Academic literature on the topic 'Cambodia History 1975-'

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Journal articles on the topic "Cambodia History 1975-"

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Ablin, David A., and Marlowe Hood. "Cambodia: The Ambiguities." Worldview 28, no. 2 (February 1985): 10–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0084255900046623.

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Since 1970 Cambodia has experienced a coup d'état, civil war, saturation bombing, revolution, genocide, invasion, occupation, and famine. This spring is the tenth anniversary of the Communist revolutions that swept Cambodia, Vietnam, and Laos in 1975. For Cambodians, and anyone concerned with that much-punished country, it is an opportunity to reflect—and mourn.No name is more closely tied with Cambodia's postwar history than that of Prince Norodom Sihanouk. Placed on the throne by French colonial authorities in 1941 at the age of nineteen, Sihanouk gained international fame during his Croisade Royale pour l' Independence, which reached fruition with the Geneva Accords of 1954. Abdicating shortly thereafter, Sihanouk formed a political party that swept the first National Assembly elections. He ruled without interruption until 1970.
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Slocomb, Margaret. "Chikreng Rebellion: Coup and Its Aftermath in Democratic Kampuchea." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland 16, no. 1 (March 15, 2006): 59–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186305005651.

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AbstractThe history of the regime of Democratic Kampuchea (DK) which ruled Cambodia from 1975 to 1979 in the name of social revolution made on behalf of Cambodia's poor peasants has been researched and documented according to many sources. When the leaders of the counter-revolutionary Kampuchean United Front for National Salvation, spearheaded by a massive force of the People's Army of Vietnam, took back the capital, Phnom Penh, on 7 January 1979, they captured official documents, particularly the forced confessions of thousands of political prisoners, which threw light on the nature of the regime and its catastrophic course after victory in April 1975. Other contemporary sources included monitored radio broadcasts of the regime, the dossiers of Khmer Rouge defectors to Thailand compiled by the US State Department, and the rich vein of information provided to western scholars of Cambodian history by refugees in the Thai camps and in other countries which received them after 1979.
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Gangopadhyay, Partha, Siddharth Jain, and Agung Suwandaru. "What Drives Urbanisation in Modern Cambodia? Some Counter-Intuitive Findings." Sustainability 12, no. 24 (December 8, 2020): 10253. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su122410253.

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The history of urbanisation in Cambodia is a fascinating case study. During 1965–1973, the Vietnam war triggered the mass migration of Cambodians to the urban centres as its rural economy was virtually annihilated by an unprecedented cascade of aerial bombardments. During the Pol Pot regime, 1975–1979, urban areas were hastily closed down by the Khmer Rouge militia that led to the phase of forced de-urbanisation. With the ouster of the Pol Pot regime, since 1993 a new wave of urbanisation has taken shape for Cambodia. Rising urban population in a few urban regions has triggered multidimensional problems in terms of housing, employment, infrastructure, crime rates and congestions. This paper investigates the significant drivers of urbanisation since 1994 in Cambodia. Despite severe limitations of the availability of relevant data, we have extrapolated the major long-term drivers of urbanization by using autoregressive distributed lag (ARDL) analysis and nonlinear autoregressive distributed lag (NARDL) models. Our main finding is that FDI flows have a significant short-run and long-run asymmetric effect on urbanisation. We conclude that an increase in FDI boosts the pull-factor behind rural–urban migration. At the same time, a decrease in FDI impoverishes the economy and promotes the push-factor behind the rural–urban migration.
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Zarzecki, Radosław. "Uwarunkowania procesu pojednania w Kambodży." Wschodnioznawstwo 14 (2020): 267–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20827695wsc.20.015.13343.

