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Journal articles on the topic 'Cambodia History 1975-'

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Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 29 January 2023

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1

Ablin, David A., and Marlowe Hood. "Cambodia: The Ambiguities." Worldview 28, no. 2 (February 1985): 10–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0084255900046623.

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Since 1970 Cambodia has experienced a coup d'état, civil war, saturation bombing, revolution, genocide, invasion, occupation, and famine. This spring is the tenth anniversary of the Communist revolutions that swept Cambodia, Vietnam, and Laos in 1975. For Cambodians, and anyone concerned with that much-punished country, it is an opportunity to reflect—and mourn.No name is more closely tied with Cambodia's postwar history than that of Prince Norodom Sihanouk. Placed on the throne by French colonial authorities in 1941 at the age of nineteen, Sihanouk gained international fame during his Croisade Royale pour l' Independence, which reached fruition with the Geneva Accords of 1954. Abdicating shortly thereafter, Sihanouk formed a political party that swept the first National Assembly elections. He ruled without interruption until 1970.

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2

Slocomb, Margaret. "Chikreng Rebellion: Coup and Its Aftermath in Democratic Kampuchea." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland 16, no. 1 (March 15, 2006): 59–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186305005651.

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AbstractThe history of the regime of Democratic Kampuchea (DK) which ruled Cambodia from 1975 to 1979 in the name of social revolution made on behalf of Cambodia's poor peasants has been researched and documented according to many sources. When the leaders of the counter-revolutionary Kampuchean United Front for National Salvation, spearheaded by a massive force of the People's Army of Vietnam, took back the capital, Phnom Penh, on 7 January 1979, they captured official documents, particularly the forced confessions of thousands of political prisoners, which threw light on the nature of the regime and its catastrophic course after victory in April 1975. Other contemporary sources included monitored radio broadcasts of the regime, the dossiers of Khmer Rouge defectors to Thailand compiled by the US State Department, and the rich vein of information provided to western scholars of Cambodian history by refugees in the Thai camps and in other countries which received them after 1979.

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3

Gangopadhyay, Partha, Siddharth Jain, and Agung Suwandaru. "What Drives Urbanisation in Modern Cambodia? Some Counter-Intuitive Findings." Sustainability 12, no. 24 (December 8, 2020): 10253. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su122410253.

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The history of urbanisation in Cambodia is a fascinating case study. During 1965–1973, the Vietnam war triggered the mass migration of Cambodians to the urban centres as its rural economy was virtually annihilated by an unprecedented cascade of aerial bombardments. During the Pol Pot regime, 1975–1979, urban areas were hastily closed down by the Khmer Rouge militia that led to the phase of forced de-urbanisation. With the ouster of the Pol Pot regime, since 1993 a new wave of urbanisation has taken shape for Cambodia. Rising urban population in a few urban regions has triggered multidimensional problems in terms of housing, employment, infrastructure, crime rates and congestions. This paper investigates the significant drivers of urbanisation since 1994 in Cambodia. Despite severe limitations of the availability of relevant data, we have extrapolated the major long-term drivers of urbanization by using autoregressive distributed lag (ARDL) analysis and nonlinear autoregressive distributed lag (NARDL) models. Our main finding is that FDI flows have a significant short-run and long-run asymmetric effect on urbanisation. We conclude that an increase in FDI boosts the pull-factor behind rural–urban migration. At the same time, a decrease in FDI impoverishes the economy and promotes the push-factor behind the rural–urban migration.

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4

Zarzecki, Radosław. "Uwarunkowania procesu pojednania w Kambodży." Wschodnioznawstwo 14 (2020): 267–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20827695wsc.20.015.13343.

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Determinants of Reconciliation in Cambodia Forty years after Cambodian genocide the reconciliation is still in early stage. Despite such long time there was almost nothing done, especially in 20th century, to make that process happened. The article discusses the determinants, reasons and factors that had impact on reconciliation. Determinants can be divided into different categories. First of all the socio-historical background. Circumstances in which Khmer Rouge come to power, their revolutionary approach to economy, implemented reforms, use of children, displacements of people and categorization of citizens had great impact on post-1979 Cambodia. Another determinant is a political one. Policy of post-Khmer Rouge Cambodia rulers stunted the reconciliation. There reason of such actions are multidimensional but the most important one is provenance of People’s Republic of Kampuchea leaders. The most important figures in Cambodia politics are ex-Khmer Rouge soldiers, accused by some of taking a part in genocide. What’s even more confusing, the most powerful opposition party in 1980s were perpetrators themselves and their allies. Even after signing Paris Peace Accords in 1991 until early 2000s there was no will to punish Khmer Rouge officials responsible for genocide. The Cambodian culture of silence, the third determinant, only exacerbates a difficult situation. Cambodians rarely speak about atrocities and harsh past because of fear, shame or trauma. Even in school textbooks until 2009 there was almost nothing said about tragic events which happened between 1975 and 1979. History of Democratic Kampuchea still affects the Cambodian society. Despite sentencing few Khmer Rouge officials in 2010s, there’s still lot to be done also on state-level. Reconciliation and coming back to the state of balance is the main challenge for Cambodia in the nearest future, crucially important to social and political life of this nation.

