Journal articles on the topic 'Calvinist'
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1
Flipse, Abraham C. "The Origins of Creationism in the Netherlands: The Evolution Debate among Twentieth-Century Dutch Neo-Calvinists." Church History 81, no. 1 (March 2012): 104–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000964071100179x.
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The Netherlands is, besides the United States, one of the few countries where debates about creationism have been raging for decades. Strict creationism has become deeply rooted in traditional Reformed (Calvinist) circles, which is all the more remarkable as it stemmed from a very different culture and theological tradition. This essay analyses the historical implantation of this foreign element in Dutch soil by investigating the long-term interaction between American creationism and Dutch “neo-Calvinism,” a movement emerging in the late nineteenth century, which attempted to bring classical Calvinism into rapport with modern times. The heated debates about evolution in the interbellum period as well as in the sixties—periods characterized by a cultural reorientation of the Dutch Calvinists—turn out to have played a crucial role. In the interbellum period, leading Dutch theologians—fiercely challenged by Calvinist scientists—imported US “flood geology” in an attempt to stem the process of modernisation in the Calvinist subculture. In the sixties many Calvinists abandoned their resistance to evolutionary theory, but creationism continued to play a prominent role as the neo-Calvinist tradition was upheld by an orthodox minority, who (re-)embraced the reviving “Genesis Flood” creationism. The appropriation of American creationism was eased by the earlier Calvinist-creationist connection, but also by “inventing” a Calvinist-creationist tradition, suggesting continuity with the ideas of the founding fathers of neo-Calvinism. This article aims to contribute to a better understanding of what Ronald L. Numbers has recently called the “globalization” of the “science-and-religion dialogue.”
2
MARSHALL, PETER. "JOHN CALVIN AND THE ENGLISH CATHOLICS, c. 1565–1640." Historical Journal 53, no. 4 (November 3, 2010): 849–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x10000488.
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ABSTRACTThis article examines the assessments of John Calvin's life, character, and influence to be found in the polemical writings of English Catholics in the Elizabethan and early Stuart periods. It demonstrates the centrality of Calvin to Catholic claims about the character and history of the established church, and the extent to which Catholic writings propagated a vibrant ‘black legend’ of Calvin's egotism and sexual depravity, drawing heavily not only on the writings of the French Calvinist-turned-Catholic Jerome Bolsec, but also on those of German Lutherans. The article also explores how, over time, Catholic writers increasingly identified some common ground with anti-puritans and anti-Calvinists within the English church, and how claims about the seditious character of Calvin, and by extension Calvinism, were used to articulate the contrasting ‘loyalty’ of Catholics and their right to occupy a place within the English polity.
3
Parker, Charles. "The Moral Agency and Moral Autonomy of Church Folk in the Dutch Reformed Church of Delft, 1580–1620." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 48, no. 1 (January 1997): 44–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900011970.
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The rigorous enforcement of religious discipline was a hallmark of Calvinist Churches in Reformation-era Europe. Wherever Calvinism took hold, ministers and elders went to extraordinary lengths to inculcate a Reformed morality among the members of local congregations. Since Calvinists identified the eucharistic community as the pure assembly of saints, it was necessary for Reformed consistories to defend the sanctity of the Lord's Table from all human corruption.
4
BATLAJERY, AGUSTINUS M. L. "The Impact of Calvinist Teaching in Indonesia." Unio Cum Christo 3, no. 2 (October 1, 2017): 127. http://dx.doi.org/10.35285/ucc3.2.2017.art12.
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Abstract: Of eighty-nine churches that belong to the Communion of Churches in Indonesia, forty-eight of them, located from Sumatra to Papua, declare themselves to be Calvinist or Reformed.1 Calvinist communions are the largest of the Protestant denominations in Indonesia. This article illustrates how Calvinist thinking entered Indonesia and what kind of Calvinism is found in the Indonesian churches to the present. In theology and practice, these churches with their Calvinist background continue to keep the Calvinist or Reformed tradition alive.
5
Harding, Matthew Scott. "A Calvinist and Anabaptist Understanding of the Ban." Perichoresis 10, no. 2 (June 2012): 165–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10297-012-0008-2.
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A Calvinist and Anabaptist Understanding of the BanAmidst a growing renewal of interest in Calvinism and Calvin scholarship throughout the globe in the wake of John Calvin’s 500th anniversary of his birth (1509-2009), this article focuses on John Calvin’s early ecclesiological development. In contrast to advancing theories that Calvin developed his ecclesiological understanding of church discipline from earlier Anabaptist doctrines and leaders which he would have been exposed to intimately during his exile in Strasbourg (1538-1541), this article argues that Calvin had already determined and articulated a well-balanced and detailed understanding of the ban (church discipline) before his arrival in the protestant refuge city of Strasbourg. Further, this article argues that Calvin’s sojourn and interaction with Anabaptists in Strasbourg cannot adequately explain Calvin’s ecclesiological understanding or increasing practice of Church discipline in Strasbourg or Geneva, but rather displays a vivid disparity between Calvin and the Anabaptist position on the ban which Calvin denounces as false perfectionism.
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Jones, David Ceri. "‘Some of the Grandest and Most Illustrious Beauties of the Reformation’: John Elias and the Battle over Calvinism in Early-Nineteenth-Century Welsh Methodism." Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 90, no. 1 (March 2014): 113–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/bjrl.90.1.6.
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This article seeks to re-examine the arguments among early nineteenth-century Welsh Calvinistic Methodists about Calvinist beliefs. In particular, it uses the example of John Elias to explore the appropriation and re-appropriation of aspects of the theological heritage of the sixteenth-century Reformation in Wales. Examining the tensions between Calvinism‘s tendency to ever stricter interpretation and pressure in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries to liberalize Calvinistic Methodisms position under the influence of evangelicalism, it argues that Elias emerged as a defender of the moderate Calvinism that had been forged by Howel Harris and Daniel Rowland in the previous century.
7
Stasyuk, L. O. "Nyahovsky teachings as a monument of pro-reform literature." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 30 (June 29, 2004): 45–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2004.30.1506.
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The activities of early Protestantism have been sufficiently researched, especially nowadays. But most of the works are mostly about his penetration into the Ukrainian land and adaptation to new socio-historical conditions. Unfortunately, the original base of early Protestantism, in particular Calvinism, has not been practically studied, though we have preserved two particularly noteworthy testimonies of Ukrainian Calvinists. One of them is the Gospel teachings that emerged in the sixteenth century. in Transcarpathia in the village of Nyagovo of the present Tyachiv district. The monument is so unexplored that even the Calvinist content is expressed in the scientific literature. In this connection, we set ourselves the task of analyzing the content of this monument and bringing it to Calvinism, that is, to reformation.
8
Ong, Andrew. "Neo-Calvinism and Ethnic Churches in Multiethnic Contexts." Journal of Reformed Theology 12, no. 3 (October 17, 2018): 296–320. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15697312-01203001.