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Determinants of Reconciliation in Cambodia Forty years after Cambodian genocide the reconciliation is still in early stage. Despite such long time there was almost nothing done, especially in 20th century, to make that process happened. The article discusses the determinants, reasons and factors that had impact on reconciliation. Determinants can be divided into different categories. First of all the socio-historical background. Circumstances in which Khmer Rouge come to power, their revolutionary approach to economy, implemented reforms, use of children, displacements of people and categorization of citizens had great impact on post-1979 Cambodia. Another determinant is a political one. Policy of post-Khmer Rouge Cambodia rulers stunted the reconciliation. There reason of such actions are multidimensional but the most important one is provenance of People’s Republic of Kampuchea leaders. The most important figures in Cambodia politics are ex-Khmer Rouge soldiers, accused by some of taking a part in genocide. What’s even more confusing, the most powerful opposition party in 1980s were perpetrators themselves and their allies. Even after signing Paris Peace Accords in 1991 until early 2000s there was no will to punish Khmer Rouge officials responsible for genocide. The Cambodian culture of silence, the third determinant, only exacerbates a difficult situation. Cambodians rarely speak about atrocities and harsh past because of fear, shame or trauma. Even in school textbooks until 2009 there was almost nothing said about tragic events which happened between 1975 and 1979. History of Democratic Kampuchea still affects the Cambodian society. Despite sentencing few Khmer Rouge officials in 2010s, there’s still lot to be done also on state-level. Reconciliation and coming back to the state of balance is the main challenge for Cambodia in the nearest future, crucially important to social and political life of this nation.
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Un, Kheang. "The Khmer Rouge Tribunal: A Politically Compromised Search for Justice." Journal of Asian Studies 72, no. 4 (October 15, 2013): 783–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911813001101.

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In 1993, Cambodian history turned a very significant corner with the promulgation of a new liberal constitution aimed at moving the country forward from its turbulent past. Many challenges remained, however; one of which was how to deal with the most horrific crimes of the “despicable Pol Pot” regime (1975–79)—as Cambodians called it—during which the radical pursuit of utopian revolutionary ideas cost roughly two million Cambodians their lives. Searching for mechanisms to hold perpetrators accountable for their crimes is seldom simple, as this essay, an assessment of the Khmer Rouge Tribunal twenty years on from the founding of the new Cambodian state and thirty-four years after the fall of the Pol Pot regime, attests. The Khmer Rouge Tribunal, whose formal name is the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC), was established in 2006, providing the first hope that Khmer Rouge leaders would finally be brought to justice and held to account for their hideous crimes.
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Stevens, Christine A. "The Illusion of Social Inclusion: Cambodian Youth in South Australia." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 4, no. 1 (March 1995): 59–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.4.1.59.

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As a result of the turmoil in Cambodia during the 1970s, traditional Cambodian society was fundamentally altered: Cambodians were uprooted, and after the Vietnamese invasion in 1978, thousands fled to camps on the Thai-Cambodian border, where many sought and were selected for resettlement in other countries. Approximately 12,000 Cambodians were accepted for resettlement in Australia as refugees in the period 1975-85, with approximately 2,500 settling in South Australia. The emigrants to South Australia were youthful, with 51% of all arrivals in the period 1979-85 aged 19 years or less (Stevens). Since this period when refugees first arrived in Australia from Cambodia, Laos, and Vietnam, the social adaptation of refugee youth has been little researched. Generally, young people have been but one of the age groups included in large-scale surveys or in-depth studies, such as those by Wendy Poussard, Nancy Viviani, and others, that focused on the early stages of resettlement. The research that has focused on refugee youth has concentrated on educational achievement (Spearritt and Colman; Kelly and Bennoun; Chan; Mundy) or mental health status and adjustment (Krupinski and Burrows). At a time of ongoing debate about the size and nature of the immigrant intake, and concern that the resulting cultural diversity may foster ethnic conflicts and endanger social cohesion, this lack of research on the social aspects of the settlement process young refugees from Southeast Asia undertake is a significant omission.
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Phillpotts, A. C. L. "Violence and Monumental Complexes: The Fate of Cambodia’s Buddhist Heritage during the Turbulent Years: 1969—79." International Journal of Cultural Property 26, no. 4 (November 2019): 457–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0940739119000353.