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5

Un, Kheang. "The Khmer Rouge Tribunal: A Politically Compromised Search for Justice." Journal of Asian Studies 72, no. 4 (October 15, 2013): 783–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911813001101.

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In 1993, Cambodian history turned a very significant corner with the promulgation of a new liberal constitution aimed at moving the country forward from its turbulent past. Many challenges remained, however; one of which was how to deal with the most horrific crimes of the “despicable Pol Pot” regime (1975–79)—as Cambodians called it—during which the radical pursuit of utopian revolutionary ideas cost roughly two million Cambodians their lives. Searching for mechanisms to hold perpetrators accountable for their crimes is seldom simple, as this essay, an assessment of the Khmer Rouge Tribunal twenty years on from the founding of the new Cambodian state and thirty-four years after the fall of the Pol Pot regime, attests. The Khmer Rouge Tribunal, whose formal name is the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC), was established in 2006, providing the first hope that Khmer Rouge leaders would finally be brought to justice and held to account for their hideous crimes.

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6

Stevens, Christine A. "The Illusion of Social Inclusion: Cambodian Youth in South Australia." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 4, no. 1 (March 1995): 59–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.4.1.59.

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As a result of the turmoil in Cambodia during the 1970s, traditional Cambodian society was fundamentally altered: Cambodians were uprooted, and after the Vietnamese invasion in 1978, thousands fled to camps on the Thai-Cambodian border, where many sought and were selected for resettlement in other countries. Approximately 12,000 Cambodians were accepted for resettlement in Australia as refugees in the period 1975-85, with approximately 2,500 settling in South Australia. The emigrants to South Australia were youthful, with 51% of all arrivals in the period 1979-85 aged 19 years or less (Stevens). Since this period when refugees first arrived in Australia from Cambodia, Laos, and Vietnam, the social adaptation of refugee youth has been little researched. Generally, young people have been but one of the age groups included in large-scale surveys or in-depth studies, such as those by Wendy Poussard, Nancy Viviani, and others, that focused on the early stages of resettlement. The research that has focused on refugee youth has concentrated on educational achievement (Spearritt and Colman; Kelly and Bennoun; Chan; Mundy) or mental health status and adjustment (Krupinski and Burrows). At a time of ongoing debate about the size and nature of the immigrant intake, and concern that the resulting cultural diversity may foster ethnic conflicts and endanger social cohesion, this lack of research on the social aspects of the settlement process young refugees from Southeast Asia undertake is a significant omission.

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7

Phillpotts, A. C. L. "Violence and Monumental Complexes: The Fate of Cambodia’s Buddhist Heritage during the Turbulent Years: 1969—79." International Journal of Cultural Property 26, no. 4 (November 2019): 457–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0940739119000353.

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Abstract:The Khmer Rouge’s impact on Cambodia’s ancient heritage has been understudied. There are, at present, no major resources that explicitly present a centralized compilation of data or information regarding the relationship between the communist regime and the temples of Angkor nor the various damaging effects that a decade of internecine upheavals have had on the monuments. This absence of primary material is surprising considering the extensive archaeological and conservational work that has taken place in Cambodia, and not to mention the international fascination with Angkor. This article aims to take the first steps in redressing this palpable gap in the literature—it is a brief inquiry into the cause and effect of damage, desecration, and destruction committed to the major Angkorian monuments and the treatment of Cambodia’s ancient, tangible heritage by successive political regimes. It also attempts to deal with the inadequate nature of existing documentation that has hindered any analysis of the issues at hand. I restrict my attention to the Buddhist complexes in Cambodia with a focus on four phases of violence: “Operation Menu” or the American bombardment of 1969–70; the Cambodian Civil War, 1970–75; Democratic Kampuchea’s occupancy of power, 1975–79; and the Vietnamese invasion of 1978–79. In regard to what exactly happened to these monumental complexes at the hands of the Khmer Rouge, I have covered structural damage from conventional weaponry; the use, and, in most cases, misuse, of the temples by various political factions (including strategic, practical and quotidian, and propagandistic use); and the effect of conservation interruption and looting. In light of the recent destruction of cultural heritage in the ongoing conflicts in Syria and Iraq and the recent conflict in Mali, these issues remain perpetually relevant in world affairs.

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8

Hinton, Alexander Laban. "Why Did You Kill?: The Cambodian Genocide and the Dark Side of Face and Honor." Journal of Asian Studies 57, no. 1 (February 1998): 93–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2659025.

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Why did you kill?From the first day I arrived in Cambodia to conduct ethnographic research, I had wanted to pose this question to a Khmer Rouge who had executed people during the genocidal Democratic Kampuchea regime (April 1975 to January 1979)- When the Khmer Rouge—a radical group of Maoist-inspired Communist rebels—came to power after a bloody civil war in which 600,000 people died, they transformed Cambodian society into what some survivors now call “the prison without walls”(kuk et chonhcheang). The cities were evacuated; economic production and consumption were collectivized; books were confiscated and sometimes burned; Buddhism and other forms of religious worship were banned; freedom of speech, travel, residence, and occupational choice were dramatically curtailed; formal education largely disappeared; money, markets, and courts were abolished; and the family was subordinated to the Party Organization,Ângkar. Over one and a half million of Cambodia's eight million inhabitants perished from disease, over-work, starvation, and outright execution under this genocidal regime (Kiernan 1996).

