Journal articles on the topic 'Byzantium; Orthodox Christianity'

The article attempts to outline the trend of Russian scribes to perceive the Byzantine Church tradition. The author also builds a view that the movement goes from anticipating the inheritance of the traditions of the Christian Byzantine Church and statehood to the process of direct perception of the Byzantine Church state power and authority by the Russian Church. The Byzantine theologians interpreted the split of Christianity as the appearance, along with the true Orthodox Church of the Western Church, in which a person was the individual desacralization. After the fall of Byzantium, it was the destined Russian Orthodox Church that acted as the guardian of the canonical and dogmatic tradition of true Orthodoxy. And, first of all, this was expressed in the continuity of the tradition integrity of the spiritual and secular authorities. The author considers the way of expressing these processes in the theological and political treatises of the aborning Russian book tradition, which gave rise to the formation of a specific Russian ideocratic project. The ideology of Moscow as the Third Rome, launched by Russian scribes, became possible due to the fact that Orthodox Russia has assumed the most important sacred mission.

The Brest Union marks a turning point in the history of the Kyivan Church. Since the time of Vladimir and the introduction of Christianity in at the end of X century. The Kyivan Metropolitanate was the daughter of the Church of the Constantinople Patriarchate. Formation of the Metropolitanate under the care of Byzantium - the most important institutional feature of the official entry of Kievan Rus in the Christian world. During the XI-XIII centuries. Kievan Metropolitanate gradually embraced all the eastern Slavic lands, introducing them into the church orbit of Byzantium. Hierarchically subordinated and spiritually obliged, dependent on the cultural and united in ceremonial plans, the Kievan Metropolitanate became an integral part of the wider Byzantine Orthodox world.

In his work "Religion and Church in the History of Ukraine," V.Lipinsky primarily answers the question: Did Volodymyr the Great accept Christianity in the time when Byzantium was still in connection with Rome and the prince was "Uniate", but "Orthodox" ? Volodymyr the Great accepted Christianity in time when there was no official gap between Byzantium and Rome, but the relationship between these two Christian hierarchies was already very tense from the days of Photius, which is about a century before Vladimir baptism. The controversy over the primacy between the Pontiffs and the Constantinople Patriarchs did not accept yet the character of the complete rupture and these two hierarchies, arguing with zeal among themselves, all of them mutually recognized. In this mutual recognition of the church hierarchy, there was a connection between the two churches, which already differed considerably in their spirit.

The spread of Christianity in the Northern Black Sea Region was a continuation of the vector of cultural expansion into this region, outlined in Antiquity and opposing the region’s stable geopolitical ties in the latitudinal direction, with the steppe world of the nomads of Eurasia. The stages of this process were: the Great Greek colonization on Pontus Euxinus; the spread of Pax Romana to the territory of Crimea; the Christianization of the region and the strengthening of Byzantium in the Northern Black Sea Region through an alliance with the Khazaria and the creation of the Klimata-Cherson thema; finally, the emergence of Italian trading posts and the emergence of Genoese Gazaria. The success of the Christian mission of Byzantium would not have been possible without the oncoming movement from the north, which determined the reception of the Byzantine civilization by Rus’-Russia and predefined the geopolitical contours of the modern world. In the opposite direction there was an advance to the south of Rus’ and the formation of the path “from the Varangians to the Greeks”, sea voyages of the Rus’ princes to Constantinople, the capture of Korsun’Cherson by Vladimir the Saint and the baptism of Rus’, the inclusion of Russia in the system of the Byzantine church administration. At the new historical stage, after the fall of Byzantium, the role of the Christian Orthodox empire passed to Russia, and the processes of intercivilizational interaction in the region changed their vector. But even in the new conditions, the meridional dimension remains incomparably more important than the latitudinal dimension: a fact that determines the future geopolitical perspective.

According to the simplified Byzantine idea, which was never discarded, the Byzantine basileus is the God's elected ruler. He is the only legitimate emperor in the world because he is the legitimate heir of Roman emperors. Apart from Byzantium, a series of other sovereign states existed throughout the Middle Ages on the territory of the former Roman Empire. That condition lead to the formulation of a sustainable interpretation of the conjured hierarchy of rulers and states. At the top of the fictitious ladder stood only the Byzantine emperor, and, at its bottom, rulers of the lowest rank to whom the emperor issued "orders". All other rulers were distributed between these two instances along the fictitious ladder of hierarchy, depending on their power and the esteem they enjoyed. At the same time, the Byzantine basileus was also perceived as the "spiritual parent" of the Christian nations and rulers who, on the otherhand, depending on their esteemed, boasted varying degrees of "spiritual kinship" with the emperor. These Byzantine concepts were adopted by Stefan Nemanja and his heirs, so that, at times, in medieval Serbia they were real and not fictitious. In the last decades of the XIV century, the power and esteem of Byzantium waned rapidly. The Empire had to take on difficult obligations towards the Ottoman Turks of which she was freed only after the Battle of Ankara (1402). The liberation from demeaning commitments brought on a revival of the ever present concept of ideal supremacy of the Byzantine emperor, especially among rulers in the Balkans. Such ideas were adopted by Constantine of Kostenec, the author of the Vita of Stefan Lazarevic, who, however, added certain corrections, conforming them to the views of the Serbian spiritual elite. According to the treaty of Gallipoli, sultan Suleiman accepted (1403) emperor Manuel II Palaiologos as his "father", a fact known also to Constantine the Philosopher, as was later also repeated by sultan Mehmed I. At the time when, in 1410, Stefan Lazarevic received for the second time the crown of despots from Manuel II, relations between the Byzantine basileus and the Serbian despots were defined as those of "father and son". By those means, Constantine the Philosopher elevates the position of the Serbian ruler to the level once held by king Milutin following his marriage to Simonis. The author of the Vita of Stefan Lazarevic took strict care to state the noble rank of the Serbian despots and thus matched it with those of sultan Mehmed I and the contender to the throne, Musa, who addressed the despots as "brother". Constantine the Philosopher makes no mistake either when referring to the king of Hungary and emperor of the Holy Roman Empire, Sigismund, whose vassal Stefan was. Regardless, of such ties between the two rulers, Sigismund is never mentioned as the despots' "parent" but solely as his "comrade"(ally), probably because the Hungarian king belonged to the oicumene of Western and not Eastern Christianity and could thus by no means have been a "spiritual parent" to the Orthodox Serbian despots.

Following in the tradition of Montesquieu and Gibbon, Wolfgang Liebeschuetz has recently again argued that one of the two most revolutionary aspects of Christianity in its history since Constantine has proved to be religious intolerance. The Byzantine state certainly made many efforts to enforce orthodoxy, and the question arises whether Byzantium was therefore a ‘persecuting society’, to use the now-familiar formulation of R. I. Moore. In a telling aside, Paul Magdalino asked in the course of an important discussion of eleventh- and twelfth-century Byzantium whether it became‘even moreof a persecuting society than before’ (my italics). Another strand of scholarship however has seen a contrast in this respect between western and eastern Europe, and several recent authors have argued for a comparative degree of toleration in Byzantium, or at least for a limitation on the possibilities of real repression. However this desire to find a degree of toleration and religious freedom in earlier societies clearly derives from our own contemporary concerns, and despite recent attempts to claim the Emperor Constantine as the defender of religious toleration, I agree with those who argue that it is misguided to look for an active conception of religious toleration in this period. This paper starts from the position that Constantine himself, and successive emperors after him, inherited an existing assumption that religious conformity was the business of the state, and looks at some of the less obvious ways by which the Byzantine state attempted to promote and enforce orthodoxy.