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Abstract:The Khmer Rouge’s impact on Cambodia’s ancient heritage has been understudied. There are, at present, no major resources that explicitly present a centralized compilation of data or information regarding the relationship between the communist regime and the temples of Angkor nor the various damaging effects that a decade of internecine upheavals have had on the monuments. This absence of primary material is surprising considering the extensive archaeological and conservational work that has taken place in Cambodia, and not to mention the international fascination with Angkor. This article aims to take the first steps in redressing this palpable gap in the literature—it is a brief inquiry into the cause and effect of damage, desecration, and destruction committed to the major Angkorian monuments and the treatment of Cambodia’s ancient, tangible heritage by successive political regimes. It also attempts to deal with the inadequate nature of existing documentation that has hindered any analysis of the issues at hand. I restrict my attention to the Buddhist complexes in Cambodia with a focus on four phases of violence: “Operation Menu” or the American bombardment of 1969–70; the Cambodian Civil War, 1970–75; Democratic Kampuchea’s occupancy of power, 1975–79; and the Vietnamese invasion of 1978–79. In regard to what exactly happened to these monumental complexes at the hands of the Khmer Rouge, I have covered structural damage from conventional weaponry; the use, and, in most cases, misuse, of the temples by various political factions (including strategic, practical and quotidian, and propagandistic use); and the effect of conservation interruption and looting. In light of the recent destruction of cultural heritage in the ongoing conflicts in Syria and Iraq and the recent conflict in Mali, these issues remain perpetually relevant in world affairs.
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Hinton, Alexander Laban. "Why Did You Kill?: The Cambodian Genocide and the Dark Side of Face and Honor." Journal of Asian Studies 57, no. 1 (February 1998): 93–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2659025.

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Why did you kill?From the first day I arrived in Cambodia to conduct ethnographic research, I had wanted to pose this question to a Khmer Rouge who had executed people during the genocidal Democratic Kampuchea regime (April 1975 to January 1979)- When the Khmer Rouge—a radical group of Maoist-inspired Communist rebels—came to power after a bloody civil war in which 600,000 people died, they transformed Cambodian society into what some survivors now call “the prison without walls”(kuk et chonhcheang). The cities were evacuated; economic production and consumption were collectivized; books were confiscated and sometimes burned; Buddhism and other forms of religious worship were banned; freedom of speech, travel, residence, and occupational choice were dramatically curtailed; formal education largely disappeared; money, markets, and courts were abolished; and the family was subordinated to the Party Organization,Ângkar. Over one and a half million of Cambodia's eight million inhabitants perished from disease, over-work, starvation, and outright execution under this genocidal regime (Kiernan 1996).
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So, Angelica. "Cambodian Family Albums: Tian's "L'année du lièvre"." Genocide Studies and Prevention 14, no. 3 (December 2020): 90–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.5038/1911-9933.14.3.1734.

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This article explores how Franco-Cambodian cartoonist Tian’s graphic novel, L’année du lièvre [Year of the Rabbit], represents second-generation postmemory in the form of, what I call, a “Cambodian family album,” or a personal-collective archive. The album serves to convey to subsequent generations: 1) the history of the Cambodian genocide, 2) the collective memories of pre-1975 Cambodia preceding the Khmer Rouge takeover of Phnom Penh, and 3) the Cambodian humanitarian crisis and exodus of the 1970s-1990s. The conceptualization of the family album is derived from the literal translation, from Khmer into English, of the term “photo album” – “book designated for sticking pictures.” The translation of the term emphasizes the fragmentary and creative nature of postmemory, or the second-generation’s experience of their parents’ trauma. This article begins with an analysis of L’année du lièvre as family album and moves beyond the comics medium to show how Cambodian identity is being reshaped and renegotiated through 1.5- and second-generation Cambodian genocide survivors’ contributions to film, dance, and the literary-arts.
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Owens, Peter B. "The Collective Dynamics of Genocidal Violence in Cambodia, 1975–1979." Social Science History 38, no. 3-4 (2014): 411–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2015.19.

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While previous research conceptualizes genocide as an outcome of complex interactions between multiple social factors, the specific ways in which these factors interact and combine with each other, and how their individual effects may be mediated through such interaction, remain to be empirically specified. Using historical accounts given by survivors of the Cambodian genocide, and drawing from insights in the collective action literature, this study presents a configurational and comparative analysis of the collective dynamics of genocidal violence. The analysis focuses on how changing local patterns of relational and cognitive collective mechanisms created distinctly local patterns of violence, affecting both levels of victimization and the targeting of different groups over time. While the expansion and consolidation of central state power accounts for a generalized increase in violence, official framing practices mediated how groups became targeted. These findings confirm and extend the insights of other meso-level studies of genocide, and demonstrate the utility of comparative configurational methods for further inquiry.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Cambodia History 1975-"

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Clarke, Judith Lesley. "Reporters and their sources in a 'hidden' war : international news coverage of Cambodia, 1979-1991 /." Thesis, Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1999. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B20604579.

