for the failure of socialistic experiment in the Democratic republic of Afghanistan discussed in the article. Also heaved up the problem of interpretation of institute of the soviet advisers as an important instrument of the soviet occupation Afghanistan in 1979–1989. The researches based foremost on the memoirs of the soviet advisers. Like research is at first carried out in Ukrainian historiography.

This study aimed to investigate the Japanese Diaspora in the 17th century into Southeast Asia. This article discussed critically the motives, process, and the effect of Japanese diaspora in the Southeast Asia. Reseacher utilized historical method with descriptive approach. The process being performed namely heuristics, critism, interpretation, and historiography. Japanese history regarding abroad migration is an interesting issue between scholars who studied migration, anthropology, and minority studies over the decades. Edo period in Japan is one of the most studied field for many scholars for Japanese studies, since it shaped the characteristic of Japanese culture until today. Trade of Japan is significant part of its economical development since the pre-modern era. In the 17th century, Japan established a solid trade network with Southeast Asia regions, namely Siam, Malacca, Cambodia, Vietnam and Manila. The emerge of maritime trade with Southeast Asia encouraged Japanese merchants to travel and create settlements in some regions. The Japanese diaspora was encouraged with vermillion seal trade which allowed them to do journey overseas and settled in some places, which eventually increased the number of Japanese merchants in the Southeast Asia. However, after the Sakoku policy there was restriction of trade relation ehich prohibited overseas maritime trade, except for China and Dutch. Sakoku policy caused Japanese merchants who stayed overseas could not return for many years, then they settled themselves as Japanese communities known as Nihon Machi in some places within Southeast Asia. History of early modern Japan between the 16th and 19th century provides a broader narratives of global history as it was surrounded by intense global interaction.

The article strives to describe the fond of Raissa Calza (1897–1979) in the Library of Humanities of Siena and documents in it. For this purpose, the author has carried out the following tasks: she has studied Russian and foreign historiography on the issue; she has analyzed sources on the issue; and drawing on these, she has studied the biography of Raisa Calza; she has reviewed the archival fond and analyzed its documents. Having reviewed the historiography, the author comes to the conclusion that the fate of Raisa Calza, her creativity, and scientific work has been poorly studied, especially by Russian historians. There are few articles dedicated to the Calza collection in the Library of Humanities. Studying the sources (personal and business letters, diary, notebooks, memoirs, photographs, scientific works) associated with Raisa and her connections allows to identify their nature and main features and to supplement, clarify, and flesh out the biography of Raissa Calza. These documents are sources on more than everyday life and microhistory. They can be used in studying the history of Russian emigration, of Russian-Italian cultural relations, of archeology. The fate of Raisa Calza is interesting in itself, as a fate of a woman, an individual, amidst historical events of the 20th century. The chronological frameworks of the study coincide with the chronology of Raisa Calza’s documents preserved in the Siena’s library (1900s-1970s). The article includes an overview of the creation of the archive in the Library of Humanities of Siena and that of the Raissa Calza fond, which came into existence when she donated her documents to the Library in 1970s. The article studies the structure of the Raissa Calza fond: boxes I, VI – letters, postcards, telegrams, dairy, history of Gourevitch, Tumarkin and Frenkley families; II-IV – ‘Ostia’ containing materials on the excavations of Antic Ostia; V – various documents, boxes of photos. The author concludes that these sources should be introduces into scientific use. The collection proves that documents on Russian history are available not only in central state archives and private collections, but also in universities. It challenges historians to start researching universities libraries and archives. The article also names other foreign archives containing documents of Raissa Calza.

AbstrakPenelitian ini bertujuan menjelaskan kontrol pemerintah dan politik resistensi tahanan politik Partai Komunis Indonesia (PKI) pasca pembebasan dengan mengambil kasus pada komunitas tahanan politik Moncongloe di Sulawesi Selatan. Metode yang dipergunakan adalah metode sejarah, dengan tahap; pengumpulan sumber (heuristik), kritik sumber mencakup kritik eksteren yang menyangkut otentisitas atau keabsahan sumber dan kritik interen yang menyangkut kredibilitas atau bisa tidaknya sumber dipercaya, interpretasi atau penafsiran atas data, dan yang terakhir adalah penyajian kisah sejarah atau historiografi. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa pasca pembebasan, persoalan komunitas tahanan politik Moncongloe tidak berakhir. Mereka dihadapkan pada kontrol pemerintah melalui perangkat konstitusi dan penjurusan negatif pada diri tahanan politik sebagai orang “tidak bersih lingkungan”. Akibatnya, melahirkan sebuah komunitas yang terpinggirkan dalam bidang sosial, politik dan ekonomi. Setelah reformasi, ruang perjuangan eks tahanan politik mulai terbuka lebar dengan berdirinya berbagai organisasi-organisasi yang memperjuangkan hak-hak mereka yang selama ini diabaikan oleh pemerintah.AbstractThis study aims to explain the control of the government and political resistance performed by post-released prisoners of Partai Komunis Indonesia (PKI). This is a case study of the Moncongloe community of political prisoners in South Sulawesi. The author conducted history method, covering heuristics (collecting sources), source criticism (including external criticism concerning the authenticity or validity of sources as well as internal criticism regarding the credibility of the sources, and interpretation of the data), and historiography (the presentation the story). The results showed that the issue of Moncongloe political prisoners has not come to an end even though they have already been released. The post-released prisoners are facing the government control through the constitution and negative image on political prisoners as not having "clean environment". As a result, they are socially, politically and economically marginalized. After the reform, they had a wide opportunity to struggle because there were many organizations established to fight for the rights of those who have been ignored by the government.