Introduction. The article focuses on the issues of the basic elements of keeping ethno-religious identity in the communities of the Christian Orient, which found themselves either as a minority under the dominance of another religious tradition, or within the almost complete external isolation suggesting a significant reduction of the former religious tradition and / or excluding its reactivation. The actual basis for the analysis is the history of the Coptic Church (from the period of the late Antiquity / early Byzantium to the modern period), as well as the history of the Alans / Ossetians from the 13th – 14th to the mid 18th centuries. Methods. The system analysis is used as the main research approach. Religious communities of the Christian Orient are regarded as closed, self-replicating systems. The paper aims to identify inside these systems the elements that make up the “content” or “superstructure” (preserved and translated to prevent assimilation with the dominant religious tradition and loss of their former identities), and basic elements that provide essential conditions for their successful survival. Analysis and Results. Studies of the cultural and religious rise of the Coptic community in the Middle Ages and New Times manifest that the basic elements of its identity preservation and transmission in the new conditions may be found in the transformation of churches / parishes and monasteries into a communicative space and area of religious socialization. The study of the religious situation of Alans / Ossetians in the conditions of almost complete external isolation and reduction of the Orthodox tradition to “popular Christianity” suggests that the sacred space of Christian churches becomes (already as an archetypical model) a point of the syncretic “content” formation, which has a certain strength and defines the cultural and religious identity of the Ossetians for a long time.

The relationship between Orthodox Christianity and national identity has been one of the most contended issues in modern nationalism. The dominant religion in the Balkans, Orthodoxy has transported the identity of ethnic groups into the modern era and political leaders have employed religious institutions according to their own political agendas in the construction of “imagined communities.” Orthodoxy has a particular perception of the political field. Based on the concept of symphonia, which dates back to the Byzantine Empire, the Church claims that religious and political offices are equal and have similar responsibilities. Religious and political rulers have the mission to guide the people and the Church and state should collaborate harmoniously in fostering identity. Political leaders refer to the nationalist discourse of the Church in order to induce national cohesion. From this perspective, the relationship between religion and the construction of the nation in the Orthodox space differs from that in the Catholic or Protestant world where Churches are supranational or sub-national institutions.

This article addresses the sense of sight through case studies drawn from Byzantine art, the art of Orthodox Christianity. Vision is central to Orthodox worship, facilitated by images known as icons. By enabling the visualization of the invisible divine, the importance of icons is paramount in enhancing the faithful’s religious experience.

Тhis paper focuses on the philosophical issue known as the metaphysics of the heart within Orthodox Christianity – both Russian and Byzantie versions. Russian religious thought is based on patristic tradition. Influences and connections can be seen in Florensky’s philosophy of All-Unity. This Russian philosopher was highly inspired by Gregory Palamas, fourteenth-century Eastern Church. These two Orthodox thinkers, mainly their metaphysics of heart are objects of interests.

In 1794, the foundation of a mission on Kodiak Island in Alaska by the Orthodox monks from Russia marked the entrance of Orthodox Church in America. Two centuries later, the presence of over one million faithful gathered into more than 2,400 local parishes bears witness to the firm establishment of Eastern Christianity in the US. The notion of "one state - one Church" was historically very characteristic of Orthodox Christianity. When the Orthodox Church is mentioned, one tends to think of its ethnic aspect, and when Orthodox Christians are asked about their religious affiliation, they almost always add an cthnic qualificr: Grcck Orthodox, Russian Orthodox, Syrian Orthodox, etc. Consequently, many Orthodox Churches — Byzantine and Oriental alike — that have faithful in the United States have organized their own jurisdictions in North America: the individual "ethnically based" parishes were later united into centrally administrated dioceses subordinated to the "Mother Churches" in the Old World. The original goal of American Orthodox jurisdictions was clear: to minister to the religious needs of the diverse immigrant ethnic communities: the Greeks, Russians, Serbians, Romanians, Armenians, Copts, etc. There is no doubt that for the first generation of immigrants these ethnically based Orthodox jurisdictions brought a big measure of order and unity to ethnic groups that otherwise would have remained fragmented and enfeebled in an "American melting pot".

Despite the energy devoted by American and Western European church historians and theologians to the question of the ordination of women in early Christianity and in the (western) medieval Christian Church, these scholars have shown comparatively little interest toward the female diaconate in the Byzantine Church, even when comparative analysis could potentially help elucidate questions regarding the theology and practice of women's ordinations in the West. Most of the research on the female diaconate in the Byzantine Church has occurred in Mediterranean academic circles, usually within the field of Byzantine studies, or in the Eastern Orthodox theological community; sometimes the examination of the female diaconate in the Byzantine Church has been part of a broader examination of women's liturgical ministries.

Abstract This essay discusses how Orthodox Christianity and Mahāyāna Buddhism understood the acts of both seeing and being seen by the divine, and how such ideas affected the making and use of icons in these two religious traditions. I focus on the visual culture of the Byzantine and Russian Orthodox churches between the eleventh and fifteenth centuries, and that of the East Asian Pure Land and Esoteric schools between the ninth and fourteenth centuries, respectively. I interpret the function of the iconostasis as an enduring remnant of the Jewish veil used to obstruct God’s vision. Here, Jacques Lacan’s concepts of the gaze and the screen provide a thought-provoking rationale. In turn, I investigate the mandala and icon in Japanese Esoteric Buddhism, in which both seeing and being seen by the divine were deemed spiritual blessings granted by the divine being. This thematic comparison brings to light the less discussed aspects of Christian and Buddhist visual experiences.

From the eighth century, the Eastern Orthodox Churches engaged in various forms of theological dialogue and debate with newly emergent Islam. Although scholars have tended to study Islamic-Christian relations in terms of confrontation and direct conflict, this aspect, dominant as it may be, must not lead us to overlook another aspect of the relationship, that of attempts at rapprochement and understanding. Despite the acerbity of Byzantium’s anti-heretical and apologetic literature against Islam, there were also attempts at communication and mutual understanding between Christianity and Islam. These efforts became more tangible after the fall of Constantinople (1453), which marked a partial change in Orthodoxy’s theological stance towards Islam. The polemical approach, which had prevailed during Byzantine times, gave way in part to an innovative and more conciliatory theological discourse towards Islam. Modern Greek research categorizes the theological discourse that was articulated during this period according to two diametrically opposing models: the model of conciliation and rapprochement with Islam, which was not widely influential, and that of messianic Utopian discourse developed by Christians who had turned to God and sought divine intervention to save the community.

The subject of this article is the political-legal ideas of the Byzantine philosopher, public figure and theologian Theodore the Studite. His life and activity were closely related with the policy of Byzantine Iconoclasm conducted in the VIII – IX centuries. The emperors of the Romans, in their struggle against the political and economic power of the Orthodox Church, used discrepancies in interpretation of one of the doctrinal questions of Christianity, which historically manifested as a “stumbling block” among the adherents of this religion. Western province of the Byzantine Empire were against the policy of “iconoclasm” and its monasticism, the prominent representative of this intellectual tradition of which (in the medieval understanding of the latter) was Theodore the Studite. The political-legal ideas of Theodore the Studite, unlike his theological views, are poorly studied in the Russian science. However, they have certain scientific value due to the uniqueness of views of the philosopher comparing to the works of contemporaries and the Byzantine political;-legal literature overall. In his polemical works of theological orientation, Theodore the Studite discusses the problems of the liberty of conscience, individual autonomy, human rights (in their medieval interpretation), boundaries of intrusion of public authorities in social life, etc. The ideas of the Byzantine philosopher represent one of the first attempts of apologetics of “democratic Christianity”.

The Ukrainian Christian ritual, which is common to Ukrainian Orthodoxy and Greek Catholicism, is called the Byzantine-Ukrainian and Eastern. The sources of its formation begin from Cyril and Methodius, who conducted their missionary work in Macedonian Bulgarians around 863 in the territory of Veliko-Moravia, in particular among the tribes of white Croats - the ancestors of modern Hutsuls. Created here, the first Slavic dioceses disseminated Cyril and Methodius Christianity among the Western Ukrainian tribes of Galicia and Zakarpattya long before the official baptism of Rus-Ukraine.