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Abstract Despite neo-Calvinism’s thorny historic relationship with apartheid, this article retrieves from neo-Calvinism to contribute to the contemporary evangelical conversation about ethnic and multiethnic churches. Scholars of various disciplines have commonly accepted a link between neo-Calvinism and South Africa’s apartheid. Meanwhile, neo-Calvinists labor to sever this link, wishing to disentangle their tradition from apartheid’s evils, such as the enforcement of racially segregated churches. In reaction to the evils of such segregation, many contemporary Evangelicals have advocated for multiethnic churches that demographically reflect their ethnically diverse communities on the basis of Christian unity. This has implicitly and explicitly challenged the legitimacy of ethnic churches. This article contends that despite the link between neo-Calvinism and apartheid, and despite neo-Calvinist efforts to sever this link, neo-Calvinism offers good biblical and theological support for the establishment of ethnic churches in multiethnic contexts without at all denigrating multiethnic churches or falling into the evils of apartheid.
9
Barbalet, Jack. "Magic and Reformation Calvinism in Max Weber’s sociology." European Journal of Social Theory 21, no. 4 (October 29, 2017): 470–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1368431017736996.
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Weber’s claim that Calvinism eliminated magic from the world, inserted into The Protestant Ethic in 1920 and arising out of research reported in The Sociology of Religion, entails a sociological but also a theological proposition identified in this article. Weber’s conceptualization of magic permits his examination of the economic ethics of the world religions. Non-European cases, including China, are examined by Weber to confirm his Protestant Ethic argument regarding modern capitalism. He holds that Confucian rationality, associated with bureaucratic order, is compromised by its tolerance of magic. Weber contrasts this with the Calvinist rejection of magic. Weber’s claims regarding Calvinist demagicalization are made without regard to the Reformation Calvinist obsession with satanic witchcraft, in which the efficacy of magic is accepted as real. The distance between Calvinism and Confucianism, essential to Weber’s argument, is thus narrowed.
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Yule, George. "Calvin’s View of the Ministry of the Church." Studies in Church History 26 (1989): 167–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400010949.
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Calvin’s view of the ministry is dependent on his view of the Church and his view of the Church is itself controlled by his Christological emphasis. This is not true of Scholastic Calvinism, which before the rise of liberal Protestantism dominated the Calvinist landscape, but is in fact a deviant son of Calvin. The shift was subtle and largely unconscious, so that those brought up in the atmosphere of Scholastic Calvinism felt some unease but could not clearly say why, like Thomas Boston the Scots Minister of Etherick who found he ‘had no liking for the conditionality of grace’ or Fraser of Brea who ‘perceived that our divinity was much altered from what it was in the primitive reformers times.’
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Atkins, Jonathan M. "Calvinist Bishops, Church Unity, and the Rise of Arminianism." Albion 18, no. 3 (1986): 411–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4049982.
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According to Nicholas Tyacke, the doctrine of predestination worked as a “common and ameliorating bond” between conformists and nonconformists in the late Elizabethan and Jacobean Church of England. Anglicans and Puritans both accepted Calvin's teachings on predestination as a “crucial common assumption.” Puritans were stigmatized either because of their refusal to conform to the church's rites and ceremonies or because of their rejection of the church's episcopal government, but their agreement with the episcopacy on predestinarian Calvinism imposed “important limits” on the extent of persecution. The Synod of Dort, a Dutch conference held in 1619 which included several English representatives, repudiated Arminianism and affirmed the Calvinist view of salvation, Tyacke calls “an event which has never received the emphasis it deserves from students of English religious history,” because the Synod “served to emphasize afresh the theology binding conformist and nonconformist together, and the limits which that common bond imposed on persecution.” The rise of Arminianism broke this common bond and contributed to the causes of the Civil War. To the Arminians, Puritans were those who opposed the new religious policies of King Charles I and archbishop William Laud. The Arminians' elimination of Calvinist influence in the church and at court, along with intensified persecution of Puritans, “generated a Puritan militancy” that erupted in 1640. By that date, Tyacke concludes, predestinarian Calvinism had been “transformed with relative ease into a call for ‘root and branch’ remedies”; at the same time, presbyterianism emerged as “the cure of Arminian disease.”
12
Krijger, Tom-Eric. "Was Abraham Kuyper een fundamentalist? Het neocalvinisme langs de fundamentalistische meetlat." NTT Journal for Theology and the Study of Religion 69, no. 3 (July 18, 2015): 190–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/ntt2015.69.190.krij.
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This article aims to assess whether Dutch theologian Abraham Kuyper (1837‐1920) and his adaptation of Calvinism into a systematic theological, political and social ideology, known as ‘neo-Calvinism’, can be rightfully associated with ‘fundamentalism’. First, the article outlines the constitutive elements of neo-Calvinism: the concepts of antithesis, presumptive regeneration, sphere sovereignty, common grace, ecclesial multiformity, and organic Scriptural inspiration, the differentiation between the church as organism and as institute, the erasure of a theocratic fragment in the Belgic Confession, and the idea that Calvinism is the ‘core element’ of the Dutch national character. Second, it applies recent literature on fundamentalism to neo-Calvinism and the development of the neo-Calvinist movement. Although, as this article concludes, the neo-Calvinist movement did have some ‘fundamentalist’ features, neo-Calvinism in itself did not inevitably lead to what Jan Buskes has called ‘the triumph of fundamentalism’ at the synod of the Reformed Churches in Assen in 1926.
13
van der Jagt, Hans. "Coffee Colored Calvinists." Journal of Reformed Theology 11, no. 1-2 (2017): 47–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15697312-01101024.
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This article aims to discuss neo-Calvinist perspectives on race in the Dutch Colonial Empire. How did the colonial racial practice affect the Dutch neo-Calvinist perspectives on race? This article is based on new research: an analysis of a race-debate among neo-Calvinist church leaders in the Netherlands and colonial Indonesia. It is a debate which took place in the Dutch Christian weekly De Heraut in 1893 and 1894 and focused primarily on the practice of racial separation in the reformed church of Batavia. This article will describe, analyze and criticize this debate and bring it into context by making use of a model for racial categorization proposed by the Dutch scholar Dienke Hondius. In the end, it argues that the main argument of the neo-Calvinists for defending a separation policy was based on a linguistic, societal and cultural distinction. The neo-Calvinists however, ignored their own racial prejudice and preserved their church-practice of racial disjunction.
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Andreev, A. "Calvi nist population of Saint Petersburg in the first half of the 18th century acc ording to the registers of Church parishes." Bulletin of the South Ural State University Series «Social Sciences and the Humanities» 20, no. 04 (2020): 14–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.14529/ssh200402.