AbstrakPenelitian ini bertujuan menjelaskan kontrol pemerintah dan politik resistensi tahanan politik Partai Komunis Indonesia (PKI) pasca pembebasan dengan mengambil kasus pada komunitas tahanan politik Moncongloe di Sulawesi Selatan. Metode yang dipergunakan adalah metode sejarah, dengan tahap; pengumpulan sumber (heuristik), kritik sumber mencakup kritik eksteren yang menyangkut otentisitas atau keabsahan sumber dan kritik interen yang menyangkut kredibilitas atau bisa tidaknya sumber dipercaya, interpretasi atau penafsiran atas data, dan yang terakhir adalah penyajian kisah sejarah atau historiografi. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa pasca pembebasan, persoalan komunitas tahanan politik Moncongloe tidak berakhir. Mereka dihadapkan pada kontrol pemerintah melalui perangkat konstitusi dan penjurusan negatif pada diri tahanan politik sebagai orang “tidak bersih lingkungan”. Akibatnya, melahirkan sebuah komunitas yang terpinggirkan dalam bidang sosial, politik dan ekonomi. Setelah reformasi, ruang perjuangan eks tahanan politik mulai terbuka lebar dengan berdirinya berbagai organisasi-organisasi yang memperjuangkan hak-hak mereka yang selama ini diabaikan oleh pemerintah. AbstractThis study aims to explain the control of the government and political resistance performed by post-released prisoners of Partai Komunis Indonesia (PKI). This is a case study of the Moncongloe community of political prisoners in South Sulawesi. The author conducted history method, covering heuristics (collecting sources), source criticism (including external criticism concerning the authenticity or validity of sources as well as internal criticism regarding the credibility of the sources, and interpretation of the data), and historiography (the presentation the story). The results showed that the issue of Moncongloe political prisoners has not come to an end even though they have already been released. The post-released prisoners are facing the government control through the constitution and negative image on political prisoners as not having "clean environment". As a result, they are socially, politically and economically marginalized. After the reform, they had a wide opportunity to struggle because there were many organizations established to fight for the rights of those who have been ignored by the government.

The article analyses the Russian Orthodox Churchs missionary activity of the in Southeast Asia, with a focus on its prerequisites and the stages of its development. ROC missionary work in the region could build on the experience of pre-revolutionary spiritual missions in Asia, as well as on the Orthodox communities of Russian emigrants after the revolution. Important factors are also the formation of the global labor market; international tourism; and the aspiration of compatriots living abroad to preserve the Russian World (Russkii Mir). The article analyses the Russian historiography of the missionary activity of the Russian Orthodox Church in Southeast Asia. With the establishment of the Patriarchal Exarchate in Southeast Asia in 2018, with its center in Singapore, a new stage of missionary activity in the region began. The establishment of the exarchate in Southeast Asia brought about the systematical management of the numerous Orthodox parishes that appeared at the turn of the millennium in this region. Relying on little-known and understudied historical sources, the authors identified the forms of missionary work in various countries and assessed the scale of activities in relation to the prevailing confessional traditions. This includes an analysis of missionary work in countries dominated by Buddhism (Thailand, Cambodia, Laos), Christianity (the Philippines), and Islam (Indonesia, Malaysia), with special attention paid to the situation in socialist Vietnam and multi-confessional Singapore. The authors conclude that the missionary activity of the Russian Orthodox Church in Southeast Asia has now passed through several stages from the emergence of the first Orthodox communities in the region to the formation of centralized structured management of the numerous new parishes, with missionary work conducted in ways that respond to the local characteristics.

AbstractDrawing on new archival evidence, this paper focuses on the origins of Vietnam's foreign economic policy of 1986, better known as doi moi (renovation). The existing scholarship contends that doi moi ideas emerged amid Vietnam's socio-economic crisis during the late 1970s through a bottom-up process of market-oriented activities by local authorities. I argue, however, that these scholars overlooked the early ideas of economically engaging the West to obtain advanced technology to raise the Vietnamese products’ quality, and therefore, their competitiveness in the socialist bloc. Following the Paris Peace Accords in January 1973, Vietnamese diplomats-turned reformists studied the role of western technology and capital investment in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. The Politburo entrusted Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs Nguyen Co Thach, a senior advisor to Hanoi's chief negotiator Le Duc Tho in Paris, to conduct a series of clandestine studies on the role of western technology in economic relations between East and West. Thach's learning about the West's technological revolution led them to the shocking conclusion that the Soviet bloc was at least a decade behind the West in technological development. The fear of Vietnam being trapped in economic backwardness propelled these reformers to advocate bold ideas of economically engaging the West in the post-Vietnam War era to extract advanced technology to support post-war economic development and modernisation. However, it took an economic crisis (1977–78), followed by another costly two-front war against Cambodia and China between 1979 and 1985, for reformist Nguyen Co Thach's ideas to prevail over the conservative faction's military-first policy.