The article deals with one of the fundamental problems of the whole corps of the church law – autocephalous principle of the existence of the church. This problem drives the researchers' attention to the very essence of the existence of orthodoxy in general. The preaching of Christ and the Gospel leave no direct pointers of the internal organization of the church. The apostles make only the subtle hints to the administrative arrangement of the church in general. Their mission preaching and spreading the faith to all nations, however, they did not envisage any other administrative system than autocephaly. Church dogmas and canons, which regulate all aspects of the life of the Church, were formed during the heyday of Christianity in the Byzantine Empire. However, the significant politicization and dependence of the church on imperial power led to the proclamation of a number of canons that contradicted the original nature of the church. This also applies to autocephaly. Under the pressure of the state authorities, the primacy of honor together with ancient Rome is shared by the capital's Constantinople chair. The theory of the "Five Patriarchates" is be- ing formed, which are called to rule the world Orthodoxy. During the Ecumenical Councils, autocephaly was transformed from a basic and natural state of the Church existence into a certain privilege and a subject of political bargaining in the international arena.Despite the long process of forming the canonical and legal corps of Orthodoxy, there is no clear regulation of the procedure for proclaiming a new autocephalous church today. This led to significant misunderstandings and the termination of Eucharistic communion by a number of Local Churches after granting autocephalous status to the Ukrainian Church. Theological disputes over the very procedure of signing the Tomos still take place today. Besides theoretical justification, the internal church structure also has a practical value for the process of bestowing autocephaly on the new national Local Churches. This is relevant due to the struggle of a number of modern countries for the church independence and the Ecumenical recognition. Starting since the Byzantine Empire times, the state power has constantly imposed its own church management principle and methods, which often was going against traditions and canonical norms. Orthodox ecclesiology offers its own approach to church-administrative management. It is proved that merely the autocephalous system is the only acceptable option of the existence of the Universal Orthodoxy.

Antakya (Antioch), located in the southern region of Turkey, is one of the oldest settlements in the country. Its history dates back to the prehistoric times. It has been through countless invasions throughout its history. It has been dominated by various civilizations and has been the center of many religions. The city, which was founded by Alexander the Great in the Roman period, has many routes to nearly all directions as a result of its geographical location. Due to its context, this makes the city the point of convergence of cultures. After the Roman period, Byzantine and Arab-dominated city (AC 395 — AC 963), were exposed to constant war between the Christian and Muslim communities for the domination right to the city. Today in Antakya, although the majority of the population is Muslim and Christian, the Sunni Arabs, Sunni Turks, Shia Arabs, Assyrians, Catholics, Orthodox Christians, Protestant Arabs, Arabs, Armenians, Jewish people and other minority groups all live together in harmony, thus forming the dynamics of multicultural city structure. The name “Christian” was first coined in this historic city. Antakya also hosts the Church of Saint Peter, which is believed to be one of the earliest Christian houses of worship, making it extremely valuable for Christianism. Indigenous inhabitants of Antakya have lived in the same land since the foundation of Christianity. Today, 90 percent of the Christians are Orthodox, 10 percent are Protestants and other believers, where the population of Christians are decreasing. Bearing in mind the aforementioned history and context, a research was conducted on the Orthodox Church, Antakya Protestant Church and Vakıflı Armenian Church which all still exist to this day in the city. Purpose of the research is to evaluate the structure of the churches in regards to the following parameters;- The responses of the churches to the indigenous inhabitants- Cultural shifts in the ever-changing sociocultural values of the society- The city image they present.The reason behind choosing these three structures for the study is the fact that all three structures boast Christian symbolism and imagery.

Abstract This paper treats the fifth-century AD apocryphal Acta Barnabae (= ABarn). § I sets out briefly the consensus view of ABarn’s main aim - to establish the autocephaly of the Cypriot Church by endowing it with an apostolic founder, Barnabas, in a text modelled on Acts which affects to be contemporary with Acts and to be the work of John Mark. § II examines ABarn’s detailed interactions with Acts, its foregrounding of Barnabas over Paul, and its centralising of Cyprus in early Christianity; ‘itinerary style’ is highlighted as a prominent feature of ABarn’s striving for verisimilitude. § III treats ABarn’s use of further ‘novelistic’ strategies for the same purpose; they mostly draw on topoi, but sometimes arguably on personal knowledge of Cyprus. § IV reflects on ABarn’s curious downgrading of its inscribed author, John Mark. This is attributed to the anti-Monophysite stance of the fifth-century (Orthodox) Cypriot Church towards both the Antiochene and Alexandrian Patriarchates.

The methods of study and presentation by S. Averintsev Orthodox Christian tradition were considered. The role of the semiotic method in the study of Christianity by Averintsev was defined and the relationship of this method and content of the results of his research was revealed. The identified errors in the presentation of Orthodox theology are considered as the result of ignoring a number of significanat texts of the Orthodox tradition. Methods: description, comparison, analysis, contextual and semiotic analysis. It is established that semiotics is an actual direction of study in modern science, and the semiotic method was used by Averintsev in the study of early Byzantine literature. In particular, the scholar used diffusive and functional approaches when considering texts, paying attention to the context of the use of a language unit, which is a sign of the semiotic method. Errors of S.S. Averintsev in the presentation of Orthodox theology (in sophiology and mariology) are the result of incorrect application of the semiotic method, ignoring the essential texts that create the context of the studied tradition. The analysis of the semiotic approach used By S. S. Averintsev in the study of culture, presented in this article, has not been carried out before. It is concluded that all essential texts of the tradition must be taken into account for authentic presentation of Orthodox theology, which is facilitated by the use of the semiotic method.

The article is devoted to Fyodor Tyutchev’s understanding of the special role of Russia as a country that still retains true Christianity as its spiritual and historical basis. The mission of Russia, according to the poet, is to maintain order on earth and the execution of higher laws, to avoid the onset of the realm of lawlessness. The work shows the process of Fyodor Tyutchev’s comprehension of the inseparability of the destinies of the priesthood and the monarchy, the inseparability of ecclesiastic and imperial history of Russia. The poet believed that Orthodoxy gives meaning to the activities of the state — the denial of Christianity and the imperial-state building based on it legitimises the sinful state of human nature. Calling Russia the heiress of Byzantium, Fyodor Tyutchev comes to the conclusion that it has become the mouthpiece of the fate of one big tribe and of the best, intact and healthy half of the Christian Church. The poet and thinker noted that the fluctuations of the Christian foundations and the slipping from them of the individual, state, society, all mankind into pre-Christian paganism (characteristic for the time of Fyodor Tyutchev) can lead to dire consequences. The author of the article analyses Fyodor Tyutchev’s thoughts on the crisis of the 19th century civilisation, the spiritual essence of which lies in the rejection of the freedom represented by Christianity and in state of enslavement by the autonomous human self and by the undeified political power.

In the Article of Oksana Shepetyak "Statistical Analysis of the Relationship between the Numbers of Christian Churches of the Middle East"is analyzed the modernity of the Christians communities in their historical regions and tendency in their development. The diversity of Eastern Christianity requires a broad and multifaceted study. Most researchers focus on the history of formation, theological and liturgical aspects, and contemporaneity. This study is devoted to the comparison of only statistics, which, however, reveal an entirely new picture of the Christian East. The comparison of the number of believers in the Eastern Churches shows that the Oriental non-orthodox churches dominate in the Alexandrian tradition, while the Eastern Catholic Churches predominate in the East Syrian and Western-Syrian tradition. Instead, the Churches of the Byzantine tradition in the Middle East turned into small religious communities.