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Taraga, Petchompoo. "Thailand, ASEAN and the Kampuchean problem from 1979 to 1986." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/110698.

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The situation in Kampuchea has been an interesting issue in international politics. The Kampuchean people have been battered and exposed to foreign domination for the past five hundred years. After such a long period, however, peace is still not at hand. Moreover,since the 1970s the country has faced three major events: US bombings that started in 1970 and culminated in 1973; the inhumane evacuation of towns and mass executions under the Pol Pot regime (1975-1978); and the war between the SRV and the. Kampuchean resistance groups since 1979.
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Biggs, David Andrew. "Between the rivers and tides : a hydraulic history of the Mekong Delta, 1820-1975 /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10389.

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Becker, Lior. "The Devils of History : Understanding Mass-violence Through the Thinking of Horkheimer and Adorno – The Case of Cambodia 1975-1979." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Hugo Valentin-centrum, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-299886.

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Why does mass-violence happen at all? This paper takes the first steps to establish a model to answer this question and explain extreme mass-violence as a phenomenon. This paper seeks to fill a gap in the field of research, in which models exist to explain the phenomenon of violence, with cases of genocide being seen as problems or exceptions, and as such researched as individual cases rather than as part of a wider phenomenon. This paper uses a selected part of the writings of Theodor Adorno and Max Horkheimer to establish the basis for a model to explain extreme-cases of mass-violence. The Five-Pillar Model includes 5 social elements - (1) Culture Industry (2) Mass-Media (3) Propaganda (4) Dehumanization (5) Ideological Awareness. When these pillars all reach a high enough level of severity, conditions enable elites to use scapegoating - to divert revolutionary attention to a specific puppet group, resulting in extreme mass-violence. The Five-Pillar Model is then used to analyze an empirical case - Cambodia 1975-1979 and shows how these pillars all existed in an extreme form in that case. This paper presents scapegoating as a possible explanation for the Cambodian case.
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Galway, Matt. "From the Claws of the Tiger to the Jaws of the Crocodile: Pol Pot, Maoism, and Ultra-Nationalist Genocide in Cambodia, 1975-1979." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/28556.

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This thesis argues that Pol Pot was an unsophisticated political theorist and that he attempted to localize Maoism to serve his virulently ultra-nationalist agenda against Cambodia's ethnic Vietnamese. This is contrary to the existing assertions that Pol Pot was either a Maoist fundamentalist or adopted an ideology close to Maoism. The thesis postulates that Pol Pot used Maoism as a framework from which to launch his Khmer revivalist anti-Vietnamese program. The Cambodian leader's revolution was intended to "outdo" Mao, based solely on the use of antiquated Khmer agricultural developments, and surpass the grandeur of the great Angkor kings. This evidence can be found when one compares Pol Pot's writings, speeches, and slogans with Mao's own political works. Pol Pot was fascinated with Maoist rhetoric but never took action in building industry or improving social welfare. The Cambodian leader's overarching goal was to achieve a uniquely "pure" Khmer communism while also eradicating the entire Vietnamese race. The following thesis provides an analysis of Pol Pot's early political life, examines his infatuation with Mao Zedong and the Chinese revolution, and details the Cambodian leader's unique interpretation of the Chinese Chairman's political ideology. This thesis also aspires to she'd new insight into the study of Pol Pot's ultra- nationalist inspiration and disbar the convenient assumption by current scholars that he was merely a Maoist fundamentalist. In Pol Pot's attempts to create a uniquely Khmer communist ideology, he lost sight of the class struggle and espoused a racialist agenda based on Cambodian historical notions of revenge. These forms evolved from a mere grudge to notions of disproportionate and total revenge and dictated the Cambodian leader's treatment of the Vietnamese. Pol Pot was obsessed with Cambodia's long lost greatness and possessed an inherent need to reestablish the utopian Angkor kingdom in the present while punishing those responsible for its demise. In the end, his legacy was one of unbridled bloodshed that led to nearly three million deaths and the near-total destruction of his country.
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Guéret, Dominique Pierre. "Les monastères bouddhiques du Cambodge : caractéristiques des sanctuaires antérieurs à 1975." Thesis, Paris 4, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA040221.