The conceptualization of the role of informal relationships, including patron-client relations, in the development of Early Modern state institutions in modern European historiography is usually associated with the names of R. Munier, S. Kettering and A. Maczak, whose works have long since become classics. Less well known in this context is the Verflechtungstheorie (lit. theory of entanglement), developed in the 1970s by the Freiburg historian W. Reinhard. The aim of this article is to examine the Verflechtungstheorie in historical perspective and its theoretical foundations, as well as the history of its reception in the context of the development of social history in Germany. In doing so, the author explains the reasons why Reinhard's approach occurred less influential in comparison with the works of the historians mentioned above. The article is based on a detailed study of Reinhard's works dedicated to the Verflechtungstheorie (since the 1990s micropolitics), starting from his 1979 monograph Freunde und Kreaturen (“Friends and Creatures”) and ending with the most recent publications in the 2010s. The beginning of the article is devoted to the formation of the conceptual apparatus of Reinhard's theory. He understands the term Verflechtungen as the result and foundation of social interaction based on four relationship types - kinship, compatriot, friendship and patronage, playing, according to Reinhard, a key role in premodern times. The theoretical basis of Reinhard's explanatory model is formed by the sociometry of the American sociologist J. L. Moreno, and Reinhard viewed his concept of elite relations as a kind of network analysis. Further on the article moves on analyzing the reception problem of the presented theory. According to Reinhard, the Verflechtungstheorie experienced reception difficulties within historical scholarship mostly for being technically ahead of its time. However, as the article shows, the main reason was that the concept failed to meet the zeitgeist prevailing in postwar German historiography. While social history developing under the influence of the Bielefeld school focused on the study of microhistorical subjects, Reinhards's approach was mainly a political one. Abandoning the term Verflechtungen in the mid-1990s and replacing it with the term micropolitics, Reinhard did not solve the problem. This change was a merely linguistic one, and Reinhard continued to argue that informal relations mark a negotiable stage, which is characteristic for societies with a high level of mobility and an underdeveloped statehood. In conclusion, the article shows that the results of Reinhard's scholarly work should not be considered a failure. The main merit is its continuity: some of Reinhard's former students proved that informal relationships are by no means a parasitic atavism associated solely with corruption.

Puisqu'il n'existe pas de mots qui ne soient à personne(Bakhtin 1979 in Todorov 1981: 83)Le discours, c'est-à-dire le langage dans sa totalité concrète et vivante.(Bakhtin 1963 in Todorov 1981: 44)European travel accounts are widely used as sources to write the history of societies that did not themselves produce a large amount of textual documentation. On the Coast of Guinea, and more particularly on the area formerly known as Gold Coast (approximately the littoral of modern Ghana), many of the written documents providing historians with information on coastal societies prior to nineteenth century were produced by Europeans travelers. Most of these individuals were merchants, craftsmen, pastors or soldiers who had settled several years in the numerous forts and trading posts erected along the seashore to protect and enhance the trade of chartered companies. Others were seamen and merchants who only spent a few weeks at a stretch plying the African Coast aboard men-of-war or trading ships, exchanging manufactured goods for gold, slaves, and ivory. Professional writers, who had not traveled to Africa, but had obtained data from various written sources or from travelers, also composed some of the accounts. Therefore, these documents show an extraordinary diversity in form and content, which historians and archeologists need to investigate before using them as primary sources for reconstructing the past.In the first part of the present paper, which focuses on a specific genre, the seventeenth-century travel accounts, I recall the historiography of the recent critique of these sources. I also point out that despite decisive methodological breakthroughs, some heuristic dimensions or attributes of these texts are yet to be recognized and assessed. I then re-examine these sources from the dual perspective of historic and linguistic anthropological methods and introduce an exploratory approach centered on the Bakhtinian approach to discourse.