In the article, the author describes the features of Christian culture, which, in his opinion, represents the spiritual face of the era. It is stated that the Church in Kyivan Rus as a social creation contributed to the national unification and formation of Rus statehood, and on the basis of the unity of the Orthodox faith, national consciousness also increased. The author of the article emphasizes that with the adoption of Christianity, Rus became a full participant in the world historical process and the cultural Byzantine tradition. In particular, international trade and diplomatic relations developed more actively, and the national consciousness of young Rus was formed. The author summarizes the historiographical references and literary monuments of the 11th century. First of all, he examines the chronicle of Nestor the Chronicler, a monk of the Kyiv-Pechersk monastery, Instruction of Volodymyr Monomakh. A wide range of socio-political, religious and philosophical issues of the then society is defined. He reconstructs the school system of education of the then era and shows that the spread of Christianity contributed to the spread of education in the territory of Rus-Ukraine. The author believes that the historical experience of the achievements of the Christian life of Kyivan Rus will certainly serve the development of social and religious relations at the present stage, and the creation of a single local Orthodox Church is one of the most important national goals of Ukraine. The study of state-Church relations is impossible without taking into account the peculiarities of secular and confessional scientific circles, because they form an idea of understanding the problem within the Church and the state. Only the totality of this and other knowledge can form an idea of modern models of state-Church relations, determine ways of improvement, approve democracy, and so on. The article notes that there are very few domestic scientists who study Ukrainian religious and philosophical opinion in Ukraine. Keywords: Kyivan Rus, Christianity, cultural and spiritual life, Church, education system.

This paper examines the influence of Islam on Albanian culture. The Islamization process of the Albanian culture was very crucial for the Albanians themselves as it gave them a new identity, which they lacked since their settlement on the Adriatic shores. According to history, Albanians, the biggest Muslim nation dwelling in the Balkans, South-East of Europe, are believed to be the descendents of the ancient Illyrians, who settled in Europe around 2500 years ago. They lived a social life based on tribalism, where every tribe had established its own cultural system and way of life. Thus, their cultural differences disallowed them to unite. Such situation did not change, even when Christianity was introduced to them. Because, Christianity came to Albania through two great dominations: Christian Catholics of Vatican (the Northern part of Albanian) and Christian Orthodox of Greece (the Southern part of Albania). The continuous religious and political suppression faced by the Albanians from their Byzantine and Latin masters enabled them to be the first people of the Balkans, who welcomed openheartedly the Ottoman Muslims and embraced Islam as their new way of life in the 15th century. The study focuses on the following issues: (1) Historical background of Albania and Albanians; (2) The genesis of Albanian culture; and (3) The process of integration between Islamic culture and Albanian culture. This research attempts to provide important findings, which will be very helpful to the Muslims and others.

The Holy Synod of the Serbian Orthodox Church and the state representatives of the Republic of Serbia, with the brotherly aid of the Government of The Russian Federation and its Department for External Church Relations of the Moscow Patriarchy are nearing the completion of the Temple of Saint Sava. The unique style and artistic concepts of Nikolay Mukhin is in complete harmony with the architecture of Hagia Sophia in Constantinople, the foremost example of Byzantine and Serbian medieval art. There are four representations in the great arch of each cupola of the Temple of Saint Sava, grouped according to meaning and history as presented in the Holy Testament, with the aim of faithfully depicting the earthly life of Christ and the Mother of God. The rich and original iconography of the mosaics and iconostases is awe-inspiring in their artistry for the over three hundred artists engaged in their execution. The conceptual knot of the interior: the dome, the space below, the pendentive and main arches, with their beautifully decorated altar space, have enriched Serbia and the world with one of the most imposing and magnificent monuments of Christianity today.

Over many centuries, Albanians have been mostly followers of Islam, Catholicism, and Eastern Orthodoxy. There are also other smaller religious communities, including Muslim Bektashi, Protestantism, and Judaism. Christianity and Islam, have coexisted in Albania for centuries. Tolerance is a characteristic of Albanian people, which is probably related to their geopolitical position. Being at the intersection of East and West, Albanians were influenced by both. The lands of Albanians were the meeting and division point of the two greatest empires of the Middle Ages, the Roman and the Byzantine Empires. Experiencing many vicissitudes, this peaceful co-existence, as a national value of a small nation, has continued for centuries and is still ongoing. However, a communist government lasting from 1944 to 1991 imposed a severe prohibition of the practice of religion. The interreligious cooperation during the reopening of the first church and mosque in 1990 was an expression of tolerance despite even though the communist regime was still in power. This paper presents some essential historical facts as well as a sociological approach of the interfaith understanding among Albanians.

In the year 1294/95, in the church of the Virgin Peribleptos in Ohrid, figures of the apostles Peter and Andrew were painted in the bottom register of wall paintings of the south wall, in front of the altar space (fig. 1), while those of St. Clement of Ohrid and St. Constantine Kabasilas appeared on the opposite, north wall (fig. 2). Their choice and placement on such a conspicuous location have already been the subject of interest of scholars who attempted to explain their iconography and unveil the reasons behind their appearance in this Ohrid church. The image of apostle Peter is related to the text of Mt. 16, 18 and this apostle is thus represented as carrying a church on his back while trampling on Hades who, at the same time, is being pierced by an angel bearing a lance. From above, Christ, shown in bust, addresses St. Peter with the gospel text written out in fresco above his image. This rare representation could be interpreted as an image referring to the founding of the church on earth by Christ. The gospel text which inspired it was one of the main arguments in the primacy doctrine of the Roman church. In Byzantium, on the other hand, the equality of all apostles was underlined, and Peter shared his place of honor with Paul and, at times, Andrew. This can explain the presence of the latter by Peter's side in the mentioned Ohrid church. On the opposite wall we find figures of saints who held in particular reverence in the Ohrid area, namely those of Clement and Constantine Kabasilas. St. Clement (whose relics were treasured in Ohrid) was a bishop in nearby Velika in the X century, and his cult developed shortly after his death. On the other hand, at the end of his lifetime Constantine Kabasilas, an archbishop of Ohrid from the middle of the XIII century, was very devoted to the emperor Michael VIII and that seems to have decisively contributed to the early development of his cult. We can basically except the opinion of those among the scholars who associated the images of the mentioned saints with Christ's founding of the church on earth and the spreading of Christianity among the Slavs. However, since the archbishopric of Ohrid had no direct apostolic origins, and since even St. Clement was actually its founder, the wall paintings of the Virgin Peribleptos should be viewed in a somewhat different light. It is well known that the Archbishopric was founded by emperor Basil II who, in the second sigillium (1020), associated it with the earlier existing Bulgarian archbishopric. However, in the XII century, if not already at an earlier date, the archbishopric of Ohrid began to be associated also with Justiniana Prima, the archbishopric founded by emperor Justinian in 535. The first to include it in his title was the archbishop of Ohrid John Komnenos, in 1157, and many of his successors followed his example. Formulas such as Bulgarian and Prima Justiniana which appear in their titles were of a legal and canonic nature and were used in defending the autocephalos rights of the Archbishopric from both the Roman and the Constantinopolitan church. This prompts us to explain the wall paintings of the eastern part of the naos of the Virgin Peribleptos as a result of intentions of the archbishops of Ohrid to underline the ties of their church with Justiniana Prima and the Bulgarian archbishopric. The image of the founding of the church upon St. Peter is not only a universal image of Christ's founding of the church on earth but also a reminder that the archbishopric of Ohrid was formed on the territory of ancient Illyricum which once belonged to Rome and was handed over as a result of an agreement between pope Vigilius and emperor Justinian for the purpose of founding the autocephalos church of Justiniana Prima. Supposedly, the independence and high rank of the archbishopric of Ohrid found justification in those facts. In his letter to patriarch Germanos II (from the 1220's), the archbishop of Ohrid Demetrios Chomatenos goes on to say that the emperor Justinian, in establishing the hierarchy of the most ancient and great patriarchal sees, called the pope of old Rome the first among priests, the patriarch of Constantinople the second and directly after him made mention of the see of the Bulgarian archbishopric, i.e. Ohrid. In the fresco decoration of the Virgin Peribleptos these references to the Roman and Constantinopolitan church were substituted by images of their founders, a common procedure in Byzantine iconography. Just as it did in Chomatenos's letter, the presence of the apostle Andrew was there to point out that the church of Ohrid belonged to the Orthodox world. The second argument upholding the ancient origins and independence of the church of Ohrid - reflected by both the title of its prelates and the wall paintings of the Peribleptos - is based on its ties with the ancient archbishopric of Bulgaria. That is why its archbishops strove to develop the cults of "Bulgarian" saints, primarily that of St. Clement. The text of his vita (XII century), ascribed to Theophylaktos of Ohrid, celebrates him as the most commendable missionary of the Bulgarian people, and in the Catalogue of Bulgarian archbishops (from the same century) he is mentioned in such a manner that one gets the impression that Clement was the first prelate of the territory of the future archbishopric of Ohrid. Such a calculated treatment of St. Clement was especially intensified in the XIII century, as attested in particular by his synaxarion vita and service, in which he is referred to as the thirteenth apostle. A similar phenomenon developed also in the decoration of the church of the Virgin Peribleptos in which Clement plays the role of the first prelate of Ohrid and the perpetuator of the activities of the apostles painted on the wall opposite his image. In order to express clearly and most thoroughly the idea of the origins and the nature of the Archbishopric, it was also necessary to include in this group an image of one archbishop of Ohrid and so the choice fell on Constantine Kabasilas, whose memory was still alive and who, moreover, was the only actually canonized archbishop of Ohrid. Finally, we should also inquire why this ideologically colored fresco decoration appeared in 1294/95 in the church of the Virgin Peribleptos. The theory of the supposed origins of the archbishopric of Ohrid greatly gained in importance in the course of the events related to the Union of Lyon. This time it was suitably used in an attempt to abolish the Serbian archbishopric and the Bulgarian (Trnovo) patriarchate, founded at a somewhat earlier date and for the most part on the one-time territory of the archbishopric of Ohrid. Such pretensions appeared openly in the charter issued by emperor Michael VIII to the archbishopric of Ohrid (1272) and in his memorandum to the pope, read at the Council of Lyon in 1274. Moreover, in 1282 the Serbian king Milutin conquered vast Byzantine territories so that certain administrative units of the archbishopric of Ohrid were not only dislocated within a different state but also became a part of a different, Serbian church. So while the Byzantine emperor attempted to recapture these territories by military force, the archbishop of Ohrid, Makarios, strove to demonstrate visually on the walls of the church of the Virgin Peribleptos the supposed origins of his archbishopric and thus also to claim its rights, through the images of the apostles Peter and Andrew and saints Clement and Constantine Kabasilas. Because of its political engagement, this painted decoration remained unique in medieval art and should thus find explanation in particular ideological and political motives.