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The article presents the results of new study of the St. Petersburg foreigners’ database compiled on the basis of register of Petersburg Calvinist parishes for the first half of the 18-th century. It identifies the national and social structures of Calvinist population, determines some demographic indicators (such as child mortality, national and religious parameters of kinship, the percentage of illegitimate children). The author believes that in the mid-1730s there were more than two hundred adult Calvinists of both sexes in St. Petersburg. The Calvinist population of the capital was approximately 40 % Dutch, 30 % Germans, 20 % French, and 8 % English. It was found that among the St. Petersburg Calvinists there were many people of intellectual professions, such as doctors, scientists, and teachers, who made up at least 7 % of all men in the parishes. The social composition of these parishes was not homogeneous, but it was balanced, because the main categories of city dwellers (artisans, merchants, and military personnel), judging by their minimal shares, were distributed evenly. The article suggests that interethnic and interfaith ties of the St. Petersburg Calvinists contributed to the large-scale Western European acculturation for many Russians without their traveling abroad.
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INTAN, BENYAMIN F. "Calvin and Neo-Calvinism on Public Theology." Unio Cum Christo 6, no. 2 (October 1, 2020): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.35285/ucc6.2.2020.art2.
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In 1974, Martin Marty first introduced the term public theology, and it has since gained popularity. However, the reality of public theology has long been a part of the church’s witness and should continue to be one of the church’s essential tasks. John Calvin’s view of public theology has impacted modern politics, both on the democratic movement and the development of Western law and human rights. Not a few have accused him of inhibiting freedom and democratic ideals. Here, I will discuss Calvin’s political thought and also identify a few themes that were later developed by his followers, especially the neo-Calvinist movement initiated by Abraham Kuyper, and which provide foundational concepts for building a pluralistic and tolerant democratic society. KEYWORDS: Public Theology, neo-Calvinism, John Calvin, Abraham Kuyper, Church-state relationship, sphere sovereignty
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Frisch, Andrea. "In a Sacramental Mode: Jean de Le´´ry's Calvinist Ethnography." Representations 77, no. 1 (2002): 82–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rep.2002.77.1.82.
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Recent readings of Jean de Lééry's Histoire d'un voyage faict en la terre du Bresil in light of his faith present a misleading picture of sixteenth-century Calvinism, and thus of the ethnography to which it gave rise in Lééry. This essay argues that a generalized appropriation of both the anthropology and the semiotics that underlie Calvin'seucharistictheology - over and against a preoccupation with predestination - conditions Lééry's overall ethnographic practice. Nearly every discussion of the nature of the sacraments in Calvin's Institutes uses the vocabulary of testimony.The Calvinist sacraments ''represent'' the divine bymeans of attestation, and not imitation. The Holy Spirit in Calvin's theology is the paradigmatic symbol of efficacious - yet (or,from the Protestant point of view,because) transparent - testimony of one world to another, radically different world. Lééry's appropriation of Calvin's ''spiritual'' mode of testimony constitutes the most remarkable ethnographic achievement of the Histoire d'un voyage faict en la terre du Bresil. Given the popularity of the Histoire d'un voyage in France in the centuries between its publication and its canonization by Claude Léévi-Strauss, and given the influence of the French heritage on the discipline of anthropology,a reevaluation of Lééry's ethnographic practice allows for a reconsideration of the early influences on modern European ethnography as a whole. Ultimately,it is precisely the disembodied and transparent nature of Lééry's authority, a mode of representation borrowed from the testimonial discourse of Calvinist theology, that explains why the Histoire d'un voyage remains a compelling ethnographic account. The notion of representation as testimonial provides an alternative to what has come to be considered, in the wake of Derrida and difféérance, the intractable problem of mimesis. The semiotics of Calvin's eucharist, unlike those of the Catholics (or of Luther), do not confound signs with bodies, or posit a stable link between them. For Calvin, as for Lééry,the link between signs and their referents - between language and the real - must be continually reforged through the mechanism of testimony.
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Cook, Robert R. "Apostasy: Some Logical Reflections." Evangelical Quarterly: An International Review of Bible and Theology 65, no. 2 (September 6, 1993): 147–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/27725472-06502004.
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As a simple exercise in philosophical theology this article challenges on rational grounds three common assumptions found amongst scholars regarding the matter of Christian apostasy. These assumptions are firstly that, to be internally consistent, non-Calvinist theologies of an Arminian or Wesleyan persuasion must maintain the possibility of Christian apostasy. Secondly, that the Calvinist theological system with its doctrine of unconditional election should provide greater assurance of salvation than non-Calvinism. And thirdly, that scriptural warnings about the dire consequences of apostasy are best understood as merely hypothetical.
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Stegeman, Janneke, Mariecke van den Berg, and Matthea Westerduin. "Indecent Calvinists and Vanilla Secularism: Redefining Decency in The Netherlands." Feminist Theology 26, no. 3 (April 20, 2018): 308–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0966735018759454.
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Using Althaus-Reid’s Indecent Theology as a methodology, this article contributes to reflections on the contextuality and physical dimension of Dutch theology: its relation to the Protestant white (mostly male) bodies of its practitioners and its support of and contributions to colonial power and colonial racializing discourse. We do this in a context of a ‘return to decency’ in political discourse in which ‘our’ Calvinist roots are evoked to construct a ‘shared’ past. Using two case studies, we analyse how the in/decent is constructed in the Netherlands. As secularism is more ‘vanilla’ and Calvinism more indecent than is usually assumed, engagement with indecent texts and untidy roots of Calvinism is needed to re-member both the violent character of Calvinist hermeneutics, as well as its potential for indecent readings.
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Un, Antonius. "CALVINISME DAN HAK ASASI MANUSIA." VERBUM CHRISTI: JURNAL TEOLOGI REFORMED INJILI 1, no. 1 (September 6, 2017): 141–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.51688/vc1.1.2014.art8.
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Calvinism, as initiated by John Calvin, developed by subsequent theologians and expressed in many Confessions and Catechisms, turns out to contain a notion which correlates with the conception of human rights. The intended human rights is the notion that is written in some legal-juridist documents including the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Viewed historically, though the Bible does not discuss the human rights explicitly and positively, however since the Reformation period to the declaration of the US Independent with its Calvinistic nuance, there has been a growth in human rights articulation becoming more explicit and positive. Viewed theologically, Calvinist doctrines such as the sovereignty of God, the image of God and Common Grace, turn out to have logical implications to the notion of human rights.?
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McNabb, Tyler Dalton. "Super Mario Strikes Back: Another Molinist Reply to Welty’s Gunslingers Argument." Perichoresis 16, no. 2 (June 1, 2018): 45–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/perc-2018-0010.