Ключові слова: «Варшавська угода», «Союз Пілсудський–Петлюра», УНР, Симон Петлюра,Юзеф Пілсудський, «Київський похід». У статті проаналізовано передумови, процес і результати Варшавської угоди 1920 р. між Польщею іУНР, яка в польській історіографії названа «Союзом Пілсудський–Петлюра». Розкрито також зміствійськової конвенції, була підписана 24 квітня 1920 року і стала додатком до самого договору і являла собоютаємну угоду про надання військової та економічної допомоги УНР у спільній війні з Радянською Росією.Продовженням згаданих угод став фінансовий польсько-український договір від 9 серпня 1920 р. Польськавлада виконувала союзницькі обов’язки перед Україною й на міжнародній арені.Правове, політичне, фінансове і дипломатичне забезпечення Варшавського договору, названого пізніше«Союзом Пілсудський–Петлюра», відбувалося майже одночасно зі спільним антибільшовицьким походом наКиїв, який розпочався 25 квітня 1920 р.Отже, відносини між Польщею і УНР у 20-х роках ХХ ст. еволюціонували від взаємного протистояннядо співпраці. Серед найважливіших актів цього періоду слід назвати Варшавську угоду, військову конвенцію іспільний польсько-український похід на Київ. Так, були закладені традиції польсько-української співпраці, якізнайшли своє продовження в майбутньому. Посилання Vynnychenko, 1990 – Vynnychenko V. Vidrodzhennia natsii [Rebirth of the nation]. (Istoriia ukrainskoi revoliutsii[marets 1917 r. – hruden 1919 r.]). Chastyna III. Repryntne vidtvorennia vydannia 1920 roku. K., 1990. 542 s. [inUkrainian].Hud, 2006 – Hud B. Zahybel Arkadii. Etnosotsialni aspekty ukrainsko-polskykh konfliktiv KhIKh – pershoi polovynyKhKh stolit [The death of Arcadia. Ethno-social aspects of the Ukrainian-Polish conflicts of the 19th and the first halfof the 20th centuries]. Lviv, 2006. 448 s. [in Ukrainian].Hud, Holubko, 1997 – Hud B., Holubko V. Nelehka doroha do porozuminnia. Do pytannia genezy ukrainsko-polskohoviiskovo-politychnoho spivrobitnytstva 1917–1921 rr. [The road to understanding is not easy. On the question of thegenesis of Ukrainian-Polish military-political cooperation in 1917–1921]. Lviv, 1997. 65 s. [in Ukrainian].Dotsenko, 2001 – Dotsenko O. Zymovyi pokhid (6.XII.1919 – 6.V.1920) [Winter campaign (6.XII.1919 – 6.V.1920)].K., 2001. 375 s. [in Ukrainian].Kedryn, 1979 – Kedryn I. Sobornist. Z nahody 60-richchia Aktu 22 sichnia 1919 roku [Congregationalism. On theoccasion of the 60th anniversary of the Act of January 22, 1919] // Almanakh UNS [Ukrainskoho Narodnoho Soiuzu]. Ustorichchia narodzhennia Symona Petliury. Dzherzi Syti-Niu-York, 1979. № 69. S. 43–48. [in Ukrainian].Kolianchuk, 2000 – Kolianchuk O. Ukrainska viiskova emihratsiia u Polshchi (1920–1939) [Ukrainian militaryemigration in Poland (1920–1939)]: Dys... kand. ist. nauk: 20.02.22 / Derzhavnyi un-t «Lvivska politekhnika». Lviv,2000. 204 s. [in Ukrainian].Krasivskyi, 2000 – Krasivskyi O. Ya. Halychyna u pershii chverti KhKh st.: Problemy polsko-ukrainskykh stosunkiv[Galicia in the first quarter of the 20th century: Problems of Polish-Ukrainian relations]. Lviv, 2000. 416 s. [inUkrainian].Krasivskyi, 2008 – Krasivskyi O. Ya. Ukrainsko-polski vzaiemyny v 1917–1923 rr. [Ukrainian-Polish relations in1917–1923]. K., 2008. 544 s. [in Ukrainian].Lytvyn, 2000 – Lytvyn S. Vbyvstvo Petliury i HPU. Do istoriohrafii problemy [The murder of Petliura and the GPU. Tothe historiography of the problem] // Z arkhiviv VUChK–NKVD–KHB. 2000. № 2/4. S. 404–407. [in Ukrainian].Lytvyn, 2001 – Lytvyn S. Sud istorii: Symon Petliura i Petliuriana [Court of history: Simon Petlyura and Petlyuriana].K., 2001. 640 s. [in Ukrainian].Mazepa, 2003 – Mazepa I. Ukraina v ohni i buri revoliutsii 1917–1921 [Ukraine in the fire and storm of the revolution1917–1921]. K., 2003. 608 s. [in Ukrainian].Mandzenko, 1979 – Mandzenko K. Petliura, petliurivtsi, petliurivstvo. Do storichchia vid dnia narodzhennia Holovnohootamana Symona Petliury 1879–1979 [Petlyura, Petlyura people, Petlyuraism. To the centenary of the birth of ChiefAtaman Simon Petliura 1879–1979] // Almanakh UNS. U storichchia narodzhennia Symona Petliury. Dzherzi Syti–NiuYork , 1979. № 69. S. 9–21. [in Ukrainian].Rukkas, 2015 – Rukkas A. O. «Razom z polskym viiskom»: Armiia Ukrainskoi Narodnoi Respubliky 1920 r.(struktura, orhanizatsiia, chyselnist, uniforma) [Together with the «Polish army»: the Army of the Ukrainian People'sRepublic in 1920 (structure, organization, numbers, uniform)]. K., 2015. 480 s. 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Ivano-Frankivsk, 2008. 236 s. [in Ukrainian].Shelukhin, 1926 – Shelukhin S. Varshavskyi dohovir mizh poliakamy i S. Petliuroiu 21 kvitnia 1920 roku [The WarsawPact between the Poles and S. Petliura on April 21, 1920]. 2-e vyd. Praha, 1926. 40 s. [in Ukrainian].