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9

So, Angelica. "Cambodian Family Albums: Tian's "L'année du lièvre"." Genocide Studies and Prevention 14, no. 3 (December 2020): 90–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.5038/1911-9933.14.3.1734.

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This article explores how Franco-Cambodian cartoonist Tian’s graphic novel, L’année du lièvre [Year of the Rabbit], represents second-generation postmemory in the form of, what I call, a “Cambodian family album,” or a personal-collective archive. The album serves to convey to subsequent generations: 1) the history of the Cambodian genocide, 2) the collective memories of pre-1975 Cambodia preceding the Khmer Rouge takeover of Phnom Penh, and 3) the Cambodian humanitarian crisis and exodus of the 1970s-1990s. The conceptualization of the family album is derived from the literal translation, from Khmer into English, of the term “photo album” – “book designated for sticking pictures.” The translation of the term emphasizes the fragmentary and creative nature of postmemory, or the second-generation’s experience of their parents’ trauma. This article begins with an analysis of L’année du lièvre as family album and moves beyond the comics medium to show how Cambodian identity is being reshaped and renegotiated through 1.5- and second-generation Cambodian genocide survivors’ contributions to film, dance, and the literary-arts.

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10

Owens, Peter B. "The Collective Dynamics of Genocidal Violence in Cambodia, 1975–1979." Social Science History 38, no. 3-4 (2014): 411–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2015.19.

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While previous research conceptualizes genocide as an outcome of complex interactions between multiple social factors, the specific ways in which these factors interact and combine with each other, and how their individual effects may be mediated through such interaction, remain to be empirically specified. Using historical accounts given by survivors of the Cambodian genocide, and drawing from insights in the collective action literature, this study presents a configurational and comparative analysis of the collective dynamics of genocidal violence. The analysis focuses on how changing local patterns of relational and cognitive collective mechanisms created distinctly local patterns of violence, affecting both levels of victimization and the targeting of different groups over time. While the expansion and consolidation of central state power accounts for a generalized increase in violence, official framing practices mediated how groups became targeted. These findings confirm and extend the insights of other meso-level studies of genocide, and demonstrate the utility of comparative configurational methods for further inquiry.

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11

Fawakih, Dirga. "Muslim Kamboja di Bawah Rezim Komunis Khmer Merah 1975-1979." Buletin Al-Turas 22, no. 2 (July 31, 2016): 247–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.15408/bat.v22i2.4044.

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Abstrak Tulisan ini bertujuan menganalisa mengenai apa motif diskriminasi dan bagaimana kebijakan rezim Khmer Merah terhadap etnis dan agama minoritas di Kamboja, di mana etnis Cham-Melayu yang notabennya beragama Islam termasuk di dalamnya. Selain itu skripsi ini juga ingin melanjutkan tulisan P.B Lafont yang dalam artikelnya belum menjawab mengenai apa motif diskriminasi yang dilakukan Khmer Merah terhadap umat Islam di Kamboja. Penelitian ini bersifat analytical history, maka dari itu penulis menggunakan metode penelitian yang biasa digunakan dalam penelitian sejarah pada umumnya, yakni, heuristik, verifikasi, interpretasi,dan historiografi. Dalam penelitian ini penulis mendapatkan temuan-temuan baru terkait motif yang melatarbelakangi diskriminasi Khmer Merah terhadap umat Islam di Kamboja. Selain itu penulis juga menemukan fakta-fakta terkait kebijakan rezim Khmer Merah terhadap etnis dan agama minoritas di Kamboja. Dengan demikian penelitian ini diharapkan dapat melengkapi penelitian-penelitian terdahulu yang belum sempat menjawab permasalahan yang menjadi fokus kajian tulisan ini.---AbstrakThis article aim at analyzing the descrimination motive and the policy of Cham regime toward the religion and etnique minority in Cambodia, where Cham-Malay etnique are mostly muslims. Besides, this article also wants to contoinue the previous article of P.B Lafont which still did’t answer about the descrimination motive done by the Cham toward muslims in Cambodia. This article uses historical approach, the writer uses the common methode mostly done by many historians, the heuristics, verivication, interpretation, and historiography. In this article, the writer found new findings relating to the motive supporting the Cham descrimination toward Muslims in Cambodia. In addition to this, the writer found new facts relating to the policy of Cham regime toward religion and etnique minority in Cambodia. Therefore, this article is expected to accomplish the previous research which couldn’t answer the problem which becomes the focus of this article. DOI : 10.5281/zenodo.556796

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12

Andrea Kanavou, Angeliki, and Kosal Path. "The Lingering Effects of Thought Reform: The Khmer Rouge S-21 Prison Personnel." Journal of Asian Studies 76, no. 1 (February 2017): 87–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911816001625.