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Abstract Molinists generally see Calvinism as possessing certain liabilities from which Molinism is immune. For example, Molinists have traditionally rejected Calvinism, in part, because it allegedly makes God the author of sin. According to Molina, we ‘should not infer that He is in any way a cause of sin’. However, Greg Welty has recently argued by way of his Gunslingers Argument that, when it comes to God’s relationship to evil, Molinism is susceptible to the same liabilities as Calvinism. If his argument is successful, he has undercut, at least partially, justification for believing in Molinism. While I concede that Welty’s argument is successful in that it does undercut some justification for believing in Molinism, this concession does not entail that, as it relates to the problem of evil, the Calvinist and the Molinist are in the same epistemic position. In this article, I argue that, when it comes to God’s relationship to evil, the Molinist is in a superior epistemic situation to the Calvinist. I do this in two steps. First, I argue for what I call the Robust Felix Culpa Theodicy. Second, I argue that the Robust Felix Culpa Theodicy is incompatible with Calvinism.
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Hempton, David. "International Religious Networks: Methodism and Popular Protestantism, c. 1750 – c. 1850." Studies in Church History. Subsidia 14 (2012): 143–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143045900003902.
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The benefits of using an international lens to understand both the complexity and the essence of religious movements have been well demonstrated in a number of important recent studies. In fact it has become quite unusual to write about early modern puritanism and Protestantism without taking at least a transatlantic, if not a global, perspective. Philip Benedict’s important book, Christ’s Churches Purely Reformed: A Social History of Calvinism (2002) has shown that only by looking at Calvinism as an international movement taking root in France, the Netherlands, the British Isles, the Holy Roman Empire, eastern Europe and New England can one properly identify the distinctive aspects of Calvinist piety and begin to answer bigger questions about Calvinism’s alleged contribution to the emergence of modern liberal democracy. He shows, for example, that while no post-Reformation confession had a monopoly of resistance to unsatisfactory rulers, Calvinists, because of their deep hostility to idolatrous forms of worship and unscriptural church institutions, were generally speaking more unwilling than others to compromise with or submit to religious and political institutions antithetical to their interests. Similarly, although Benedict is sceptical about the supposed connections between Calvinism and capitalism and Calvinism and democracy, he does show that Calvinism was a midwife of modernity through its routinization of time, its promotion of literacy, and its emphasis on the individual conscience.
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Witte, John. "A Demonstrative Theory of Natural Law: Johannes Althusius and the Rise of Calvinist Jurisprudence." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 11, no. 3 (August 6, 2009): 248–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x09990044.
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Early modern Calvinists produced a rich tradition of natural law and natural rights thought that shaped the law and politics of protestant lands. The German-born Calvinist jurist Johannes Althusius produced one of the most original Calvinist natural law theories at the turn of the seventeenth century. Althusius argued for the natural qualities of a number of basic legal norms and practices by demonstrating their near universal embrace by classical and biblical, catholic and protestant, theological and legal communities alike. On this foundation, he developed a complex theory of public, private, penal and procedural rights and duties for his day, to be embraced by everyone, particularly by those who were slaughtering each other in religious wars, persecutions and inquisitions. Althusius' theory of natural law and natural rights was Calvinist in inspiration but universal in aspiration, and it anticipated the political formulations of a number of later Western writers, including Locke, Rousseau and Madison.1
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van der Haven, Alexander. "Predestination and Toleration: The Dutch Republic’s Single Judicial Persecution of Jews in Theological Context." Renaissance Quarterly 71, no. 1 (2018): 165–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/696886.
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AbstractThe toleration of Jews in early modern Dutch society is commonly seen as predicated on the maintenance of a clear social and religious separation between Jews and Christians. I argue that this view is incomplete and misleading. Close analysis of the only judicial persecution of Jews in the Dutch Republic’s history, the trial of three Jewish proselytes in the anti-Calvinist city of Hoorn in 1614–15, yields a more complex picture. Comparison of the Hoorn trial with cases of apostasy to Judaism in orthodox Calvinist Amsterdam during the same period suggests that the theological commitments of orthodox Calvinism played an important and hitherto unrecognized role in Dutch toleration.
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Spicer, Andrew. "Rebuilding Solomon’s Temple? The Architecture of Calvinism." Studies in Church History 36 (2000): 275–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400014479.
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During the autumn of 1566 a series of Calvinist churches or temples were erected across the Southern Netherlands. These buildings attracted the attention and curiosity of contemporaries because of their unusual appearance and the speed with which they appeared. The polygonal ground plan of these buildings as well as the use of the term ‘temple’ led some observers to associate them with the Temple of Solomon. The English merchant Richard Clough commented that in Antwerp the Reformed had ‘layd the fondasyonss of syche tempelles more lyker the tempell of Salomon then hoder wysse’. Another observer also described these round churches as being built in the style of Solomon’s Temple in Jerusalem. These comments suggest that Calvinists were perceived (at least by some) as linking their reformation of religion with an appropriation, possibly a recreation, of Jerusalem in the West. The purpose of this paper is to examine this contention, setting the architecture against the tradition of medieval conceptions of the architecture of the Temple, and of Calvin’s and Calvinists’ ideas of the role and use of space in the Reformed religion.
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Zafirovski, Milan. "The Sociology of Theology Revisited and Applied." Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 46, no. 1 (August 4, 2016): 75–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0008429816655575.
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This paper reconsiders and restates the sociology of theology as an investigation of the social origins of theological doctrines. It treats the sociology of theology as an integral part of the sociology of religion and links it with the sociology of ideology (or knowledge). In particular, it applies the sociology of theology to the emergence and diffusion of Calvinism as a theological system. The paper posits and identifies essential social origins of the main Calvinist sociological doctrines, such as those of an absolute, omnipotent God and Divine predestination. It specifically identifies their social origins in a definite political system for the first doctrine and a ruling class of society for the second. It shows that these doctrines are theological and ideological projections and rationalizations of Calvinists pursuing or attaining power and domination since Calvin and his collaborators, and through their descendants. The paper aims to make a contribution to the sociology of theology as a relatively neglected part of the contemporary sociology of religion and ideology.
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Hengstmengel, Joost W. "THE REFORMATION OF ECONOMIC THOUGHT DUTCH CALVINIST ECONOMICS, 1880–1948." Philosophia Reformata 78, no. 2 (November 17, 2013): 124–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116117-90000548.
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The first decades of the twentieth century saw the emergence of Calvinist economics in the Netherlands. This clearly normative approach to economics was inspired by Abraham Kuyper and was criticized by mainstream economists from the outset. It would eventually disappear under pressure of positive economics, but survived until at least the middle of the century. Calvinist economics itself was highly critical of classical economics and, unlike the neo-classical school, strove after an entire reformation of economic thought. Calvinists writers like T. de Vries, P. A. Diepenhorst, J. A. Nederbragt and J. Ridder did not constitute a school of economic thought, but nevertheless shared some fundamental ideas such as the influence of world views on economics, the existence of divine ordinances for the economic domain, and the central place of man in God’s plan for the economy. In this article, I describe the rise, sources of inspiration, fundamentals, aim and methodology of Calvinist economics. Although the perspective of this article is historical, this episode from the history of economic thought may inform us about the relationship between Christianity and the science of economics as well as that between economics and the economic crisis.