En las últimas décadas las referencias al Análisis de Redes han ganado protagonismo entre los historiadores. Hemos asistido a una auténtica proliferación de artículos, monográficos y proyectos de investigación en los que el estudio de las interconexiones en sociedades del pasado ocupa un papel central. Desafortunadamente, en algunos de estos trabajos la conceptualización y la cuantificación han estado ausentes. El presente artículo pretende explorar el potencial del Análisis de Redes como herramienta metodológica aplicable a la disciplina histórica en sus distintos campos de investigación. Pretendemos hacer una apuesta clara por la integración de esta herramienta, superando la retórica de las palabras, pero también de la imagen. Para ello, incorporamos una panorámica de las principales aportaciones al Análisis de Redes en la historiografía. Además, analizamos sus elementos fundamentales y describimos su uso con ejemplos de publicaciones recientes, explorando los retos que se plantean de cara al futuro. Palabras Claves: Análisis de Redes, Metodología, Métricas, VisualizaciónTopónimos: Latinoamérica, EuropaPeriodo: Neolítico-Siglo XX ABSTRACTDuring recent decades, historians have referred with increasing frequency to network analysis. We have witnessed a veritable proliferation of papers, monographs and research projects in which the study of interconnections among individuals from past societies plays a central role. Unfortunately, conceptualization and quantifications have been absent from most of these works. This paper aims to explore the potential of network analysis as a methodological tool applied to history. The objective is to integrate this tool into the historian’s work, transcending the rhetoric of words and images. 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RESUMENEl objetivo de este artículo es reflexionar sobre los mecanismos de financiación y de control de las instituciones religiosas por los laicos en las primeras décadas de la conquista y colonización de Hispanoamérica. Investigar sobre la inversión laica en lo sagrado supone en un primer lugar aclarar la historiografía sobre laicos, religión y dinero en las sociedades de Antiguo Régimen y su trasposición en América, planteando una mirada desde el punto de vista de las motivaciones múltiples de los actores seglares. A través del ejemplo de restituciones, donaciones y legados en losAndes, se explora el papel de los laicos españoles, y también de las poblaciones indígenas, en el establecimiento de la densa red de instituciones católicas que se construye entonces. La propuesta postula el protagonismo de actores laicos en la construcción de un espacio cristiano en los Andes peruanos en el siglo XVI y principios del XVII, donde la inversión económica permite contribuir a la transición de una sociedad de guerra y conquista a una sociedad corporativa pacificada.PALABRAS CLAVE: Hispanoamérica-Andes, religión, economía, encomienda, siglos XVI y XVII.ABSTRACTThis article aims to reflect on the mechanisms of financing and control of religious institutions by the laity in the first decades of the conquest and colonization of Spanish America. Investigating lay investment in the sacred sphere means first of all to clarifying historiography on laity, religion and money within Ancien Régime societies and their transposition to America, taking into account the multiple motivations of secular actors. The example of restitutions, donations and legacies inthe Andes enables us to explore the role of the Spanish laity and indigenous populations in the establishment of the dense network of Catholic institutions that was established during this period. The proposal postulates the role of lay actors in the construction of a Christian space in the Peruvian Andes in the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, when economic investment contributed to the transition from a society of war and conquest to a pacified, corporate society.KEY WORDS: Hispanic America-Andes, religion, economics, encomienda, 16th and 17th centuries. BIBLIOGRAFIAAbercrombie, T., “Tributes to Bad Conscience: Charity, Restitution, and Inheritance in Cacique and Encomendero Testaments of 16th-Century Charcas”, en Kellogg, S. y Restall, M. 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Christianity was the religion of spirit (and freedom), and critiqued Islam as a religion of flesh (and slavery); later, Christianity was the religion of reason, and critiqued Islam as the religion of fideism; later still, Christianity was the religion of the critique of religion, and critiqued Islam as the most atavistic of religions. Even now, when the West has critiqued its own Chris- tianity enough to be properly secular (because free, rational, and critical), it continues to critique Islam for being not secular enough. In contrast to Christianity or post-Christian secularism, then, and despite their best ef- forts, Islam does not know (has not learned from) critique. This sentiment is articulated at multiple registers, academic and popular and governmen- tal: Muslims are fanatical about their repressive law; they interpret things too literally; Muslims do not read their own revelation critically, let alone literature or cartoons; their sartorial practices are unreasonable; the gates of ijtihād closed in 900CE; Ghazali killed free inquiry in Islam… Such claims are ubiquitous enough to be unremarkable, and have political traction among liberals and conservatives alike. “The equation of Islam with the ab- sence of critique has a longer genealogy in Western thought,” Irfan Ahmad writes in this book, “which runs almost concurrently with Europe’s colonial expansion” (8). Luther and Renan figure in that history, as more recently do Huntington and Gellner and Rushdie and Manji.Meanwhile in the last decade an interdisciplinary conversation about the stakes, limits, complicities, and possibilities of critique has developed in the anglophone academy, a conversation of which touchstones include the polemical exchange between Saba Mahmood and Stathis Gourgouris (2008); the co-authored volume Is Critique Secular? (2009), by Talal Asad, Wendy Brown, Judith Butler, and Mahmood; journal special issues dedi- cated to the question (e.g. boundary 2 40, no. 1 [2013]); and Gourgouris’s Lessons in Secular Criticism (2013), among others. At the same time, the discipline of religious studies remains trapped in an argument over the lim- its of normative analysis and the possibility of critical knowledge.Religion as Critique: Islamic Critical Thinking from Mecca to the Mar- ketplace seeks to turn these debates on their head. Is critique secular? Decidedly not—but understanding why that is, for Ahmad, requires revising our understanding of critique itself. Instead of the object of critique, reli- gion here emerges as an agent of critique. By this account, God himself is the source of critique, and the prophets and their heirs are “critics par ex- cellence” (xiv). The book is divided into two parts bookended by a prologue and epilogue. “Formulation” comprises three chapters levying the shape of the argument. “Illustration” comprises three chapters taking up the case study of the South Asian reformer Abul-A‘la Maududi and his critics (es- pecially regarding his views on the state and on women) as well as a fourth chapter that seeks to locate critique in the space of the everyday. There are four theses to Ahmad’s argument, none of them radically original on their own but newly assembled. As spelled out in the first chap- ter (“Introduction”), the first thesis holds that the Enlightenment reconfig- uration of Christianity was in fact an ethnic project by which “Europe/the West constituted its identity in the name of reason and universalism against a series of others,” among them Islam (14). The second thesis is that no crit- ic judges by reason alone. Rather, critique is always situated, directed, and formed: it requires presuppositions and a given mode to be effective (17). The third thesis is that the Islamic tradition of critique stipulates the com- plementarity of intellect (‘aql, dimāgh) and heart (qalb, dil); this is a holistic anthropology, not a dualistic one. The fourth thesis is that critique should not be understood as the exclusive purview of intellectuals (especially when arguing about literature) or as simply a theoretical exercise. Instead, cri- tique should be approached as part of life, practiced by the literate and the illiterate alike (18).The second chapter, “Critique: Western and/or Islamic,” focuses on the first of these theses. The Enlightenment immunized the West from critique while subjecting the Rest to critique. An “anthropology of philosophy” approach can treat Kant’s transcendental idealism as a social practice and in doing so discover that philosophy is “not entirely independent” from ethnicity (37). The certainty offered by the Enlightenment project can thus be read as “a project of security with boundaries.” Ahmad briefly consid- ers the place of Islam across certain of Kant’s writings and the work of the French philosophes; he reads their efforts to “secure knowledge of humani- ty” to foreclose the possibility of “knowledge from humanity” (42), namely Europe’s others. Meanwhile, ethnographic approaches to Muslim debates shy away from according them the status of critique, but in so doing they only maintain the opposition between Western reason and Islamic unrea- son. In contrast to this view (from Kant