The Foundational Myth of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in Mickiewicz’s Kurs pierwszy from Paris Lectures The article attempts to recreate Mickiewicz’s vision of Polish Medieval history in the context of the history of Slavdom as it is presented by him in the speeches from Kurs pierwszy from the Paris lectures. Invoking particular facts from the first centuries of Polish history and interpreting them in a particularly individual manner – frequently contrary to the traditional historical narrative, Mickiewicz rediscovered the foundational myth of the Commonwealth of the nobles in the history of the Piast and Jagiellonian Poland; furthermore, the whole of the Medieval period served Mickiewicz as a universal political model worthy of translation to the poet’s contemporary period. The modern christianitas state model, which Mickiewicz will later design in his writings from 1830s and 1840s, had its roots precisely in this reinterpreted political history of the Middle Ages. When discussing the past, Mickiewicz first and foremost advocated talking about the present and the future of Poland and Europe. Underscoring the strong relationship between Poland and Rome as well as the ties with Western Christendom – as it used to be done in the Middle Ages – was meant to produce a propagandist image: it attempted to demonstrate that the Byzantine-Orthodox culture could neither serve to unite Slavic peoples nor rejuvenate Europe in any way.

In the early 1920s, the Eurasian movement emerged in the Russian emigration. Its representatives tried to explain the causes of the Russian revolution, re-evaluating the historical path of the country and its cultural characteristics development. In the first half of the 1920s, the movement loudly declared itself and quickly gained popularity among the Russian intelligentsia. Its leaders began to attract new authors for publication in Eurasian publications, including Mstislav Vyacheslavovich Shakhmatov, a graduate of the law faculty of St. Petersburg University. He published only two articles in Eurasian publications. However, its role and importance in the Eurasian movement in modern historiography is estimated differently: from being ranked among the founders of Eurasianism to denying any significant role in its history. M.V. Shakhmatov considered the features of the ideal state doctrine of the old Russian principalities and the Moscow Kingdom based on Chronicles and other works of ancient Russian script in his works published in the Eurasian Periodicals. M.V. Shakhmatov thought that the right to the content was super-conscious and followed from religious premises, from the truth of God. Ancient people spread these ideals to the area of state-legal phenomena. In his opinion, the state set three main tasks: the protection of Orthodoxy, the establishment of the truth on earth and protection of the physical existence of the people. The idea of podvigopolozhnichestvo of the Supreme power of the early history of Christianity came from Byzantium. M.V. Shakhmatov noted that the political reality of the life of the old Russian principalities and council cities was very different from the ideals laid down in the chronicles and other works of ancient Russian script. However, the ideal of the state of the truth is remained in the works of Slavophiles, F.M. Dostoevsky, P.I. Novgorodtsev, and individual manifestations in the practice of the Russian Empire.

The myth of the phoenix in Orthodox Slavic literary tradition. Symbolism and interpretationLike the majority of medieval literature, the myth of the phoenix entered the Orthodox Slavic world through translations of Byzantine works. A survey of the texts preserved in the Slavic manuscript tradition shows that there are no works of ancient authors among them, and all works containing the story of the phoenix have an entirely Christian orientation. Not counting particular references to the phoenix in some medieval writings, which in most cases are excerpts or paraphrases made on Slavic soil, the complete story of its life, customs, death and renewal is attested in four main versions found in different types of books. These are the two earlier recensions of Physiologus – the Alexandrian and the Byzantine, a fragment of the Hexameron of Pseudo‑Eustathius and a text from the Tolkovaia Paleia. They differ in some details of their content as well as in their explanations. The function of each version of the myth of the phoenix corresponds to the specific context in which it is placed. The way in which the symbolic meaning of the wonderful bird changed over the centuries can be seen in the four variants of the story.In the Alexandrian version of the Physiologus, it refers directly to Jesus Christ and contains the most abstract Christological ideas of Christian dogma – the Incarnation of God, his death and resurrection. The phoenix of the Byzantine version embodies the idea of God’s resurrection and serves as a proof of its authenticity. In the fragment of Pseudo-Eustathius’ work, the bird symbolises the eschatological resurrection of the flesh, confirming the extension of God’s mercy to people. The phoenix in the Tolkovaia paleia refers to the new life in Heaven that awaits martyrs of Christianity. The Slavic versions of the myth of the phoenix reflect both themes focusing on its symbolism – the renewal of the time by starting a new epoch in human history, and the renewal of life after death which is both an end and a beginning.Mit o feniksie w słowiańskiej prawosławnej tradycji piśmienniczej. Symbolika i interpretacjaJak większość zabytków piśmiennictwa średniowiecznego mit o feniksie wszedł do słowiańskiego świata prawosławnego za pośrednictwem przekładów dzieł bizantyjskich. Analiza tekstów zachowanych w słowiańskiej tradycji rękopiśmienniczej pokazuje, że nie występują tu dzieła autorów starożytnych, zaś wszelkie teksty zawierające historię feniksa mają orientację całkowicie chrześcijańską. Nie licząc szczególnych odniesień do feniksa w niektórych pismach średniowiecznych, w większości przypadków stanowiących fragmenty lub parafrazy powstałe na gruncie słowiańskim, pełna historia jego życia, zwyczaje, śmierć i odrodzenie są poświad­czone w czterech podstawowych wersjach znajdujących się w różnych typach ksiąg. Są to: dwie wcześniejsze redakcje Fizjologa – aleksandryjska i bizantyjska, fragment Hexameronu Pseudo-Eustachego i tekst z Tolkovaia Paleia (Paleja komentowana). Różnią się one szczegółami w treści oraz jej objaśnieniach. Funkcja każdej z wersji mitu o feniksie odpowiada kontekstowi, w jakim został on umieszczony. Dzięki czterem tym wariantom można zobaczyć, w jaki sposób zmieniało się na przestrzeni wieków znaczenie symboliczne tego wspaniałego ptaka.Wersja z aleksandryjskiej redakcji Fizjologa odnosi się bezpośrednio do Jezusa Chrystusa i zawiera najbardziej abstrakcyjne idee chrystologiczne chrześcijańskiej dogmatyki – wcie­lenie Boga, Jego śmierć i zmartwychwstanie. Feniks w wersji bizantyjskiej ucieleśnia ideę zmartwychwstania Boga i służy jako dowód prawdziwości tego wydarzenia. W fragmencie dzieła Pseudo-Eustachego eschatologiczny ptak symbolizuje zmartwychwstanie ciała, potwierdzające rozciągnięcie miłosierdzia Bożego na ludzi. Symbolika feniksa w Tolkovaia paleia (Paleja komentowana) odnosi się do nowego życia w niebie, czekającego na chrześcijańskich męczenników. Wersje słowiańskie mitu o feniksie zawierają oba wątki koncentrujące się na jego symbolice – odnowienie czasu poprzez rozpoczęcie nowej epoki w historii ludzkości i odnowę życia po śmierci, będącej zarówno końcem, jak i początkiem.