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Lake, Peter G. "Serving God and the Times: The Calvinist Conformity of Robert Sanderson." Journal of British Studies 27, no. 2 (April 1988): 81–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385907.
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Robert Sanderson was a Calvinist, indeed, he was an evangelical Calvinist anxious to impart, through pulpit and press, the central tenets of Calvinism to the laity. He also hated Puritanism and said so loud and often. During the 1630s Sanderson cooperated enthusiastically with the Laudian regime. As a Royalist during the Civil War, he was one of the divines taken by Charles I to the Isle of Wight to provide spiritual counsel as the king struggled to save the church from its Puritan enemies. Nevertheless, during the 1650s Sanderson felt able to take the engagement and to give over the use of the prayer book in order to preserve his place in the ministry. At the Restoration, however, he returned to the establishment as the bishop of Lincoln, in which role he proved himself less than sympathetic to the nonconformists. In short, Sanderson's career is difficult to accommodate within many of the received categories currently in favor in the religious history of the period. As if to prove the point, Sanderson figures prominently both in C. H. George and K. George's attempt to demonstrate the homogeneity of English Protestant opinion before 1640 and J. Sears McGee's assault on precisely that proposition. Sanderson seems to offer particular difficulties to those of us committed to the notion that the English church was dominated by Calvinism down to at least the 1620s and that thereafter the confrontation between Calvinism and Arminianism represented the crucial division in English religious opinion before the early 1640s.
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Rahadian, Suarbudaya, and Fially Fallderama. "Sikap Kritis terhadap Kekuasaan dalam Tradisi Calvinist: Sebuah Kajian Historis-Teologis Tentang Kekritisan Gereja terhadap Pemerintah untuk Mewujudkan Regnum Christi." Societas Dei: Jurnal Agama dan Masyarakat 7, no. 2 (October 19, 2020): 219–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.33550/sd.v7i2.173.
Full textAbstract:
Teologi politik Protestan meyakini bahwa pemerintah adalah wakil Allah di dunia yang memiliki legitimasi untuk menata berbagai segi kehidupan manusia. Dampak dari pemahaman ini menghasilkan pandangan di kalangan umat Protestan bahwa pemerintah mesti ditaati secara mutlak oleh gereja. Padahal pada sisi lain tradisi teologi Reformed meyakini teologi kejatuhan. Sebagaimana semua aspek kehidupan telah jatuh dalam dosa, pemerintah juga dapat jatuh ke dalam kelaliman. Maka selain sikap konformis, tradisi Calvinist juga memiliki sumber-sumber teologis untuk bersikap kritis terhadap kekuasaan. Tulisan ini berupaya melakukan penggalian pemikiran teologi politik Calvinist melalui metode teologis-historis untuk menemukan akar-akar pemikiran John Calvin tentang relasi kritis gereja dengan kekuasaan. Ekskavasi pemikiran John Calvin dari tulisan-tulisan primernya diharapkan dapat memberi sumber daya teologis untuk memberikan perangkat analisis kritis serta landasan etis dalam memahami relasi gereja dengan pemerintah di Indonesia.Kata-kata kunci: teologi politik; calvinism; teologi historis; sikap kritis; pemerintah.
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Parker, Charles H. "Diseased Bodies, Defiled Souls: Corporality and Religious Difference in the Reformation*." Renaissance Quarterly 67, no. 4 (2014): 1265–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/679783.
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AbstractThis study examines Catholic and Reformed Protestant readings of the body among pastoral and polemical writers from the mid-sixteenth to the late seventeenth century. Both Catholics and Calvinists utilized bodily corruption as a motif to promote piety and unmask religious difference in a period of intense confessional conflict. This corporal hermeneutic coincided with a pivotal moment in the history of medicine, in which a widespread enthusiasm for anatomy mixed uneasily with time-honored notions of Galenic physiology until the ascendancy of a mechanical Cartesian outlook in the late 1600s. In this intellectual milieu, Catholic and Calvinist pastoral treatises generally relied on similar corporal features to signify a sinful state, but polemical texts made important distinctions about the effects of religious difference. Catholic writers identified the heretical body as the site of humoral contamination, whereas Calvinist theorists regarded the idolatrous body as the locus of inordinate sensuality.
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Lahope, Marlon. "Arminius, Arminian, dan Kaum Injili: Sebuah Klarifikasi." Veritas : Jurnal Teologi dan Pelayanan 18, no. 1 (October 2, 2019): 15–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.36421/veritas.v18i1.319.
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Tulisan ini akan memberikan klarifikasi terhadap tuduhan-tuduhan palsu yang sering dilontarkan sebagian besar kaum Calvinis kepada kaum Arminian dan kemudian mendiskusikan alasan utama kaum Arminian menolak ajaran Calvinisme. Klarifikasi ini akan difokuskan pada dua tuduhan yang sering menjadi kartu favorit, yakni Arminianisme menolak konsep kerusakan total dan mengajarkan manusia sebagai penentu keselamatannya. Jawaban terhadap tuduhan ini sederhana, kedua tuduhan ini adalah hasil dari pembacaan yang keliru atau representasi yang cacat terhadap teologi Arminian. Setelah itu, penulis akan mendiskusikan alasan utama penolakan kaum Arminian terhadap ajaran Calvinisme, yakni konsep kedaulatan Allah Calvinisme membawa logika kepada konsekuensi yang sulit dihindari bahwa Allah adalah sumber dari segala dosa. Di sisi yang lain, tulisan ini tidak dimaksudkan untuk melebarkan jurang pemisah dalam tubuh kaum Injili. Sebaliknya, kaum Injili harus melihat perbedaan sebagai keragaman dalam tubuh Kristus daripada menjadikannya sebagai pemicu keterpecahan. Di tengah perbedaan yang ada, injil haruslah menjadi prioritas utama dan bukan perdebatan-perdebatan minor yang akhirnya hanya menghambat pemberitaan injil Yesus Kristus.
Kata-kata Kunci: Arminian(isme), Calvinis(isme), Kerusakan Total, Keselamatan karena Anugerah, Kedaulatan Allah, Injili
English :
This paper will provide clarification of the false accusations that most Calvinists often make to the Arminians and then discuss the main reasons Arminians reject the teachings of Calvinism. This clarification will focus on two accusations that are often favorite cards, namely Arminianism rejects the concept of total depravity and teaches that human as a determinant factor of their salvation. The answer to these accusations is simple, these two accusations are the result of a false reading or defective representation of Arminian theology. After that, the author will discuss the main reason why the Arminians reject the teachings of Calvinism, namely the concept of God's sovereignty in Calvinism brings logic to the inevitable consequences that God is the source of all sins. On the other hand, this paper is not intended to widen the gap in the body of the evangelical. Conversely, evangelicals must see the differences as diversity in the body of Christ rather than making it a trigger for division. In the midst of differences, the gospel must be a top priority and not minor debates which ultimately only hinder the preaching of the gospel of Jesus Christ.