through Foucault), Ahmad would rather locate the point of critical rupture with the past in the axial age (800-200BCE), which would include the line of prophets who reformed (critiqued) their societies for having fallen into corruption and paganism. This alternative account demonstrates that “critical inquiry presupposes a tradition,” that is, that effective critique is always immanent (58). The third chapter, “The Modes: Another Genealogy of Critique,” con- tests the reigning historiography of “critique” (tanqīd/naqd) in South Asia that restricts it to secular literary criticism. Critique (like philosophy and democracy) was not simply founded in Grecian antiquity and inherited by Europe: Ahmad “liberates” critique from its Western pedigree and so allows for his alternative genealogy, as constructed for instance through readings of Ghalib. The remainder of the chapter draws on the work of Maududi and his critics to present the mission of the prophets as critiquing to reform (iṣlāḥ) their societies. This mandate remains effective today, and Maududi and his critics articulate a typology of acceptable (tanqīd) and unacceptable (ta‘īb, tanqīṣ, tazhīk, takfīr, etc.) critiques in which the style of critique must be considered alongside its object and telos. Religion as Critique oscillates between sweeping literature reviews and close readings. Readers may find the former dizzying, especially when they lose in depth what they gain in breadth (for example, ten pages at hand from chapter 2 cite 44 different authors, some of whom are summarizing or contesting the work of a dozen other figures named but not cited di- rectly). Likewise there are moments when Ahmad’s own dogged critiques may read as tendentious. The political purchase of this book should not be understated, though the fact that Muslims criticize themselves and others should come as no surprise. Yet it is chapters 4–6 (on Maududi and his critics) which substantiate the analytic ambition of the book. They are the most developed chapters of the book and detail a set of emerging debates with a fine-grained approach sometimes found wanting elsewhere (espe- cially in the final chapter). They show how Islam as a discursive tradition is constituted through critique, and perhaps always has been: for against the disciplinary proclivities of anthropologists (who tend to emphasize discon- tinuity and rupture, allowing them to discover the modern invention of traditions), Ahmad insists on an epistemic connection among precolonial and postcolonial Islam. This connection is evident in how the theme of rupture/continuity is itself a historical topos of “Islamic critical thinking.” Chapter 4 (“The Message: A Critical Enterprise”) approaches Maududi (d. 1979) as a substantial political thinker, not simply the fundamentalist ideologue he is often considered to be. Reading across Maududi’s oeuvre, Ahmad gleans a political-economic critique of colonial-capitalist exploita- tion (95), a keen awareness of the limits of majoritarian democracy, and a warning about the dispossessive effects of minoritization. Maududi’s Isla- mism (“theodemocracy”), then, has to be understood within his broader project of the revival of religion to which tanqīd (“critique”), tajdīd (“re- newal”), and ijtihād (“understanding Islam’s universal principles to de- termine change”) were central (103). He found partial historical models for such renewal in ‘Umar b. ‘Abd al-‘Aziz, Ghazali, Ibn Taymiyya, Ahmad Sirhindi, and Shah Wali Ullah. A key element of this critique is that it does not aim to usher in a different future. Instead it inhabits a more complicated temporality: it clarifies what is already the case, as rooted in the primordial nature of humans (fiṭra), and in so doing aligns the human with the order of creation. This project entails the critique and rejection of false gods, in- cluding communism, fascism, national socialism, and capitalism (117). Chapter 5 (“The State: (In)dispensible, Desirable, Revisable?”) weaves together ethnographic and textual accounts of Maududi’s critics and de- fenders on the question of the state (the famous argument for “divine sov- ereignty”). In doing so the chapter demonstrates how the work of critique is undertaken in this Islamic tradition, where, Ahmad writes, “critique is connected to a form of life the full meaning of which is inseparable from death” (122). (This also means that at stake in critique is also the style and principles of critique.) The critics surveyed in this chapter include Manzur Nomani, Vahiduddin Khan, Abul Hasan Ali Nadvi, Amir Usmani, Sadrud- din Islahi, Akram Zurti, Rahmat Bedar, Naqi Rahman, Ijaz Akbar, and others, figures of varying renown but all of whom closely engaged, defend- ed, and contested Maududi’s work and legacy in the state politics of his Jamaat-e Islami. Chapter 6 (“The Difference: Women and In/equality”) shows how Maududi’s followers critique the “neopatriarchate” he proposes. Through such critique, Ahmad also seeks to affirm the legitimacy of a “nonpatri- archal reading of Islam” (156). If Maududi himself regarded the ḥarem as “the mightiest fortress of Islamic culture” (159)—a position which Ahmad notes is “enmeshed in the logic of colonial hegemony”—he also desired that women “form their own associations and unbiasedly critique the govern- ment” (163). Maududi’s work and legacy is thus both “disabling” and “en- abling” for women at the same time, as is borne out by tracing the critiques it subsequently faced (including by those sympathetic to his broader proj- ect). The (male) critics surveyed here include Akram Zurti, Sultan Ahmad Islahi, Abdurrahman Alkaf, and Mohammad Akram Nadwi, who seriously engaged the Quran and hadith to question Maududi’s “neopatriarchate.” They critiqued his views (e.g. that women were naturally inferior to men, or that they were unfit for political office) through alternative readings of Islamic history and theology. Chapter 7 (“The Mundane: Critique as Social-Cultural Practice”) seeks to locate critique at “the center of life for everyone, including ordinary sub- jects with no educational degrees” (179). Ahmad writes at length about Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan (d. 1988), the anticolonial activist who led a massive movement against colonial domination, and whose following faced British brutality with nonviolence. The Khudai Khidmatgār movement he built was “a movement of critique” (195), Ahmad writes, composed of or- dinary men and women, peasants and the unlettered. The brief remainder of the chapter suggests that the proverbs which punctuate everyday life (for example, in the trope of the greedy mullah) also act as critiques. By the end of Religion as Critique it is difficult not to see critique na- scent in every declaration or action. This deflates the analytic power of the term—but perhaps that is one unstated aim of the project, to reveal critique as simply a part of life. Certainly the book displaces the exceptional West- ern claim to critique. Yet this trope of exposure—anthropology as cultural critique, the ethnographer’s gaze turned inward—also raises questions of its own. In this case, the paradigmatic account of critique (Western, sec- ular) has been exposed as actually being provincial. But the means of this exposure have not come from the alternative tradition of critique Ahmad elaborates. That is, Ahmad is not himself articulating an Islamic critique of Western critique. (Maududi serves as an “illustration” of Ahmad’s ar- gument; Maududi does not provide the argument itself.) In the first chap- ters (“Formulation”) he cites a wide literature that practices historicism, genealogy, archeology, and deconstruction in order to temper the universal claims of Western supremacists. The status of these latter critical practices however is not explored, as to whether they are in themselves sufficient to provincialize or at least de-weaponize Western critique. Put more directly: is there is a third language (of political anthropology, for example) by which Ahmad analytically mediates the encounter between rival traditions of cri- tique? And if there is such a language, and if it is historically, structurally, and institutionally related to one of the critical traditions it is mediating, then what is the status of the non-Western “illustration”? The aim of this revision of critique, Ahmad writes, is “genuinely dem- ocratic dialogue with different traditions” (xii). As much is signalled in its citational practices, which (for example) reference Talal Asad and Viveiros de Castro together in calling for “robust comparison” (14) between West- ern and Islamic notions of critique, and reference Maududi and Koselleck together in interpreting critique to be about judgment (203). No matter that Asad and de Castro or Maududi and Koselleck mean different things when using the same words; these citations express Ahmad’s commitment to a dialogic (rather than dialectical) mode in engaging differences. Yet because Ahmad does not himself explore what is variously entailed by “comparison” or “judgment” in these moments, such citations remain as- sertions gesturing to a dialogue to come. In this sense Religion as Critique is a thoroughly optimistic book. Whether such optimism is warranted might call for a third part to follow “Formulation” and “Illustration”: “Reckoning.” Basit Kareem IqbalPhD candidate, Department of Anthropologyand Program in Critical TheoryUniversity of California, Berkeley