This article explores the political and cultural context of the riots provoked by changes in the Trisagion (512). Along with the advancing integration of the Byzantine Empire with Christianity, the state’s interest in theological problems increased; these problems were also reflected in the liturgy. Worship was used as a tool of imperial policy. This mutual interaction between politics and liturgy can be observed particularly clearly in the history of the Trisagion. This hymn, in its primitive form appearing in the book of Isaiah (as the familiar Sanctus Sanctus Sanctus), had two interpretations from the first centuries. According to the first one, the hymn referred to God, or – with the development of theology – to the whole Holy Trinity. According to the second interpretation (probably originating from Antioch), it referred to Christ. Already in the 4th century, the Trisagion entered the liturgy. In the middle of the 5th century, we encounter a new version of the Trisagion (known as SanctusDeus, Sanctus Fortis), which was an elaboration of the above-mentioned hymn. It also found use in the liturgy and originally had a Trinitarian sense. The Monophysites, in order to give the hymn an anti-Chalcedonian sense, added to it the expression who was crucified for us; this makes the hymn unambiguously Christological, but it may also suggest theopaschism (all of the Trinity was crucified). In Antioch, where the Trisagion first appeared in that form (and where the hymn had always been interpreted as referring to Christ), this addition did not provoke protests from the Chalcedonians. However, when the Monophysite emperor Anastasius decided to introduce this version to the liturgy in Constantinople, the inhabitants of the capital – accustomed to understanding the Trisagion in the Trinitarian sense – interpreted the change as an offence against the Trinity. This caused the outbreak of the Trisagion riots (512). Not long afterwards, restoring the anthem in the version without the addition became one of the postulates of military commander Vitalian’s rebellion against Anastasius. Thus, in the case under analysis, we see theology and liturgy blending with current politics; one and the same hymn could be understood as heretical in one city and as completely orthodox in another.