Keywords: Arminian(ism), Calvinis(m), Total Depravity, Salvation by Grace, Sovereignty of God, Evangelical
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Wielomski, Adam. "Republikańskie teokracje kalwińskie w Europie." Civitas. Studia z Filozofii Polityki 28 (June 21, 2021): 41–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/civ.2021.28.06.
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The illiberal democracy is the political system where majority of citizens rule, but where is not the freedom of consciousness or where the liberal dividing of power is absent. In the modern history of Europe the best example of this political system we find in the Calvinist Republics as Geneva, Emden and Netherlands. It’s not the democracy in the contemporary meaning of this word because the notion of “citizen” is aristocratic. The citizens are the members of aristocracy and patricians of towns. But in this time the citizens are the people only. This system is not liberal, because the Catholics are persecuted. The aim of this text is the presentation vision and ideology of theses Republics. It’s the mixture of sovereignty of the people-citizens with the theocratic tendency of Calvinism. In the theory of Calvin, and in the practice of theses Republics we are the tension between the “too swords”: spiritual (Calvinist consistories) and temporal (political power). In the literature we are many of allusions that the theological-political thought of Jean Calvin is inspired by medieval papal theocracy. It’s theocracy with “purified” Word of God, and inspired by the fear of the “caesaropapism”. This fear was just. Every theocratic rule in the Calvinist republican regime is finished by the supremacy of temporal swords. This text present the process of change from papocaesarism to caesaropapism in every republican case.
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VanDrunen, David. "The Use of Natural Law in Early Calvinist Resistance Theory." Journal of Law and Religion 21, no. 1 (2006): 143–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0748081400002848.
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A remarkable phenomenon in the history of Western political and legal thought is the emergence of so-called sixteenth-century Calvinist resistance theory. Groups of intellectuals, committed to the theology of John Calvin and seeing the Reformed churches of their homelands oppressed by hostile monarchs, stepped beyond the rather strict obedience that Calvin commended toward civil authority and advocated various degrees of civil disobedience and even revolution. Two early and famous expressions of Calvinist resistance theory were from the “Marian exiles,” British Calvinists on the continent who fled the persecution of Bloody Mary Tudor in the 1550s, and the French Huguenots who wrote in the aftermath of the St. Bartholomew's Day Massacre of 1572. Scholars have made impressive claims about these writers. Many perceive in their work a major turning point in political and legal theory and identify it as a key source for the development of Western revolutionary thinking and modernization more generally.
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Parker, Charles H. "Converting souls across cultural borders: Dutch Calvinism and early modern missionary enterprises." Journal of Global History 8, no. 1 (February 18, 2013): 50–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022813000041.
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AbstractThis study focuses on disputes among Dutch Calvinists (Reformed Protestants) in Asia and in Europe over how to administer the sacraments of baptism and communion to people with little or no exposure to Protestant Christianity. Historians have tended to view these conflicts as evidence of Calvinist rigidity and the incompatibility between Protestantism and non-European societies. When examined within global patterns of Christianization, however, it becomes clear that Calvinists had much in common with Roman Catholic missionaries in trying to convert people across cultural borders. All missionaries had to negotiate the inherent tensions between accommodation and orthodoxy in early modern missionary programmes. Many Calvinists on the missionary frontier, like their Catholic counterparts, opted for syncretistic strategies over objections from authorities in their religious heartland.
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Beemon, F. E. "Poisonous Honey or Pure Manna: The Eucharist and the Word in the “Beehive” of Marnix of Saint Aldegonde." Church History 61, no. 4 (December 1992): 382–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3167792.
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With the publication of his Den Byencorf der H. Roomische Kercke (The Beehive of the Holy Roman Church) in 1569, the Netherlandic Calvinist Marnix of Saint Aldegonde launched a satirical attack onthe clergy, polity, and sacramental practice of Catholicism. Though the fame of the book and its author have been eclipsed, they were both well known during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuriesas shown by the frequency of publication. Marnix's task, in common with other sixteenth-century religious propagandists, was to communicate a theological message to a popular audience. The success of this effort depended on reaching across the separation between systematic theology and folk religiosity. The object was not original theology, nor even doctrinal subtleties, but the creativeuse of common terms to explain divergent schemes of basic dogma. Because the subject was more religious than theological, the separation between Latin and the vernacular cultures could be bridged by the use of metaphors common to both high and popular culture. In this, Marnix's work is distinguished by his use of the metaphors of beehive, honey, and manna to explain the differences between the Catholic Eucharist and the Calvinist Lord's Supper. The use of manna is not surprising as one would expect it to be a common image; however, the metaphors of hive and honey are less expected. While the former is clearly biblical in origin, the apiary metaphors are not. Thus, Marnix relies on the common sociocultural context of the beehive to instruct a popular Dutch audience in a fundamental difference between Calvinism and Catholicism. By identifying the Catholic host with polluted honey, Marnix defends the necessary presence of the Word for the Calvinist Lord's Supper, which he portrays as pure manna. Rather than feeding on the body of Christ, Marnix argues, the true Church feeds on the Word of God, which is present in the Calvinist wafer.
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Bömelburg, Hans-Jürgen. "Reformierte Eliten im Preußenland: Religion, Politik und Loyalitäten in der Familie Dohna (1560–1660)." Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte - Archive for Reformation History 95, no. 1 (December 1, 2004): 210–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.14315/arg-2004-0109.
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ABSTRACT The archives of the Dohna family contain materials on the efforts at creating a “Second Reformation” in the Duchy of Prussia, where the early establishment of a Lutheran confessional foundation (the Corpus doctrinae pruthenicum| of 1567/68) and a solid ecclesiastical constitution prevented Calvinism from gaining a foothold. The Reformed creed found followers among the nobility through connections with the Reformed territories in the Holy Roman Empire, by close contact with Reformed theologians in royal Prussia, and by connections with the Calvinist church of the nobility in Poland and Lithuania. This network radiated into ducal Prussia, where the Dohnas became Calvinists. During the first three decades of the seventeenth century this led to a conflict between the Reformed party and the Lutheran majority among the theologians and the lower nobility. Drawing on the support of the Polish king, the Lutheran party succeeded between 1610 and 1620 in shutting out the Reformed officeholders by means of lawsuits and unequivocal oath formulas. The Reformed nobility were not helped by the connection they forged in 1613 with the equally Reformed territorial ruler because he had to take into account the Polish crown as well as ecclesiastical legal determinations in ducal Prussia.The Dohnas, who stood close to the Calvinist “party of movement,” tried nevertheless to introduce elements of the Reformed faith or to engage men who were inclined toward the Reformed creed into the churches within their patronage. In this context, the Dohnas argued with the noble concepts of patronage held by the Lithuanian Radziwiłłs, who used their rights of patronage to introduce Calvinist pastors. Repeated conflicts arose with the Ko¨ nigsberg consistory and neighboring Lutheran pastors, in the course of which both sides adhered to their positions. On the level of religious symbolism, the Dohnas removed images of saints and programmatically transformed older works of art to conform to Calvinism.The confessional disputes in the Duchy of Prussia are typologically similar to those in the Prussian cities (Elbing, Danzig, Thorn), except that in the former noble patronage and in the latter bourgeois patronage was contested. It is evident that in eastern Prussia, too, along with Lutheran confessionalization, numerous other religious influences were felt. Therefore, the region can be included more definitely than previously thought in the religious history of eastern central Europe.