Abstract This article examines the meaning of Vietnam's removal of the Khmer Rouge in January 1979—an event that recently became a point of contention between the Prime Minister of Cambodia Hun Sen and Prime Minister of Singapore Lee Hsien Loong. Since 1980, Vietnam's removal of the Khmer Rouge has been adopted as Liberation Day by the Cambodian ruling political party. The article discusses three topics: (1) the Vietnamese presence in Cambodia during the 1980s and the resulting civil war, (2) three major changes in the Liberation Day narratives, and (3) reflections on Hun Sen and Lee's recent debate. It demonstrates that Hun Sen and Lee's contention reflects on how the legacy of Vietnam's removal of the Khmer Rouge has continued to be very important and sensitive in Cambodia and within the ASEAN Community today. It also examines China's successful approach to strengthening its relationship with Cambodia after more than a decade of the political confrontation and hatred during the 1980s.

The main purpose of this article is to show how the changing dynamics of governmental memory politics and shifting institutional frameworks influenced the space for and type of discourses about Trianon in popular historiography in the decades spanning 1979 to 2010. I first introduce the way academic historiography addressed the issue of the peace treaty and its consequences. Second, I situate popular historical discussions about Trianon within the broader landscape of historical knowledge production. Analyzing publication patterns of História (1978) and Rubicon (1989), the two most widely read mainstream popular historical journals, complemented with a discussion of Trianoni Szemle, a journal established for the purpose of discussing this single topic, I reflect both on the journals’ (self-)positioning under changing currents and the intensity of governmental interest and control. As the centennial of the signing of the peace treaty draws near, such a case study provides an opportunity to observe symptomatic mechanisms of illiberal memory politics in juxtaposition to its authoritarian and democratic predecessors.

