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1
Oparin, O. A. "Medicine in the Byzantine empire: history and philosophy." Shidnoevropejskij zurnal vnutrisnoi ta simejnoi medicini 2020, no. 2b (December 2020): 70–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/internalmed2020.02b.070.
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It is shown that the history of medicine in the Byzantine Empire is characterized by almost complete stagnation of development throughout the entire thousand years of the empire, for which characteristic was the domination of religious and magical practices represented as astrology, magic, occultism, neoplatonism over scientific ones, extremely low levels of education and training of doctors. The article points out that one of the leading causes of stagnation of the development of medical science in the Byzantine Empire was the formation of the civil church, which was completely controlled, both in administrative and doctrinal terms, by imperial government, which led to the secularization of the church and its transformation in a great feudal lord; to introduction of pagan beliefs and provisions to the church; to formation and prosperity of superstitions and rituals characteristic of paganism. It is shown that the state subjugating church lost its necessary spiritual foundation (without which it is impossible to build a healthy and prosperous society) resulting in the formation of extremely backward socio-economic situation of Byzantium, with long persistence of slave relations, pervasive embezzlement, huge bureaucracy, corrupt executive system, sharp stratification of society, low level of science in general and medicine in particular.
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Kyiak, S. R. "Ukrainian Catholicism: The Church-Ritual Aspect." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 30 (June 29, 2004): 96–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2004.30.1511.
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In Ukrainian church life, the influence of the Byzantine Empire, which has existed for over eleven centuries, holds a special place. This unique Greek superpower became the first independent state where faith in Jesus Christ became part of the entire state complex. It was this faith that united Byzantium with the Ecumenical Church, whose center of history was rooted in Rome.
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Schreiner, Peter. "The Byzantine roots of southeastern Europe." Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no. 60-2 (2023): 1311–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi2360311s.
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Southeastern Europe is a divided region with regards to its Byzantine roots, Byzantine legacy and Byzantine present. Politically and militarily, Byzantium never managed to reestablish the old Roman frontiers in the Balkans. However, it was decisively involved in the economic rise of this region, which in turn benefited the Empire. Byzantium became a model for peoples and states due to its overall political power, cultural legacy, and especially the charisma of the church, as well as the fact that it did not suppress their own national developments and traditions. But in the past and present, Byzantine culture has left lasting traces only in the mentality where the traditions were supported by the Orthodox Church or where they were preserved independently of strict forms of belief through a sense of belonging to an Orthodox cultural community.
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Majeska, George P., and J. M. Hussey. "The Orthodox Church in the Byzantine Empire." American Historical Review 94, no. 5 (December 1989): 1356. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1906386.
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Orekhovsky, V. "Patriarch Photius of Constantinople and Byzantine сhurch of the IX century." Вісник Київського національного лінгвістичного університету. Серія Історія, економіка, філософія, no. 25 (December 28, 2020): 20–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.32589/2412-9321.25.2020.264193.
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The article is devoted to the multifaceted activities of one of the most prominent figures in the Byzantine history of the IX century, a prominent church and political figure, scientist and theologian – Patriarch Photius of Constantinople. The special stages of development of theological thought are analyzed with account of specificity and connection of spiritual knowledge of humanity with state administration. The main attention is paid to those church leaders, theologians who advocated universal human values, creativity, and freedom in the context of the interaction of the state and the church. Church historians call this epoch the era of Patriarch Photius, a prominent theologian, historian, scholar, diplomat, religious figure and church writer. The object of the study is the state and church policies of the Byzantine Empire in the nineth century, as well as the personality of Patriarch Photius and his church activities. Photius’ activities had a huge impact not only on church-state relations in Byzantium, but also identified the nature of relations between the churches of East and West. He reflected the tendency to unite and independence the Byzantine internal forces from Rome. These tendencies were inherent in the state life of the Roman Empire also in the subsequent period.The study of complex and contradictory historical events and phenomena that led to the church schism is based on methodological guidelines and principles of religious studies and historical science, and the research focus of the article is aimed at illustrating the historical and socio-political background, jurisdictional transformations and ecclesiastical transformations, the struggle of the popes and patriarchs of Constantinople for ecclesiastical universalism in Christendom, which eventually led to the proclamation of mutual anathemas and the final split of the Church of Christ. The methodology of the Byzantine missionaries and their usual practice are studied. The problems of chronology and nature of Rus-Byzantine relations in the late tenth century are being revised.