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A la fin du XIXe siècle, les monastères bouddhiques, appelés aussi vat ou pagode, jouaient un rôle essentiel dans la société cambodgienne et la réglementation imposée par le Protectorat n’empêcha pas leur développement continu. Mais, quoique de plus en plus nombreux, ils étaient mal connus et leurs édifices ignorés. Aucun état des sanctuaires possédant une architecture remarquable n’a été réalisé avant les destructions des années 1970, et aucun inventaire n’a été fait depuis. Trois parties composent cette étude : après la présentation des caractéristiques générales de ces monastères, puis de leur mode de création de 1860 à 1975, est analysée l’architecture des 563 sanctuaires bâtis pendant les quatre règnes de cette période et existants encore aujourd’hui. Les autres édifices anciens de ces monastères sont également analysés. Les décors peints sont l’objet d’une autre thèse. Des cartes détaillées et un catalogue contenant une fiche pour chacun de ces sanctuaires, établis après la visite de 1800 vat, complètent cette étude
At the end of the nineteenth century, the Buddhist monasteries, also known as watt or pagodas, played an essential part in Cambodian society and the regulation enforced by the French Protectorate did not prevent their continued expansion. But, although more and more numerous, they were badly known and their buildings were ignored. No repertory of sanctuaries with outstanding architecture was made before the destruction of the 1970s, and no inventory has been done since.Three parts make up this study. After the presentation of the general characteristics of these monasteries and their method of creation from 1860 to 1975, is analyzed the architecture of the 563 sanctuaries built during the four reigns of this period and still existing today. Other former buildings of these monasteries have been also studied. Murals are analyzed in another thesis. Detailed maps and a catalogue containing a sheet for each of these sanctuaries, carried out after the visit of 1800 watt, complement this study
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Millard, Jeffrey Paul 1967. "Chinese involvement in Cambodia, 1978-1991." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/291845.

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The years 1978 and 1979 were critical in shaping mainland China's foreign policy towards Cambodia during the 1980s up until the international peace treaty of 1991. For China, this involved utilizing Cambodian forces to halt the spread of Vietnamese hegemony in Southeast Asia while countering an increased Soviet presence on its southern periphery. Unfortunately, China's policy of supporting both Prince Sihanouk politically and the Khmer Rouge militarily was instrumental in reestablishing the Khmer Rouge as the most powerful faction in Cambodia's uncertain future. Therefore, the Khmer Rouge became something of a Chinese enigma, nurtured by Beijing to fight the Vietnamese but completely free from PRC control or responsibility.
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Deth, Sok Udom. "The People's Republic of Kampuchea 1979 - 1989: A Draconian Savior?" Ohio : Ohio University, 2009. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1243453559.

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Abbe, Gabrielle. "Le Service des arts cambodgiens mis en place par George Groslier : genèse, histoire et postérité (1917-1945)." Thesis, Paris 1, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PA01H002.

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Lorsqu'en 1917 le peintre George Groslier (1887·1945) répond au souhait des autorités coloniales de créer à Phnom Penh une école d'art, il propose un vaste programme de«rénovation des arts cambodgiens». S'il définit ceux-ci comme étant «universels», pratiqués par tous, du paysan à l'artiste du Palais, les arts qu'il entend « rénover» sont pourtant ceux qui de tout temps, ont été l'apanage du Palais. Le «Service des arts cambodgiens» qu'il dirige dès 1919 conserve, reformule et exalte un art d’origine palatiale qu'aucune disposition idéologique ne le destinait à promouvoir. Cette étude s'attache à comprendre les modalités de la reprise d'une prérogative royale au profit de l'entreprise coloniale française et entend démontrer que si l'entreprise de Groslier semble marquée de l'empreinte de sa «doctrine», elle s'insère dans faisceau d'initiatives françaises et cambodgiennes qui invitent à relativiser sa singularité. L'étude de l'histoire du Service des arts, observatoire de l'action coloniale de la France au Cambodge, révèle la place centrale du patrimoine khmer dans les relations entre l'administration coloniale et les élites cambodgiennes, avant comme après l'indépendance. Dans la définition qu'en donne Groslier convergent le système de légitimation de l'aristocratie fondé sur le retour à l'âge d'or angkorien, et la mission civilisatrice française qui se vit en protecteur d'un peuple khmer déchu depuis la fin d'Angkor. Cette convergence empiriquement saisie par le premier administrateur colonial né au Cambodge éclaire en grande partie la portée de son action culturelle et sa postérité
When in 1917 the painter George Groslier (1887-1945) responds to the wish of the colonial authorities to create a school of art in Phnom Penh, he proposes a vast program of ''restoration of the Cambodian arts". If he defines those as “universal”, being practised by all, from the peasant to the artist of the Palace, the arts he intends to "renovate" are however those that have always been the prerogative of the Palace. The "Service des arts cambodgiens" that he directs by 1919 preserves, reformulates and exalts an art of palatial origin that no ideological provision intended him to promote. This study attempts to understand the terms of the resumption of a royal prerogative to the benefit of the French colonial initiative and intends to demonstrate that if Groslier's action seems marked with the imprint of his “doctrine”, it is part of a set of initiatives both French and Cambodian that invite us to relativize its singularity. The study of the history of the Service des arts, observatory of the colonial action of France in Cambodia, reveals the central place of the Khmer heritage in the relations between the colonial administration and the Cambodian elites, before as well as after independence. In Groslier’s definition, the system of legitimation of the aristocracy based on the return of the Angkorian golden age converges with the French civilizing mission, which lives as a protector of Khmer people, fading away since the fall of Angkor. This convergence, empirically seized by the first colonial administrator born in Cambodia mainly clarifies the scope of its cultural action and its posterity
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Nil, Choeurn. "Sagkum Reastr Niyum : histoire d'un monarque, d'un peuple, d'un mouvement national : genèse de la monarchie cambodgienne des origines à 1970 : thèse." Nice, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001NICE2039.