The Hlengwe of the south-eastern lowveld of Zimbabwe are a minority group with a war history that remains largely unwritten. In Zimbabwe a lot has been written about the liberation struggle, covering the heroic acts and suffering of the Shona and Ndebele ethnic groups at the hands of colonial soldiers, but very little has been mentioned about minority groups such as the Hlengwe. Using oral evidence collected through interviews during the time of field research for my PhD thesis between 2014 and 2016, I analyse, in this article, memories of the Hlengwe about their participation in the struggle and their suffering at the hands of both the colonial soldiers and the liberation fighters or guerrillas. These memories reveal that the much-celebrated liberation struggle also had its “dark” side, which has been glossed over by most nationalistic scholars and patriotic historiography.

During the 1970s, the communist Khmer Rouge ruled with an iron fist. As part of its “re-education” process, Cambodia residents were stripped of their possessions and forced to work in labor camps. Many lacked food, basic health care, and other necessities and, by the time the Vietnamese overthrew the Khmer Rouge in 1979, between one to two million people died. This oral history chronicled one family’s story of survival and eventual escape from Cambodia’s genocide. The researcher interviewed four family members, who recollected the events and presented accounts in their own words. The themes of living a harsh existence, fear, following orders, death and suffering, and support from others are explored as possible contributing factors to the family’s survival.

O pensamento do historiador francês Fernand Braudel admite várias interpretações e possui determinadas influências. Uma delas diz respeito à Geografia Humana Vidaliana, aspecto este que foi pouco explorado até aqui pelos seus estudiosos, sejam eles historiadores ou geógrafos. Este artigo, concentrado sobretudo nos livros O Mediterrâneo e o mundo mediterrâneo a época de Felipe 11 (1966); Civilização Material, Economia e Capitalismo: Séculos XV-XVIII (1979); e A Identidade da França (1986) pretende discutir o papel epistemológico da Geografia em sua obra, partindo da hipó tese de que esta foi fundamental para o desenvolvimento das inovações que caracterizam sua escrita da história. Ao mesmo tempo, deseja repensar as relações entre a Geografia e a História no decorrer do século XX.AbstractThe thought of French Historian Femand Braudel has several interpretations and different influences. One of them refers to Vidalian Human Geography, neglected by their researchers -both geographers and historians. This article stresses on his three major works (The Mediterranean 1966,Civilization and Capitalism 1979 and Identity of France 1986) and it debates the Geography's epistemological role in his historiography. Atthe same time, we intend to rethink the relations between Geography and History in the 20th Century.

O pensamento do historiador francês Fernand Braudel admite várias interpretações e possui determinadas influências. Uma delas diz respeito à Geografia Humana Vidaliana, aspecto este que foi pouco explorado até aqui pelos seus estudiosos, sejam eles historiadores ou geógrafos. Este artigo, concentrado sobretudo nos livros O Mediterrâneo e o mundo mediterrâneo a época de Felipe 11 (1966); Civilização Material, Economia e Capitalismo: Séculos XV-XVIII (1979); e A Identidade da França (1986) pretende discutir o papel epistemológico da Geografia em sua obra, partindo da hipó tese de que esta foi fundamental para o desenvolvimento das inovações que caracterizam sua escrita da história. Ao mesmo tempo, deseja repensar as relações entre a Geografia e a História no decorrer do século XX.AbstractThe thought of French Historian Femand Braudel has several interpretations and different influences. One of them refers to Vidalian Human Geography, neglected by their researchers -both geographers and historians. This article stresses on his three major works (The Mediterranean 1966,Civilization and Capitalism 1979 and Identity of France 1986) and it debates the Geography's epistemological role in his historiography. Atthe same time, we intend to rethink the relations between Geography and History in the 20th Century.