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MAIOROV, ALEXANDER V. "The Rus Archbishop Peter at the First Council of Lyon." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 71, no. 1 (November 5, 2019): 20–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046919001143.
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The article establishes that the role of the Rus Archbishop Peter at the First Council of Lyon (1245) was not limited to conveying sensational information about the Tatars, as is usually believed. Peter was willing to resume negotiations between the Apostolic See and the rulers of the Byzantine (Nicene) Empire on the union of Churches, which continued with varying success throughout the thirteenth century. In the mid-1240s the Rus church hierarchs, who headed the Kiev (all Rus) Metropolitanate of the Byzantine Church, played an important, yet underestimated by researchers, role in establishing direct contacts between the Byzantine and Roman Churches and resuming negotiations for church unity.
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Lysikov, Pavel. "The Church and Internal Conflicts in Byzantium: The Catalans’ Presence in the Empire in the Early 14th Century According to the Correspondence of Athanasios I, Patriarch of Constantinople." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 6 (December 2023): 284–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2023.6.21.
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Introduction. The present research is related to the problem of the image of Other in Byzantine sources, but the focus is on its single aspect, namely the problem of the Byzantine attitude towards “the Latins” and, in particular, Western mercenaries which will be considered on the example of Athanasios I, patriarch of Constantinople’s (1289–1293, 1303–1309) relation to mercenaries of the Catalan Company staying for a long time (1303–1309) on the territory of the empire. It represents source analysis of the patriarch’s correspondence that is, we believe, the most underrated historical sources in this respect. Our goals are to find out the position of the Byzantine church towards the Catalan company and to determine the value of the Athanasios’ epistolary as a source for studying the Byzantine-Catalan conflict. The subject of research is 10 letters of Athanasios somehow reflecting his views on the Catalans’ presence in the empire. Methods and materials. The principles of the hermeneutic method allow us to interpret holistically the letters of the patriarch. Analysis and results. It is concluded that Athanasios who saw the Catalans, representatives of the West, as a threat to the existence of the Byzantine state and church from the very beginning was against their involvement in the empire to defend its eastern boundaries. After the Catalans’ arrival, three main themes can be distinguished in his criticism of them which the patriarch expressed in his letters sent mainly to the emperor: he opposed lawlessness and violence on their part towards the local population; warned the basileus about inadmissibility of the Catalans’ interference in state affairs; feared that their long stay in Byzantium would be harmful to the church and the Orthodox population in the ways that it was at the time of the Fourth Crusade and Latin Domination. These letters contain not much factual information but they allow to confirm and even complement data of other sources, mainly narrative ones, as well as to deepen our knowledge on relations between state and church in Byzantium under conditions of internal crisis in the early 14th century.
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Korobeynikov, Dmitry. "On the Byzantine-Mongol Marriages." ISTORIYA 13, no. 11 (121) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840023180-7.
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The article focuses on the rapprochement between Byzantium and the Mongols from the 1250s which resulted in marriage alliances between Mongol Khans and Byzantine despoinas (princesses). The key issue is a clash of two different approaches. The Byzantine one was focused on the exclusive status of Byzantium as Christian Roman Empire, whose status was unrivalled and whose sovereigns seldom allowed marriages of Byzantine ladies to the foreign rulers, especially if the latter were heathen or Muslim. The Mongol view considered the Mongol state as the only one destined to dominate over other states. Here, the marriages between Mongol rulers and foreign brides have been suggested as one of vital elements of such domination. The compromise between two views seemed to have been made by the Byzantines: while the Byzantine church law refused to recognize interconfessional marriages, the Byzantines began to see these marriages as a Christian mission of sorts as the Greek brides and wives could have served as agents for spreading Greek Orthodox Christianity. Given the fact that some Khans had already converted to Islam prior to the marriage, these were also the first marriages between the Byzantine Imperial dynasty of the Palaiologoi and the Muslim rulers. It seems that special tolerance of the Mongols towards Christianity (even if they were Muslims) played a key role in the change of the principles of the Byzantine marriage policy: it henceforth became possible for the Emperor’s illegitimate daughter to marry a Muslim ruler. This policy affected the marriages of the later period of the fourteenth and fifteenth century between the imperial dynasties of the Palaiologoi and Grand Komnenoi, on the one hand, and the neighboring Turkish rulers, including the Ottomans, on the other.