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Kang, Jie. "The Rise of Calvinist Christianity in Urbanising China." Religions 10, no. 8 (August 15, 2019): 481. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel10080481.
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Over the past decade, Reformed Christianity, broadly based on the theology of Calvinism, has spread widely in China, especially by appealing to Chinese ‘intellectuals’ who constitute most of the house church leaders in urban areas. It draws its moral guidance from a so-called rational or intellectual focus on biblical theology, reinforced by theological training in special seminaries. It consequently rejects the ‘heresy’ of the older Pentecostal Christianity, with its emphasis on charisma, miracles, and theology based on emotional ‘feeling’. This Reformed theology and its further elaboration have been introduced into China in two main ways. The first is through overseas Chinese, especially via theological seminaries in Singapore, Malaysia, and Indonesia. For instance, preachings of the famous Reformed pastor Stephen Tong (唐崇荣) have been widely disseminated online and among Chinese Christians. Second, Korean missionaries have established theological seminaries mainly in cities in northern China. This has resulted in more and more Chinese church leaders becoming advocates of Calvinism and converting their churches to Reformed status. This paper asks why Calvinism attracts Chinese Christians, what Calvinism means for the so-called house churches of a Christian community in a northern Chinese city, and what kinds of change the importation of Reformed theology has brought to Chinese house churches. Various significant accounts have addressed this development in China generally. My analysis complements these accounts by focusing on a small number of interconnected house churches in one city, and uses this case study to highlight interpersonal and organizational issues arising from the Calvinist approach.
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Soloviy, R. "Socio-political and confessional preconditions of the birth of the Ukrainian Evangelical-Reformed Church in Western Ukraine (20-30 years of the twentieth century)." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 13 (March 14, 2000): 67–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2000.13.1059.
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In the history of religious organizations of Western Ukraine in the 20-30th years of the XX century. The activity of such an early protestant denominational formation as the Ukrainian Evangelical-Reformed Church occupies a prominent position. Among UCRC researchers there are several approaches to the preconditions for the birth of the Ukrainian Calvinistic movement in Western Ukraine. In particular, O. Dombrovsky, studying the historical preconditions for the formation of the UREC in Western Ukraine, expressed the view that the formation of the Calvinist cell should be considered in the broad context of the Ukrainian national revival of the 19th and 20th centuries, a new assessment of the religious factor in public life proposed by the Ukrainian radical activists ( M. Drahomanov, I. Franko, M. Pavlik), and significant socio-political, national-cultural and spiritual shifts caused by the events of the First World War. Other researchers of Ukrainian Calvinism, who based their analysis on the confessional-polemical approach (I.Vlasovsky, M.Stepanovich), interpreted Protestantism in Ukraine as a product of Western cultural and religious influences, alien to Ukrainian spirituality and culture.
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Aers, David. "Calvinist Versions of God: A Revolution in Medieval Tradition." Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 52, no. 3 (September 1, 2022): 445–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10829636-9966079.
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This essay argues that Calvinist versions of God and human redemption cannot be adequately grasped without studying the medieval traditions from which they emerged. Beginning with a close reading of Calvin's extremely violent understanding of the atonement, the essay moves through examinations of medieval versions of human redemption (literary, theological, and devotional) before turning to the political and ethical consequences of Calvin's reformation of these versions of God as played out in the Cromwellian regime of the mid-seventeenth century. Finally, the essay explores the reemergence of a version of God and charity recognizable to medieval readers in the writings of the “Ranter” Abiezer Coppe. Throughout, the essay demonstrates how models of redemption with their attendant versions of God have clear consequences for ethics and politics.
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Marsden, George M., and Allen C. Guelzo. "Calvinist Freedom Fighters." Reviews in American History 18, no. 3 (September 1990): 332. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2702663.
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Roberts, Wendy Raphael. "The Calvinist Couplet." Christianity & Literature 68, no. 3 (February 26, 2019): 412–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0148333119827675.
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The article provides the first modern analysis of one of the bestselling transatlantic evangelical poems of the eighteenth century, the Scottish minister Ralph Erskine’s Gospel Sonnets. The article argues that the importance of the marriage metaphor and rhyme in the poem provided a specific meaning to the form of the couplet in eighteenth-century transatlantic evangelicalism—a form often associated with an outdated understanding of a monolithic enlightenment. In the case of Erskine, it produced the Calvinist couplet. What the author terms “espousal poetics” designates the much larger presence and purpose of the marriage metaphor in the emerging revivalist community: to fuse the paradoxes of a sound Calvinist theology with poetics.
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Maffly-Kipp, Laurie F. "A Calvinist Country?" Journal of The Historical Society 3, no. 3-4 (June 2003): 445–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1529-921x.2003.00074.x.
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Mentzer, Raymond A. "The Persistence of “Superstition and Idolatry” among Rural French Calvinists." Church History 65, no. 2 (June 1996): 220–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3170289.
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Within their considerable rhetorical arsenal, perhaps the favorite accusations that sixteenth-century Calvinist Reformers lodged against the medieval church and the pious conduct of its followers were those of “superstition and idolatry.” Prominent leaders such as John Calvin and Theodore Beza, erudite theologians and celebrated preachers, local pastors and village elders alike stood ever ready to apply the designations to a variety of religious convictions and habits that they considered the incorrect belief and inappropriate behavior of the uninformed and vulgar. This Calvinist campaign against the superstitious and idolatrous went well beyond an attack on such unscriptural matters as belief in purgatory, veneration of images and relics, or invocation of the saints. It also manifested a deeply felt animosity toward papal Christianity—a hostility often expressed in dramatic and powerful language. One particularly intense example comes from the southern French town of Marsillargues during the early seventeenth century. When two men, who had converted to Calvinism, reverted to their earlier Catholicism several months later, the local Reformed church condemned them for having returned to their “vomit” and “slime.”
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Tong, David. "THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN CHRISTIANITY AND SCIENCE: A BRIEF HISTORICAL STUDY ON DARWINISM AND THE DUTCH NEO-CALVINIST THEOLOGIANS." VERBUM CHRISTI: JURNAL TEOLOGI REFORMED INJILI 1, no. 2 (September 6, 2017): 134–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.51688/vc1.2.2014.art4.