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During the Cambodian Genocide (1975–79), about 12,272 to 20,000 people were jailed in the infamous Tuol Sleng (S-21) prison. Only a handful survived. This study focuses on how former S21 perpetrators relate today to their role in the genocide. Through a vast network of fear and torture, the Khmer Rouge instituted a program of “thought reform” in order to accomplish total obedience. Based on court testimonies, archival material, and semi-structured interviews with surviving S-21 guards and interrogators, this study shows how the former S-21 personnel manifest a lingering obedience orientation toward authority, limited reflection about the past, and little empathy toward their victims. The study demonstrates the long-lasting implications of the mindset that was established by the Khmer Rouge. More needs to be done to face the past and to “remove the guards from their prisons” in Cambodia.

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13

Madokoro, Laura. "“Nothing to offer in return”: Refugees, human rights, and genocide in Cambodia, 1975–1979." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 75, no. 2 (June 2020): 220–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702020933643.

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From 1975 to 1979, Canadian politicians and diplomats observed and discussed the possibility that a genocide was taking place in Cambodia. The situation was difficult to ascertain, however, given the limited history between the two countries and the deep isolation in which the Khmer Rouge regime operated after rising to power, as well as the Canadian government’s limited interest in international human rights until the late 1970s. It wasn’t until large numbers of refugees began to cross into Thailand in 1977–78, and began to tell their stories to Western diplomats, that human rights discussions at the United Nations began to focus more closely on the situation in Cambodia. Exploring the Canadian government’s use of refugee testimonies, this article explores the relationship between narratives of mass violence and the burgeoning human rights agenda of the late 1970s to highlight the role of refugees in shaping an international human rights agenda.

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14

John Grundy, Elizabeth Hoban, and Steven Allender. "Turning Points in Political and Health Policy History: The Case of Cambodia 1975–2014." Health and History 18, no. 1 (2016): 89. http://dx.doi.org/10.5401/healthhist.18.1.0089.

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15

Grundy, John, Elizabeth Hoban, and Steven Allender. "Turning Points in Political and Health Policy History: The Case of Cambodia 1975–2014." Health and History 18, no. 1 (2016): 89–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hah.2016.0018.

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16

Clayton, Thomas. "Building the New Cambodia: Educational Destruction and Construction under the Khmer Rouge, 1975-1979." History of Education Quarterly 38, no. 1 (1998): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/369662.

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17

McIntyre, Kevin. "Geography as Destiny: Cities, Villages and Khmer Rouge Orientalism." Comparative Studies in Society and History 38, no. 4 (October 1996): 730–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001041750002051x.

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“The red, red blood splatters the cities and plains,” cried the national anthem of Democratic Kampuchea. “The blood spills out into great indignation and a resolute urge to fight,” it “liberates us from slavery.” The image in the anthem was not simply symbolic. Upon taking power in April 1975, the Khmer Rouge emptied the cities and towns of Cambodia, initiating a three-year regime of terror that leveled the country economically, culturally, and physically. In this typhoon of tragedy, nearly two million people died, swept aside in a whirlwind of social upheaval.

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18

Jørgensen, Nina H. B. "THE EXTRAORDINARY CHAMBERS IN THE COURTS OF CAMBODIA AND THE PROGRESS OF THE ‘KHMER ROUGE TRIALS’." Yearbook of International Humanitarian Law 11 (December 2008): 373–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1389135908003735.

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AbstractThe world has witnessed many atrocities since the followers of the Communist Party of Kampuchea, better known as the Khmer Rouge, marched into Phnom Penh on 17 April 1975 and unleashed a regime of terror of more than three and a half years on the Cambodian people in which an estimated quarter of the population perished. However, the fate that befell this small South-East Asian nation continues to grip and challenge the imagination. Perhaps it is the notion of the State turning on its own people on such an unprecedented scale that is so difficult to fathom. Perhaps it is the tranquil, smiling populace, forging a space in the modern era against the proud backdrop of the ancient Angkorian temples that makes such a dark recent history so improbable. Or perhaps it is the scales of justice, finally weighing in, more than thirty years after the crimes in defiance of donor countries' ‘tribunal fatigue’, that have refocused the world's attention.The Khmer Rouge takeover had been preceded by a struggle for power which saw Prince Norodom Sihanouk, who had abdicated and governed Cambodia since independence in 1953, overthrown by Prime Minister Lon Nol and Prince Sisowath Sirik Matak on 17 March 1970. The new government was allied to the United States in the Vietnam War, fuelling Khmer Rouge resentment as well as that of Sihanouk who aligned himself with the communists. The Khmer Rouge gradually consolidated its power and control of territory, and when the time was seen to be ripe to institute the planned nationwide ‘agrarian dictatorship’, it easily overpowered the weak and corrupt Lon Nol government.

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19

Jarvis, Helen. "Powerful remains: the continuing presence of victims of the Khmer Rouge regime in today‘s Cambodia." Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal 1, no. 2 (2015): 36–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/hrv.1.2.5.

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The Khmer Rouge forbade the conduct of any funeral rites at the time of the death of the estimated two million people who perished during their rule (1975–79). Since then, however, memorials have been erected and commemorative ceremonies performed, both public and private, especially at former execution sites, known widely as the killing fields. The physical remains themselves, as well as images of skulls and the haunting photographs of prisoners destined for execution, have come to serve as iconic representations of that tragic period in Cambodian history and have been deployed in contested interpretations of the regime and its overthrow.