A Rooted Man and a Sacred PoetBy Viggo MortensenA Review of A.M. Allchin: N.F.S. Grundtvig. An Introduction to his Life and Work. With an afterword by Nicholas Lossky. 338 pp. Writings published by the Grundtvig Society, Århus University Press, 1997.Canon Arthur Macdonald Allchin’s services to Grundtvig research are wellknown to the readers of Grundtvig Studier, so I shall not attempt to enumerate them. But he has now presented us and the world with a brilliant synthesis of his studies of Grundtvig, a comprehensive, thorough and fundamental introduction to Grundtvig, designed for the English-speaking world. Fortunately, the rest of us are free to read as well.It has always been a topic of discussion in Denmark whether Grundtvig can be translated, whether he can be understood by anyone except Danes who have imbibed him with their mother’s milk, so to speak. Allchin is an eloquent proof that it can be done. Grundtvig can be translated and he can be made comprehensible to people who do not belong in Danish culture only, and Allchin spells out a recipe for how it can be done. What is required is for one to enter Grundtvig’s universe, but to enter it as who one is, rooted in one’s own tradition. That is what makes Allchin’s book so exciting and innovative - that he poses questions to Grundtvig’s familiar work from the vantage point of the tradition he comes from, thus opening it up in new and surprising ways.The terms of the headline, »a rooted man« and »a sacred poet« are used about Grundtvig in the book, but they may in many ways be said to describe Allchin, too. He, too, is rooted in a tradition, the Anglican tradition, but also to a large extent the tradition taken over from the Church Fathers as it lives on in the Orthodox Church. Calling him a sacred poet may be going too far.Allchin does not write poetry, but he translates Grundtvig’s prose and poetry empathetically, even poetically, and writes a beautiful and easily understood English.Allchin combines the empathy with the distance necessary to make a renewed and renewing reading so rewarding: »Necessarily things are seen in a different perspective when they are seen from further away. It may be useful for those whose acquaintance with Grundtvig is much closer, to catch a glimpse of his figure as seen from a greater distance« (p. 5). Indeed, it is not only useful, it is inspiring and capable of opening our eyes to new aspects of Grundtvig.The book falls into three main sections. In the first section an overview of Grundtvig’s life and work is given. It does not claim to be complete which is why Allchin only speaks about »Glimpses of a Life«, the main emphasis being on the decisive moments of Grundtvig’s journey to himself. In five chapters, Grundtvig’s way from birth to death is depicted. The five chapters cover: Childhood to Ordination 1783-1811; Conflict and Vision 1811-29; New Directions, Inner and Outer 1829-39; Unexpected Fulfilment 1839-58; and Last Impressions 1858-72. As it will have appeared, Allchin does not follow the traditional division, centred around the familiar years. On the contrary, he is critical of the attempts to focus everything on such »matchless discoveries«; rather than that he tends to emphasize the continuity in the person’s life as well as in his writings. Thus, about Thaning’s attempt to make 1832 the absolute pivotal year it is said: »to see this change as an about turn is mistaken« (p. 61).In the second main section of the book Allchin identifies five main themes in Grundtvig’s work: Discovering the Church; The Historic Ministry; Trinity in Unity; The Earth made in God’s Image; A simple, cheerful, active Life on Earth. It does not quite do Allchin justice to say that he deals with such subjects as the Church, the Office, the Holy Trinity, and Creation theology.His own subtitles, mentioned above, are much more adequate indications of the content of the section, since they suggest the slight but significant differences of meaning that Allchin masters, and which are immensely enlightening.It also becomes clear that it is Grundtvig as a theologian that is the centre of interest, though this does not mean that his work as educator of the people, politician, (history) scholar, and poet is neglected. It adds a wholeness to the presentation which I find valuable.The third and longest section of the book, The Celebration of Faith, gives a comprehensive introduction to Grundtvig’s understanding of Christianity, as it finds expression in his sermons and hymns. The intention here is to let Grundtvig speak for himself. This is achieved through translations of many of his hymns and long extracts from his sermons. Allchin says himself that if there is anything original about his book, it depends on the extensive use of the sermons to illustrate Grundtvig’s understanding of Christianity. After an introduction, Eternity in Time, the exposition is arranged in the pattern of the church year: Advent, Christmas, Annunciation, Easter and Whitsun.In the section about the Annunciation there is a detailed description of the role played by the Virgin Mary and women as a whole in Grundtvig’s understanding of Christianity. He finishes the section by quoting exhaustively from the Catholic theologian Charles Moeller and his views on the Virgin Mary, bearing the impress of the Second Vatican Council, and he concludes that in all probability Grundtvig would not have found it necessary to disagree with such a Reformist Catholic view. Finally there are two sections about The Sign of the Cross and The Ministry of Angels. The book ends with an epilogue, where Allchin sums up in 7 points what modem features he sees in Gmndtvig.Against the fragmented individualism of modem times, he sets Gmndtvig’s sense of cooperation and interdependence. In a world plagued with nationalism, Gmndtvig is seen as an example of one who takes national identity seriously without lapsing into national chauvinism. As one who values differences, Grundtvig appeals to a time that cherishes special traditions.Furthermore Gmndtvig is one of the very greatest ecumenical prophets of the 19th century. In conclusion Allchin translates »Alle mine Kilder« (All my springs shall be in you), »Øjne I var lykkelige« (Eyes you were blessed indeed) and »Lyksaligt det Folk, som har Øre for Klang« (How blest are that people who have an ear for the sound). Thus, in a sense, these hymns become the conclusion of the Gmndtvig introduction. The point has been reached when they can be sung with understanding.While reading Allchin’s book it has been my experience that it is from his interpretation of the best known passages and poems that I have learned most. The familiar stanzas which one has sung hundreds of times are those which one is quite suddenly able to see new aspects in. When, for example, Allchin interprets »Langt højere Bjerge« (Far Higher Mountains), involving Biblical notions of the year of jubilee, it became a new and enlightening experience for me. But the Biblical reference is characteristic. A Biblical theologian is at work here.Or when he interprets »Et jævnt og muntert virksomt Liv paa Jord« (A Simple Cheerful Active Life on Earth), bringing Holger Kjær’s memorial article for Ingeborg Appel into the interpretation. In less than no time we are told indirectly that the most precise understanding of what a simple, cheerful, active life on earth is is to be found in Benedict of Nursia’s monastic mle.That, says Allchin, leads us to the question »where we are to place the Gmndtvigian movement in the whole spectmm of Christian movements of revival which are characteristic of Protestantism« (p. 172). Then - in a comparison with revival movements of a Pietistic and Evangelical nature – Allchin proceeds to give a description of a Grundtvigianism which is culturally open, but nevertheless has close affinities with a medieval, classical, Western monastic tradition: a theocentric humanism. »It is one particular way of knitting together the clashing archetypes of male and female, human and divine, in a renunciation of evil and an embracing of all which is good and on the side of life, a way of making real in the frailties and imperfections of flesh and blood a deeply theocentric humanism« (p. 173).Now, there is a magnificent English sentence. And there are many of them. Occasionally some of the English translations make the reader prick up his ears, such as when Danish »gudelige forsamlinger« becomes »meetings of the godly«. I learnt a few new words, too (»niggardliness« and »esemplastic«) the meaning of which I had to look up; but that is only to be expected from a man of learning like Allchin. But otherwise the book is written in an easily understood and beautiful English. This is also true of the large number of translations, about which Allchin himself says that he has been »tantalised and at times tormented« by the problems connected with translating Grundtvig, particularly, of course, his poetry. Naturally Allchin is fully aware that translation always involves interpretation. When for example he translates Danish »forklaret« into »transfigured«, that choice pulls Grundtvig theologically in the direction that Allchin himself inclines towards. This gives the reader occasion to reflect. It is Allchin’s hope that his work on translating Grundtvig will be followed up by others. »To translate Grundtvig in any adequate way would be the work of not one person but of many, not of one effort but of many. I hope that this preliminary study may set in train a process of Grundtvig assimilation and affirmation« (p. 310)Besides being an introduction to Grundtvig, the book also becomes an introduction to past and contemporary Danish theology and culture. But contemporary Danish art, golden age painting etc. are also brought in and interpreted.As a matter of course, Allchin draws on the whole of the great Anglo-Saxon tradition: Blake, Constable, Eliot, etc., indeed, there are even quite frequent references to Allchin’s own Welsh tradition. In his use of previous secondary literature, Allchin is very generous, quoting it frequently, often concurring with it, and sometimes bringing in half forgotten contributions to the literature on Grundtvig, such as Edvard Lehmann’s book from 1929. However, he may also be quite sharp at times. Martin Marty, for example, must endure being told that he has not understood Grundtvig’s use of the term folkelig.Towards the end of the book, Allchin discusses the reductionist tactics of the Reformers. Anything that is not absolutely necessary can be done away with. Thus, what remains is Faith alone, Grace alone, Christ alone. The result was a radical Christ monism, which ended up with undermining everything that it had originally been the intention to defend. But, says Allchin, Grundtvig goes the opposite way. He does not question justification by faith alone, but he interprets it inclusively. The world in all its plenitude is created in order that joy may grow. There is an extravagance and an exuberance in the divine activity. In a theology that wants to take this seriously, themes like wonder, growth and joy must be crucial.Thus, connections are also established back to the great church tradition. It is well-known how Grundtvig received decisive inspiration from the Fathers of the Eastern Church. Allchin’s contribution is to show that it grows out of a need by Grundtvig himself, and he demonstrates how it manifests itself concretely in Grundtvig’s writings. »Perhaps he had a deep personal need to draw on the wisdom and insight of earlier ages, on the qualities which he finds in the sacred poetry of the Anglo-Saxons, in the liturgical hymns of the Byzantine Church, in the monastic theology of the early medieval West. He needs these resources for his own life, and he is able to transpose them into his world of the nineteenth century, which if it is no longer our world is yet a world in which we can still feel at home. He can be for us a vital link, a point of connection with these older worlds whose riches he had deciphered and transcribed with such love and labour« (p. 60).Thus the book gives us a discussion - more detailed than seen before – of Grundtvig’s relationship to the Apostolic Succession, the sacramental character of the Church and Ordination, and the phenomenon transfiguration which is expounded, partly by bringing in Jakob Knudsen. On the background of the often observed emphasis laid by Grundtvig on the descent into Hell and the transfiguration, his closeness to the orthodox form of Christianity is established. Though Grundtvig does not directly use the word »theosis« or deification, the heart of the matter is there, the matter that has been given emphasis first and foremost in the bilateral talks between the Finnish Lutheran Church and the Russian Orthodox Church. But Grundtvig’s contribution is also seen in the context of other contemporaries and reforming efforts, Khomiakov in Russia, Johann Adam Möhler in Germany, and Keble, Pusey and Newman in England. It is one of Allchin’s major regrets that it did not come to an understanding between the leaders of the Oxford Movement and Grundtvig. If an actual meeting and a fruitful dialogue had materialized, it might have exerted some influence also on the ecumenical situation of today.Allchin shows how the question of the unity of the Church and its universality as God’s Church on earth acquired extreme importance to Grundtvig. »The question of rediscovering Christian unity became a matter of life and death« (p. 108). It is clear that in Allchin’s opinion there has been too little attention on this aspect of Grundtvig. Among other things he attributes it to a tendency in the Danish Church to cut itself off from the rest of the Christian world, because it thinks of itself as so special. And this in a sense is the case, says Allchin. »Where else, at the end of the twentieth century, is there a Church which is willing that a large part of its administration should be carried on by a government department? Where else is there a state which is still willing to take so much responsibility for the administration of the Church’s life?« (p. 68). As will be seen: Allchin is a highly sympathetic, but far from uncritical observer of Danish affairs.When Allchin sees Grundtvig as an ecumenical theologian, it is because he keeps crossing borders between Protestantism and Catholicism, between eastern and western Christianity. His view of Christianity is thus »highly unitive« (p. 310). Grundtvig did pioneer work to break through the stagnation brought on by the church schisms of the Reformation. »If we can see his efforts in that way, then the unfinished business of 1843 might still give rise to fruitful consequences one hundred and fifty years later. That would be a matter of some significance for the growth of the Christian faith into the twentyfirst century, and not only in England and Denmark« (p. 126).In Nicholas Lossky’s Afterword it is likewise Grundtvig’s effort as a bridge builder between the different church groupings that is emphasized. Grundtvig’s theology is seen as a »truly patristic approach to the Christian mystery« (p. 316). Thus Grundtvig becomes a true all-church, universal, »catholic« theologian, for »Catholicity is by definition unity in diversity or diversity in unity« (p. 317).With views like those presented here, Allchin has not only introduced Grundtvig and seen him in relation to present-day issues, but has also fruitfully challenged a Danish Grundtvig tradition and Grundtvigianism. It would be a pity if no one were to take up that challenge.