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The philosopher Ilse N. Bulhof's conclusion that the reception of Darwinism in the Netherlands was easy with opposition coming only from the religious quarters needs to be explained further. The fact is, opposition towards Darwinism came also from the academics and not all religious groups opposed it. The modern liberal accepted Darwinism without much reservation. Two great figures of the Dutch neo-Calvinisme, Abraham Kuyper and Herman Bavinck, accepted evolution as a fact while rejecting Darwinism. Bulfhof's conclusion above should not be understood as a conflict between faith and science. The real conflict is not between faith and science, but between two diametrically opposing worldviews. This is the reason why not all scientists embraced Darwinism. It is interesting to observe that the second generation of the Dutch neo- Calvinsm (Valentine Hepp, for example) resisted all forms of evolution theories. Several possible reasons explaining the discontinuity between these two generations of neo-Calvinism will also be given in this paper.?
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Macleod, Donald. "Amyraldus redivivus: a review article." Evangelical Quarterly 81, no. 3 (April 30, 2009): 210–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/27725472-08103002.
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This article explores recent Amyraldian commentary on post-Dort Calvinism, including the charge that it preaches only a limited love and paralyses evangelism. As part of the response to this latter claim it reflects on the actual content of biblical evangelism, and on Calvinist commitment to universal mission and the free offer of the gospel. Analysis is offered of the Amyraldian appeal to a dual understanding of the divine will and to its use of the distinction between natural and moral inability. The concluding section briefly traces the impact of Amyraldianism on modern Scottish Presbyterianism.
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Lemon, Rebecca. "Scholarly Addiction:Doctor Faustusand the Drama of Devotion." Renaissance Quarterly 69, no. 3 (2016): 865–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/689036.
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AbstractWhenThe English Faust Bookdescribes Faustus as addicted to study and Marlowe’sDoctor Faustusdepicts necromantic books as “ravishing,” these texts draw on classical and Renaissance notions of laudable addiction. Following its Latin origin in contract law,addictionappears in sixteenth-century writings as service, dedication, and devotion. Tracing invocations of addiction from Cicero to Perkins, this essay explores the influence of Calvin and Calvinist-minded Cambridge divines throughDoctor Faustus’spreoccupation with the challenge of addicted commitment. If Calvinists praise committed devotion, Marlowe challenges such views by staging the terror as well as the wonder of addictive release.
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Nagy, Károly Zsolt. "Changes in the Idea of Progress in the Processes of Change in the Hungarian Reformed Identity during the Past Century." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Theologia Reformata Transylvanica 65, no. 2 (December 20, 2020): 229–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbtref.65.2.13.
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"Democracy and the idea of progress became one of the most important attrib-utes of Hungarian Reformation in the 19th century, both as its self-image and socie-ty’s image of Calvinists (and, more broadly, of Protestants). These indicators are very important because, to this day, they are essential elements of Calvinist identity, but they also illustrate well the way heritage forged into identity. The part of the past reflected and “used” in community memory loosely relates to the actual legacy of the past. Different authors have defined in different ways which exact identity elements are representative of these attributes, and it also varies how long such an el-ement retains its representative quality, if it retains it at all. Without being exhaus-tive, the study outlines the ways the specific content of these attributes changes over the 20th century: that is, in the context of changes in the relationship between church and society, in what situations and what factors these attributes are identi-fied by individual opinion formers. The author first examines the historical context of the emergence of these topoi and then looks at some cases of their use, with par-ticular emphasis on the period of communist dictatorship. Keywords: democracy, Calvinism, heritage transformation, community memory, com-munism."
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Zafirovski, Milan. "The Point of Origin before Destination." Comparative Sociology 15, no. 3 (May 28, 2016): 372–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-12341393.
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The paper seeks to help correct a certain imbalance in the sociological literature on Calvinism and its derivations like Puritanism, neo-Calvinism, etc. This is the literature’s centering on Calvinism’s various social consequences and decentering on its own origins and conditions in society. As a corrective to this asymmetry in the literature, the paper assumes and explores the societal roots and factors of the emergence and early development and expansion of Calvinism. This is done on the grounds that the analysis of the societal determination, i.e., the point of origin of Calvinism, like other religion and ideology, is equally and even more important than that of its social effects or destination. In formal terms, the paper considers Calvinism to be a dependent variable, function of certain societal determinants and settings as the explanatory factor, thus correcting the prevalent treatment of it as the independent variable in the sociological literature. In so doing it adopts and applies the main premises and findings of the sociology of religion and knowledge to Calvinism. Its aim is to contribute to a more complete sociology of the Calvinist religion that explores both its social conditions and its social consequences.
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Anderson, Trevor. "C. S. Lewis and Penal Substitution: A Problem Case for New Calvinist Theology." Evangelical Quarterly 88, no. 4 (April 26, 2017): 285–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/27725472-08804001.
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I examine the general goodwill that the New Calvinist movement feels toward C. S. Lewis, and identify what I see as an anomaly in it. I argue that New Calvinists have good reason, based on their theology, to reject C. S. Lewis as an evangelical Christian on account of his doctrine of the atonement, and that their justification for not doing so is unsatisfactory. I engage the work of John Piper and Douglas Wilson as representatives of the movement, and show that in attempting to justify Lewis they misrepresent his beliefs. However, I then argue that they are nevertheless right in their insight that Lewis is ‘someone special’ who must be a Christian regardless of his problematic beliefs. Rather than engage in attempts to justify and explain away these important theological differences, I suggest that New Calvinists should think of them as anomalies which can be used to critically examine their own theology.
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NELSON, ERIC. "REPRESENTATION AND THE FALL." Modern Intellectual History 17, no. 3 (December 19, 2018): 647–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244318000501.
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This article makes the case that the early modern debate over political representation was deeply intertwined with a theological debate over the Fall. The “resemblance” theory of representation adopted by English Parliamentarians was first formulated by Calvinists to make the case that Adam represented humanity, despite the fact that humanity had never authorized him to act in their name. The Royalist rejoinder, which treated authorization as a necessary and sufficient condition of representation, began life instead as a Pelagian response to Calvinist orthodoxy. This theological dispute provides a crucial context for the interventions of Thomas Hobbes and John Locke.
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Macleod, Donald. "Dr T. F. Torrance and Scottish Theology: a Review Article." Evangelical Quarterly: An International Review of Bible and Theology 72, no. 1 (October 6, 2000): 57–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/27725472-07201006.
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A modern Scottish Calvinist assesses T. F. Torranceʼs recent review of Scottish theology. While appreciative of Torranceʼs personal contribution to theology, this article takes issue with the thesis that Westminster Calvinism represented a betrayal of both Calvin and the earlier Scottish theologians. It focuses particularly on such issues as predestination, limited atonement, assurance and the free offer of the gospel. It also evaluates the claim that such ideas as incarnational redemption and Christʼs assumption of a fallen nature are supported by the older Scottish Reformed tradition. Finally, it examines Torranceʼs strictures on Scottish Calvinismʼs doctrine of God.