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20

Kiernander, Adrian. "The Théâtre du Soleil, Part One: a Brief History of the Company." New Theatre Quarterly 2, no. 7 (August 1986): 195–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x00002153.

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In spite of the international acclaim for its spectacular productions of the early 'seventies, the Théâtre du Soleil has generally received less than adequate attention in English-language theatre journals. The original series of Theatre Quarterly included a lengthy interview with its leading member, Ariane Mnouchkine, focused upon its then-current production, L'Age d'or, in TQ18 (1975), and we now bring the story up to date – first, with a survey of the company's earlier work and its distinctive qualities by Adrian Kiernander, who recently spent a year with the Théâtre du Soleil on a French government scholarship, between working as a freelance director and his present position teaching theatre studies in the University of Queensland. Two complementary studies of the company's most recent production follow. In the first, Adrian Kiernander places The Terrible but Unfinished History of Norodom Sihanouk, King of Cambodia, within the context of his preceding analysis. In the second, David Graver, a doctoral candidate in the Department of Comparative Literature at Cornell University, and presently a Visiting Scholar at Clare Hall, Cambridge, describes and assesses the nature and qualities of the script by Hélène Cixous, as realized in the production.

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21

Chronister, Kay. "‘My Mother, the Ap’: Cambodian Horror Cinema and the Gothic Transformation of a Folkloric Monster." Gothic Studies 22, no. 1 (March 2020): 98–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/gothic.2020.0040.

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The most prominent monster in Khmer horror cinema, the ap, is originally a creature of folklore and is traditionally depicted as a woman's glowing head connected to exposed, floating entrails. I begin with an overview of the ap's historical origins in Khmer folktales about female transgression and witchcraft. I then discuss the ap's reemergence in Gothic horror film following the Khmer Rouge genocide of 1975–1979. In film, unlike in folklore, the ap is depicted as an innocent woman who was violated and then denied justice from her insular rural society; her assumption of a monstrous spectral body serves to make visible and undeniable the otherwise invisible violence exacted upon her. In staging dramas of reckoning and unburial, I argue, ap film in twenty-first-century Cambodia performs the typically Gothic work of using folklore and the supernatural to speak about otherwise unspeakable past trauma.

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22

Chandler, David P. "Cambodia 1975–1978: Rendez-vous with Death. Edited by Karl D. Jackson. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989. x, 334 pp. $37.50." Journal of Asian Studies 49, no. 03 (August 1990): 702–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911800052116.

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23

Peou, Sorpong. "Cambodia - Cambodian Culture since 1975: Homeland and Exile. Edited by May M. Ebihara, Carol A. Mortland and Judy Ledgerwood. Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1994. Pp. xvi, 194. References, Index." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 29, no. 2 (September 1998): 407–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463400007608.

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24

TSUJINO, R., T. KAJISA, and T. YUMOTO. "Causes and history of forest loss in Cambodia." International Forestry Review 21, no. 3 (September 1, 2019): 372–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1505/146554819827293178.

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To reconstruct the history of forest loss in Cambodia, the literature and national/provincial statistics of landuse patterns and the socio-economic situation were investigated. Forest cover in the 1960s was 73.3 % (13.3 Mha). However, this drastically decreased to 47.3% (8.6 Mha) in 2016. In the 1960s, the forest was less-disturbed. From 1970 to 1993, the forest was lost gradually owing to the political instability caused by the Cambodian Civil War. In the post-war reconstruction period from 1993 to around 2002, the need for reconstruction, international demand for timber, and forest logging concessions led to a significant increase in timber production. In the rapid economic growth period from 2002 until present, while several political actions were taken to combat rapid deforestation, economic land concessions, which promoted agroindustrial plantations, as well as small-scale agriculture has been leading to the rapid expansion of arable land and deforestation since 2009.

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25

Lynn, Hyung Gu. "Systemic Lock: The Institutionalization of History in Post- 1965 South Korea–Japan Relations." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 9, no. 1-2 (2000): 55–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656100793645976.

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AbstractLegal and diplomatic guidelines for relations between Japan and the Republic of Korea (ROK) have been in place since the Treaty of Normalization and accompanying Agreements of June 1965. Tokyo and Seoul have also cultivated extensive economic ties. Since 1965, Japan has been a major supplier of technology and capital for Korea, while Korea has consistently been among the top four export markets for Japan. Unlike relations between other neighboring countries in Asia (such as China and Vietnam, Vietnam and Cambodia, China and India, India and Pakistan, or South and North Korea), there have been no wars or military conflicts between South Korea and Japan since 1945.

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26

Pho, Helen N. "Cold War Kidnapping." Pacific Historical Review 84, no. 1 (February 1, 2015): 19–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2015.84.1.19.

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On February 2, 1965, the National Liberation Front of South Vietnam kidnapped Gustav Hertz, Chief of Public Administration for the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID). Hertz’s captivity set in motion an intricate series of diplomatic gestures that involved several governments, including those of Algeria, Cambodia, and France, and numerous prominent individuals, such as Senator Robert Kennedy, Cambodian leader Norodom Sihanouk, and Algerian President Ahmed Ben Bella, in an effort to win his release. This article examines the Hertz kidnapping to illustrate that South Vietnamese politics heavily influenced and thwarted U.S. nation-building efforts. The case reveals that when perpetuating the impression of South Vietnamese sovereignty conflicted with saving the life of a USAID leader, U.S. officials chose the first objective.