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L'objet de cette thèse est consacré à l'étude d'un mouvement national concrétisé par la mise en place d'une organisation politique : le Sangkum Reastr Niyum (octobre 1955-18 mars 1970), créée par le Prince Norodom Sihanouk - qui avait abdiqué en faveur de son père, pour être plus libre de conduire et d'impulser le développement de son pays libéré de la tutelle coloniale, vers sa modernisation. Durant quinze ans, l'action princière par le Sanghum allait marquer durablement toute la politique cambodgienne jusqu'au coup d'état de 1970 qui mit un terme à une monarchie plus que millénaire. Mais cette Institution a la vie dure, elle sera rétablie par les Cambodgiens après un court intermède républicain, une sanglante tyrannie, celle des "Khmers rouges", et une occupation de dix années par le Viêt-nam. Ce qui montre combien sont profondes, structurelles et populaires les assises de cette institution monarchique. C'est ce "Substrat" culturel, cette "monarchie-civilisation" que l'auteur de cette thèse entend montrer, informer, expliquer, en faire comprendre la genèse en remontant le temps, des origines à nos jours. Sous l'histoire évènementielle où les rois se succèdent aux rois, ainsi voulue par le thésard en direction de ses compatriotes (tel un "devoir de mémoire"), sous cette histoire donc, une civilisation se met en place, se forme, se structure, aboutit à la grandeur suprême et décline, et ce dans une Asie du sud-est dominée par l'Inde brahmanique. Une civilisatin qui progressivement va khmériser pour atteindre une authentique originalité. C'est cette civilisation qui constitue l'objet anthopologique de cette recherche.
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Books on the topic "Cambodia History 1975-"

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Vickery, Michael. Cambodia, 1975-1982. Chiang Mai, Thailand: Silkworm Books, 1999.

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D, Jackson Karl, ed. Cambodia, 1975-1978: Rendezvous with death. Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press, 1989.

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Corfield, Justin J. Khmers stand up!: A history of the Cambodian government 1970-1975. Clayton, Victoria, Australia: Centre of Southeast Asian Studies, Monash University, 1994.

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Road to the killing fields: The Cambodian war of 1970-1975. College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1997.

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Kamm, Henry. Cambodia: Report from a stricken land. New York: Arcade Pub., 1998.

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When the war was over: Cambodia and the Khmer Rouge revolution. New York: PublicAffairs, 1998.

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Becker, Elizabeth. When the war was over: The voices of Cambodia's revolution and its people. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1986.

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When the war was over: The voices of Cambodia's revolution and its people. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1986.

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How Pol Pot came to power: A history of communism in Kampuchea, 1930-1975. London: Verso, 1985.

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Isaacs, Arnold R. Without honor: Defeat in Vietnam and Cambodia. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1999.