The purpose of the study is to identify the specifics of the national form of society, as well as to identify common features in the state model of Britain and Kievan Rus. The research methodology assumes the unity of such methodological approaches as the system-historical and comparative method. The system-historical method made it possible to identify the specifics of the national forms of society in Britain and Kievan Rus. The comparative method helped to identify similarities in the state of Britain and Kievan Rus. The scientific novelty lies in the attempt to determine the common features and points of contact in the state model of Britain and Kievan Rus. Conclusions At a certain historical level, Byzantine Christianity, with its Hellenistic philosophy, alienated the Western churches and did not allow to accept the "authenticity" of the Christian foundations of Orthodox teaching. It is revealed that similar features of the ruling republican forms of power institutions of Britain-England and Rus-Ukraine are connected with the common Byzantine traditions. It is determined that the aristocratic principle of self-identification and cultural foundations of Byzantium became widespread and became part of European cultural, educational, religious, and pedagogical structures. It is emphasized that since the triumph of atheism and progressivism in Europe there has been a rejection of Byzantine cultural traditions, but in the twentieth century it was English researchers, historians, art critics? and culturologists who revived the theme of Byzantinism.

The ancient Ethiopian Christian empire was an emergent and notable power in Eastern Africa and influenced its surrounding regions. It was itself influenced both religiously and politically. The ancient Christian narrative of North Africa has been deduced against a Roman imperial background. Whilst the preceding is congruent with the historical political dynamics, a consideration of the autonomy and uniqueness of ancient African Christianity and its regional influence is also relevant. This implied a revisionist approach to literature which was achieved through document analysis. A review of the continual independent interaction of ancient African Christianity with Roman or Byzantine imperial orthodoxy reflected on the multi-factorial self-definitive development within African Christianity. Against the background of ecclesiastical polities and socio-ethnical dynamics, the relationship of Africa or Ethiopia with Byzantine orthodoxy provides a strong argument for an organic African orthodoxy. The Constantinian era ushered a new phase of imperial orthodoxy and imperial-ecclesiastical ties that became formative for an imperial policy; these were definitive of Byzantine orthodoxy and were reflected in Roman and Vandal Africa and also in the Ethiopian Christian empire. This consequently characterised the orthodox Christianity post 325 CE/Nicaea; introspection regarding the extent of its influence formed the basis of this study. A study of the Ethiopian empire in its immediate Judaic-Arabian environment enhances the understanding regarding the ethnically politically defined Christianity that characterised it. Correspondingly, the review of Ethiopian Christianity’s interaction with Byzantine orthodoxy and definitive features of ancient North African Christianity helped clear the ground for an organic orthodoxy. An establishment regarding a cooperative Ethiopian–Byzantine geopolitical policy, as opposed to theological divergence, helped change the narrative of African orthodoxy.

Книга А.Н. Кодзаева «Древние осетины и Осетия» (1903) была первой специализированной монографией по истории Осетии. Автор, отвечая на социальный запрос осетинского общества, вставшего на путь национальной консолидации, попытался представить целостную картину истории предков осетин, историю аланского христианства, а также историографию Осетии, эпос, мифологию, традиционную религиозную систему. Кодзаев опирался на богатую историографию истории и культуры алан-осетин, труды В.Ф. Миллера, М.М. Ковалевского, В.Б. Пфафа, Ю.А. Кулаковского, этнографическую и религиоведческую литературу, накопленную к началу XX в. Кодзаев характеризует традиционную религиозную систему осетин, древний иранский монотеизм, пишет о соотношении в духовной культуре осетин традиционной религии и христианства. Вслед за Миллером автор проводит интересные параллели между нартовским эпосом и сведениями письменных источников об иранских предках осетин. В книге представлена история аланского православия, предложена научная периодизация христианизации алан. Кодзаевым сформулирован плодотворный тезис о глубокой связи и взаимообусловленности становления и развития аланской государственности и аланского православия в X-XV в. Автор отстаивает положение о глубоком проникновении христианства в ткань культуры аланского общества, евангелизации населения средневековой Алании, ставшей частью византийского культурно-цивилизационного пространства. О степени христианизации аланского населения свидетельствуют разные источники, приводимые автором: письменные, данные археологии, этнографии и фольклора. Высокий статус аланской епархии, ставшей митрополией, отраженный в нотициях Византийского патриархата, монументальное храмовое строительство, письменность, христианское изобразительное искусство – все свидетельствует о процветавшем в средневековье христианском обществе и государстве алан. Христианство, проходящее через всю историю алан с начала новой эры, является важнейшим компонентом осетинской духовно-культурной традиции. Оно должно стать основой современного развития осетинского этноса и его культуры – таков вывод историка и просветителя. A.N. Kodzaev’s book “Ancient Ossetians and Ossetia” (1903) was the first specialized monograph on the history of Ossetia. The author, responding to the social request of Ossetian society, embarked on the path of national consolidation, tried to present a holistic picture of the history of the ancestors of the Ossetians, the history of Alanian Christianity, as well as the historiography of Ossetia, epic, mythology, and traditional religious system. Kodzaev relied on the rich historiography of the history and culture of the Alan-Ossetians, the works of V.F. Miller, M.M. Kovalevsky, V.B. Pfaf, Yu.A. Kulakovsky, and ethnographic and religious literature, which were accumulated by the beginning of XX century. Kodzaev characterizes the traditional religious system of Ossetians, ancient Iranian monotheism, writes about the correlation in the spiritual culture of Ossetians both traditional religion and Christianity. Following Miller, the author draws interesting parallels between the Nart epic and information from written sources about the Iranian ancestors of Ossetians. The book presents the history of Alan Orthodoxy, proposes the scientific periodization of the Christianization of the Alans. Kodzaev formulated a fruitful thesis about the deep connection and interdependence of the formation and development of the Alanian statehood and Alanian Orthodoxy in the X-XV centuries. The author defends the position on the deep penetration of Christianity into the tissue of culture of the Alanian society, the evangelization of the population of medieval Alanya, which became part of the Byzantine cultural and civilizational space. Various sources cited by the author testify to the degree of Christianization of the Alanian population: written, data from archeology, ethnography and folklore. The high status of the Alanian diocese, which has become a metropolis, reflected in the notices of the Byzantine Patriarchate, monumental temple construction, writing, Christian fine art – all testify to the flourishing Christian society and the Alan state in the Middle Ages. Christianity, passing through the entire history of the Alans from the beginning of a new era, is an essential component of the Ossetian spiritual and cultural tradition. It should become the basis for the modern development of the Ossetian ethnic group and its culture – such is the conclusion of the historian and enlightener.

In the article the author tries to analyze the representation of philosophical and anthropological ideas in the works of fraternal schools in the XVI–XVII centuries. It is noted that man was considered in the unity of soul and body as a microcosm and one that was created in the image of God. Self-knowledge was interpreted as a way of liberation from the burdens of the surrounding world, dependence on earthly sensuality. In particular, Stefan Zizaniy had a rationalist vision of the dogmas of orthodox Christianity. The work of Kyrylo Tranquillion-Stavrovetsky shows a neo-Platonist tradition associated with humanism. In accordance with the traditions of the Renaissance, the philosopher turns to the idea of double truth, considering wisdom from the standpoint of theology and practical philosophy of life. K. Tranquillion-Stavrovetsky, according to the Stoic doctrine, regarded man as a dual nature. But the philosopher also emphasized the unity of soul and body, because they are strongly interconnected. It is noteworthy that the scientist reveals the problem of soul and body from the Renaissance-humanistic moral-ethical and epistemological positions. Isaiah Kopynsky emphasizes that self-knowledge and cognition of the surrounding world does not occur through the study of nature and observation of natural phenomena, but, on the contrary, through immersion in your inner spiritual world through “smart deeds”. It contributes to the knowledge of the outside world, self-knowledge and knowledge of God. I. Kopynsky’s views are close to early Hesychast Byzantine theology. The anthropological views of the theologian are focused on the individual who takes an active part in the historical process. In his works, M. Smotrytsky also pays special attention to the transcendent nature of the human spirit, in particular, analyzing the question of the interaction of action and will. The author concludes that the philosophical and anthropological ideas of the fraternal schools were formed in the context of European philosophical culture and were a reflection of the cultural and historical features of the historical period we are studying.