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27

Sidel, John. "South-East Asia - Ben Kiernan: The Pol Pot regime: race, power, and genocide in Cambodia under the Khmer Rouge, 1975–79. xiii, 477 pp., 4 maps, 16 plates. New Haven Conn, and London: Yale University Press, 1996. £25." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 60, no. 2 (June 1997): 406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00036995.

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28

Chandler, David P. "The Kingdom of Kampuchea, March–October 1945: Japanese–sponsored Independence in Cambodia in World War II." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 17, no. 1 (March 1986): 80–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002246340000521x.

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On 12 March 1945, three days after Japanese forces had swept the French from power in Indo-China, Cambodia's young king, Norodom Sihanouk, declared his country's independence, noting as he did so that it would now be known in French as “Kampuchea” rather than as “Cambodge”. The proclamation, made on Japanese advice, ushered in a seven–month interregnum between periods of French control.

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29

Hess, Gary R., John P. Glennon, Edward C. Keefer, and David W. Mabon. "Foreign Relations of the United States, 1955-1957. Vol. 21: East Asian Security; Cambodia; Laos." Journal of American History 81, no. 2 (September 1994): 809. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2081397.

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Coppolani, Antoine. "La guerre américaine au Cambodge, 1969-1975." Guerres mondiales et conflits contemporains 271, no. 3 (2018): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/gmcc.271.0045.

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31

Lüthi, Lorenz M. "The Non-Aligned Movement and the Cold War, 1961–1973." Journal of Cold War Studies 18, no. 4 (October 2016): 98–147. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00682.

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The Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) tried to transcend the Cold War, but the NAM ended up as one of the Cold War's chief victims. During the movement's first dozen years (1961–1973), four Cold War developments shaped its agenda and political orientation. East Germany's attempt to manipulate it started with the so-called construction of the Berlin Wall less than a month before the first NAM conference in Belgrade. Nuclear disarmament issues imposed themselves the day before that conference, with Nikita Khrushchev's sudden announcement that the USSR would resume nuclear testing. The war in the Middle East in June 1967 brought the NAM close to an association with the Soviet bloc—at least until the Soviet intervention in Czechoslovakia the following year. Finally, the overthrow of Cambodia's Prince Sihanouk in 1970 split the movement over the question of that country's standing. The NAM again moved closer to the Soviet camp once the movement decided in 1972 to award representation both to the exiled Sihanouk, who lived in Communist China and was allied to Pol Pot's Khmer Rouge, and to the Communist insurgents in South Vietnam.

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Turley, William S. "Cambodia: 1975–1982. By Michael Vickery. Hemel Hempstead: George Allen and Unwin, 1984. Pp. xiii, 361. Maps, Bibliography, Index. - The Murderous Revolution: Life and Death in Pol Pot's Kampuchea. By Martin Stuart-Fox. Drawings by Bunheang Ung. Chippendale, N.S.W.: Alternative Publishing Cooperative Ltd., 1985. Pp. viii, 203." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 18, no. 2 (September 1987): 327–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463400020580.

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Margolin, Jean-Louis, Ben Kiernan, and Marie-France de Palomera. "Le genocide au Cambodge (1975-1979). Race, ideologie et pouvoir." Vingtième Siècle. Revue d'histoire, no. 60 (October 1998): 160. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3770971.

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KITLV, Redactie. "Book reviews." Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde / Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences of Southeast Asia 165, no. 1 (2009): 129–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134379-90003646.