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Book chapters on the topic "Cambodia History 1975-"

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"Appendix A. Summary of Annotated Party History." In Cambodia, 1975-1978, 251–68. Princeton University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781400851706.251.

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"Seven. Revolution in Cambodia, 1975-1979." In The Tragedy of Cambodian History, 236–72. Yale University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/9780300162677-012.

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"Six. Sliding toward Chaos, 1970-1975." In The Tragedy of Cambodian History, 192–235. Yale University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/9780300162677-011.

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Chandler, David. "Cambodia Since 1979." In A History of Cambodia, 277–300. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429495519-13.

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Tyner, James A. "Structural Violence during the Cambodian Genocide, 1975–1979." In The Cambridge World History of Violence, 510–31. Cambridge University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/9781316585023.026.

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"Two. Political Warfare, 1950-1955." In The Tragedy of Cambodian History, 46–84. Yale University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/9780300162677-007.

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"Three. Sihanouk Unopposed, 1955-1962." In The Tragedy of Cambodian History, 85–121. Yale University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/9780300162677-008.

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"One. In Search of Independence, 1945-1950." In The Tragedy of Cambodian History, 14–45. Yale University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/9780300162677-006.

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Barnes, Leslie. "Un cinéma sans image: Palimpsestic Memory and the Lost History of Cambodian Film." In Post-Migratory Cultures in Postcolonial France, 79–95. Liverpool University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781786941138.003.0005.

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Davy Chou’s Le Sommeil d’or (2011) is the first attempt to recount the forgotten history of the Cambodian film industry, a rich and storied archive that all but disappeared with the Khmer Rouge victory in 1975. To make the film, Chou returned to a homeland that is not fully his to capture the memories of a handful of people with whom he shares neither language nor experience. The result, I will suggest, is a work of palimpsestic memory that layers space and time in an attempt to conjure the traces of this lost cultural heritage. Notably however, Chou uses almost none of the surviving footage from the period in his film. This decision, perhaps unusual given the filmmaker’s objective to make the past visible, encourages us to interrogate the ubiquity of the image in relation to the work of memory. Further, having never ‘left’ the homeland on which he now trains his camera, Chou crafts a film that simultaneously privileges and problematizes the idea of return, offering a post-migratory imagining of the second generation’s relationship to the notions of place and belonging, culture and heritage.
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Aso, Michitake. "Conclusion." In Rubber and the Making of Vietnam, 280–86. University of North Carolina Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469637150.003.0009.

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Industrial plantations have had some of the most significant impacts on the surface of the earth, and while natural rubber is no longer hegemonic, palm oil, soybeans, maize, and coffee production, each with its own nexus of human and nonhuman agents, continue to have major impacts on the environment and human health. The conclusion briefly analyzes post-1975 memories of colonial and national plantations as participants use the memory of rubber production to negotiate their relationship to each other and to the politics of Vietnamese history in the present. Planters’ associations in France recall heroic times, the Communist Party celebrates the heroic contributions of rubber workers to the socialist revolution, and some workers use memories of colonial efficiency to critique present socialist mismanagement. Many Laotian and Cambodian farmers, and their allies, decry Vietnamese “colonialism” that is associated with the expansion of Vietnamese rubber company interests into the territory of neighboring nations, thus calling into question the continuing role of tropical commodities in shaping Southeast Asian lives.
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Conference papers on the topic "Cambodia History 1975-"

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Needham, Susan, and Karen Quintiliani. "Prolung Khmer (ព្រល ឹងខ្មែរ) in Sociohistorical Perspective." In GLOCAL Conference on Asian Linguistic Anthropology 2019. The GLOCAL Unit, SOAS University of London, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.47298/cala2019.3-1.

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In this article we selectively review Cambodia’s history through the lens of Prolung Khmer (ព្រលឹងខ្មែរ, meaning “Khmer Spirit” or “Khmer Soul”), a complex, multivalent ideological discourse that links symbols and social practices, such as Angkor, Buddhism, Khmer language (written and spoken), and classical dance, in an essentialized Khmer identity. When Cambodians began arriving in the United States in 1975, they immediately and self-consciously deployed Prolung Khmer as a means for asserting a unique cultural identity within the larger society. Through diachronic and ethnographic analyses of Prolung Khmer, we gain a holistic understanding of how it serves as an ideological metaphor for Khmer culture.
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