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Johnny Tjia; A grammar of Mualang: An Ibanic language of West Kalimantan, Indonesia (Alexander Adelaar) Christopher Moseley (ed.); Encyclopedia of the world’s endangered languages (Peter K. Austin) Ian Rae and Morgen Witzel; The Overseas Chinese of South east Asia: History, culture, business (Chin Yee Whah) Ab Massier; The voice of the law in transition: Indonesian jurists and their languages, 1915-2000 (Dwi Noverini Djenar) Henk Schulte Nordholt and Gerry van Klinken (eds); Renegotiating boundaries: Local politics in post-Suharto Indonesia (Maribeth Erb) Nghia M. Vo; The Vietnamese boat people, 1954 and 1975-1992 (Martin Grossheim) O.W. Wolters; Early Southeast Asia: Selected essays [edited by Craig J. Reynolds] (Hans Hägerdal) Michael W. Scott; The severed snake: Matrilineages, making place, and a Melanesian Christianity in Southeast Solomon Islands (Menno Hekker) John H. McGlynn, Oscar Motuloh, Suzanne Charlé, Jeffrey Hadler, Bambang Bujono, Margaret Glade Agusta, and Gedsiri Suhartono; Indonesia in the Soeharto years: Issues, incidents and images (David Henley) Hanneke Hollander; Een man met een speurdersneus: Carel Groenevelt (1899-1973), beroepsverzamelaar voor Tropenmuseum en Wereldmuseum in Nieuw-Guinea (Anna-Karina Hermkens) Balk, G.L., F. van Dijk and D.J. Kortlang (with contributions by F.S. Gaastra, Hendrik E. Niemeijer and P. Koenders); The Archives of the Dutch East India Company (VOC) and the local institutions in Batavia (Jakarta) (Ton Kappelhof) Gusti Asnan; Memikir ulang regionalisme: Sumatera Barat tahun 1950-an (Gerry van Klinken) Lise Lavelle; Amerta Movement of Java 1986-1997: An Asian movement improvisation (Dick van der Meij) Nicole-Claude Mathieu (ed.); Une maison sans fille est une maison morte: La personne et le genre en sociétés matrilinéaires et/ou uxorilocales (Joke van Reenen) Henk Schulte Nordholt; Indonesië na Soeharto: Reformasi en restauratie (Elske Schouten) V.I. Braginsky; … and sails the boat downstream: Malay Sufi poems of the boat (Suryadi) Gilles Gravelle; Meyah: An east Bird’s Head language of Papua, Indonesia (Ian Tupper) Penny Edwards; Cambodge: The cultivation of a nation, 1860-1945 (Un Leang) J. Stephen Lansing; Perfect order: Recognizing complexity in Bali (Carol Warren) Roxana Waterson (ed.); Southeast Asian lives: Personal narratives and historical experience (C.W. Watson) Jean DeBernardi; The way that lives in the heart: Chinese popular religion and spirit mediums in Penang, Malaysia (Robert Wessing) REVIEW ESSAY Environmental and archaeological perspectives on Southeast Asia Peter Boomgaard; Southeast Asia: An environmental history Peter Boomgaard (ed.); A world of water: Rain, rivers and seas in Southeast Asian histories Ian Glover and Peter Bellwood (eds); Southeast Asia: From prehistory to history Avijit Gupta (ed.); The physical geography of Southeast Asia (Eric C. Thompson)

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SarDesai, D. R., and David P. Chandler. "The Tragedy of Cambodian History: Politics, War, and Revolution since 1945." American Historical Review 98, no. 2 (April 1993): 547. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2166952.

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Sodhy, Pamela, and David P. Chandler. "The Tragedy of Cambodian History: Politics, War and Revolution Since 1945." Pacific Affairs 67, no. 4 (1994): 625. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2759603.

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37

Smith, R. B. "The International Setting of the Cambodia Crisis, 1969–1970." International History Review 18, no. 2 (June 1996): 303–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07075332.1996.9640745.

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Smith, T. O. "Britain and Cambodia, September 1945–November 1946: A Reappraisal." Diplomacy & Statecraft 17, no. 1 (April 2006): 73–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592290500533767.

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39

Banks, Alexander J. "Britain and the Cambodian Crisis of Spring 1970." Cold War History 5, no. 1 (February 2005): 87–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1468274042000283153.

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Johns, A. L. "The Cambodian Campaign: The 1970 Offensive and America's Vietnam War." Journal of American History 93, no. 2 (September 1, 2006): 610–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4486382.

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Clymer, Kenton J. "The Perils of Neutrality: The Break in U.S.-Cambodian Relations, 1965." Diplomatic History 23, no. 4 (October 1999): 609–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/0145-2096.00187.

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42

Stuart-Fox, Martin. "The French in Laos, 1887–1945." Modern Asian Studies 29, no. 1 (February 1995): 111–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00012646.

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Laos constituted one of the five territorial entities making up French Indochina—comprising in addition the colony of Cochinchina and the protectorates of Annam, Tonkin and Cambodia. It was never, however, one among equals. Even before the annexation of Lao territories east of the Mekong river in 1893, Laos was perceived as little more than an extension of Vietnam west towards Siam (Thailand), a much more significant potential prize. The addition of minor extensions west of the Mekong demarcated by treaty in 1904 and 1907 still gave France no more than half the former Lao Kingdom of Lan Xang. Any possibility of reconstituting a greater Lao state was thereafter lost.

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43

Peleggi, Maurizio. "Cambodia Cambodge: The Cultivation of a nation, 1860–1945 By Penny Edwards Honolulu:University of Hawai'i Press, 2007. Pp. 349. Illustrations, Notes, Bibliography, Index." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 39, no. 3 (September 11, 2008): 487–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463408000404.

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44

McHale, Shawn. "Ethnicity, Violence, and Khmer-Vietnamese Relations: The Significance of the Lower Mekong Delta, 1757–1954." Journal of Asian Studies 72, no. 2 (March 19, 2013): 367–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911813000016.

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This essay argues that to understand twentieth-century Khmer-Vietnamese ethnic antagonism, the contest for the lower Mekong Delta (in today's Vietnam) since the mid-eighteenth century has been key. It argues, however, that while this pre-1945 background can explain antagonism, it cannot sufficiently explain the violence between Khmer and Vietnamese that occurred after 1945. For that, the First Indochina War (1945–54) and decolonization marked a turning point. This period saw the creation of a dynamic of violence between Khmer and Vietnamese that hardened ethnic antagonisms, shaped the character of the war, and affected arguments over sovereignty. This dynamic of violence also contributed, in the long run, to a common Cambodian antagonism to the Vietnamese, including that of the Khmer Rouge.

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Melvin, Jess. "Why Not Genocide? Anti-Chinese Violence in Aceh, 1965–1966." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 32, no. 3 (December 2013): 63–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341303200304.

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This article provides an account of anti-Chinese violence in Aceh between 1 October 1965 and 17 August 1966. Drawing upon original oral history evidence and previously unknown documentary sources, this article builds upon current scholarly understandings that two phases of violence involving members of the ethnic Chinese community can be identified in Aceh during this period, to explain how a third explicitly ethnic-based phase of violence directed against members of the ethnic Chinese community in Aceh can also be identified. Based on this research and a reflection on the precedent set by the Cambodian genocide as to how the current legal definition of genocide can be applied, this article argues that the assessment that the Indonesian killings should not be understood as genocide is premature.

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Form, Wolfgang. "Justice 30 Years Later? The Cambodian Special Tribunal for the Punishment of Crimes against Humanity by the Khmer Rouge." Nationalities Papers 37, no. 6 (November 2009): 889–923. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990903230827.

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After a two-year tug-of-war between the US, the UN, and Phnom Penh, the Cambodian government, supported by massive international intervention, brought some of those accused of committing Khmer Rouge atrocities to trial before an independent court. The atrocities, which verged on genocide, were perpetrated between 1975 and 1979. The plan was to create a special tribunal consisting of both indigenous and foreign judges to try the perpetrators. Newspapers from 2002 reported that the first indictment would be issued some time during that year. As we know today, this proved to be a rosily optimistic prediction.

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Hamilton, Annette. "Fragments in the Archive: The Khmer Rouge Years." Plaridel 15, no. 1 (June 2018): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.52518/2018.15.1-01hmlton.

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Cambodia’s cinema history is strange and surprising. Popular films from France and the United States circulated through the Kingdom during the French colonial period. The 1950s and 60s saw extensive local production with the enthusiastic support of King Norodom Sihanouk, himself a passionate film-maker, but the Khmer Rouge regime (1975-1979) destroyed most of the existing material, including hundreds of feature films, raw footage and countless other ephemeral documents. In 2006, after representations by film-maker Rithy Panh and others, the Bophana Audio-Visual Research Centre was established in Phnom Penh to comb the world for every fragment of film and audio material relating to Cambodia’s history in order to reproduce it in an accessible digitized form. The archival preservation and duplication has continued apace. However the ethical use of these materials presents challenges. Contemporary documentary makers and digital enthusiasts frequently use fragmentary footage to support their political or historical interpretations without attribution or context. This paper discusses a propaganda film featuring the former King Norodom Sihanouk and his wife Monique shot in1973 in collaboration with the Communist Chinese, the North Vietnamese and the Khmer Rouge. Short scenes and extracts from this film circulate online and appear in many documentaries. The “archive effect” of this footage raises questions about the source and circulation of archival images with significant historical and political consequences.

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Heuveline, Patrick. "'Between One and Three Million': Towards the Demographic Reconstruction of a Decade of Cambodian History (1970–79)." Population Studies 52, no. 1 (March 1998): 49–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0032472031000150176.

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Szalontai, Balázs. "In the Shadow of Vietnam: A New Look at North Korea's Militant Strategy, 1962–1970." Journal of Cold War Studies 14, no. 4 (October 2012): 122–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00278.

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North Korea pursued a highly confrontational strategy vis-à-vis South Korea and the United States throughout the 1960s. This article places Pyongyang's strategy into the context of the Vietnam War. Recently declassified evidence reveals that certain North Korean actions, including the Blue House raid in January 1968 and a series of belligerent acts committed in 1970, were considerably influenced by the military operations in Vietnam and Cambodia. But in some other incidents, such as the seizure of the USS Pueblo intelligence-gathering vessel, the Vietnam War played a far more marginal role. In any case, North Korean actions seem not to have been motivated by an intention to lessen U.S. and South Korean pressure on Hanoi. In 1969 Pyongyang disapproved of, rather than welcomed, the start of de-escalation in Vietnam. Mainly, the North Korean leader, Kim Il Sung, sought to achieve his own aims by taking advantage of America's preoccupation with the Vietnam War.

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Visentini, Paulo Gilberto Fagundes. "Conflitos afro-asiáticos “quentes” da Guerra Fria: da revolução à guerra (anos 1970 e 1980)." Revista Tempo e Argumento 13, no. 32 (April 30, 2021): e0103. http://dx.doi.org/10.5965/2175180313322021e0103.

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O Século XX foi marcado por grandes conflitos armados, sendo duas Guerras Mundiais (“quentes”) e uma Guerra Fria, associada a confrontos militares e Revoluções no Sul. Durante a década de 1970, ocorreram mais de uma dúzia de Revoluções no Terceiro Mundo/ Sul Geopolítico, da Nicarágua ao Vietnã, de Angola ao Afeganistão. A maioria delas se transformou em Guerras convencionais, isto é, conflitos militares internacionais, que perduraram durante os anos 1980. O presente artigo analisa os casos de Angola e Etiópia, na África; do Irã e do Afeganistão, no Oriente Médio; e do Vietnã e Kampuchea/Camboja no sudeste da Ásia. Libertação Nacional, Revolução Social e Guerras geopolíticas internacionais estiveram intimamente associadas nesses conflitos transformadores, que marcaram a História Mundial Contemporânea.

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