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Freze, Anna. "Byzantine church as a dwelling place. Monastic seclusion practices in Byzantium and Old Rus’ in the ninth-thirteenth centuries." Zograf, no. 43 (2019): 23–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zog1943023f.
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The juxtaposition of historical and architectural evidence supports the possibility of seclusion practice in the church proper. This hypothesis is valid for both the Byzantine Empire and Old Rus?. Seclusion in a church led to a higher authority and religious status of an ascetic. The structural pair of a cell and a chapel above it was introduced into a number of Middle Byzantine, mediaeval Serbian and Old Russian monuments. Idiosyncratic features of this module suggest its development for the specific needs of recluses imitating the life of a stylite.
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Uzhankov, Alexander N. "The Church and the Byzantine Empire: Epiphanic link of events." Studia Slavica et Balcanica Petropolitana 21, no. 1 (2017): 162–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu19.2017.111.
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Mainardi, Adalberto. "Conflicting Authorities. The Byzantine Symphony and the Idea of Christian Empire in Russian Orthodox Thought at the Turn of the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries." Review of Ecumenical Studies Sibiu 10, no. 2 (August 1, 2018): 170–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ress-2018-0014.
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Abstract The ideal of Byzantine symphony is still present in contemporary debate on church-state relations. A worldly notion of power interferes with a theological assessment of authority in the Church: hence the identification of the Christian empire with the kingdom of God, in a kind of a realized eschatology. This paper undertakes the deconstruction of the notion of “byzantine symphony” through its interpretations by some Russian religious thinkers at the turn of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, when the whole of Russian society faced dramatic changes. The idea of Christian empire, represented by Constantine the Great, emerges as the foundation of the new orthodox Russian Empire (Tjutčev), contrasted to European civilization (Danilevskij, Leont’ev); but Constantine is also an apocalyptic figure (Bukharev), a political leader (Bolotov), a tyrant (Solov’ev) and the symbol of an entire epoch in Christian history that definitely came to an end (Bulgakov, Berdyaev).
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Kuruvilla, Samuel J. "Church–State Relations in Palestine: Empires, Arab Nationalism and the Indigenous Greek Orthodox, 1880–1940." Holy Land Studies 10, no. 1 (May 2011): 55–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2011.0003.
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The need to negotiate and resolve ethno-nationalistic aspirations on the part of dependent and subject communities of faith-believers is a complex issue. The Ottoman Empire formed a classic case in this context. This article is a historical-political reflection on a small group of Christians within the broader Arab and ‘Greek’ Christian milieu that once formed the backbone of the earlier Byzantine and later Ottoman empires. The native Arab Orthodox of Palestine in the twilight years of the Ottoman Empire found themselves in a struggle between their religious affiliations with Mediterranean Greek Orthodoxy and Western Christendom as opposed to the then ascendant star of nationalist pan-Arabism in the Middle East. The supersession of the Ottoman Empire by the British colonial Mandatory system in Palestine and the loss of imperial Russian support for the Arab Orthodox in the Holy Land naturally meant that they relied more on social and political cooperation with their fellow Palestinian Muslims. This was to counter the dominance extended by the ethnic Greek ecclesiastical hierarchy in the Holy Land over the historically Arab Orthodox Patriarchate of Jerusalem with support from elements within the Greek Republic and the British Mandatory authorities.
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Shahinyan, Arsen K. "The Organization of the Church Structure in the Armenian Provinces of Byzantium Occupied by Arab Muslims in the second half 7th–8th Centuries." Archiv orientální 91, no. 2 (October 31, 2023): 229–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.47979/aror.j.91.2.229-254.
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The aim of this article is to restore the church structure in the western lands of Greater Armenia and the whole Lesser Armenia, which, on the eve of the conquests of the Arab Muslims, being part of the Byzantine Empire, belonged either to the Orthodox Patriarchates of Constantinople and Antioch, or to the Armenian Catholicosate of Dwin, and after the start of their conquests they passed in the second half of the 7th c. to the Caliphate. According to calculations by the author, in the early 8th c. there were formed in the lands of the former Armenian provinces of Byzantium three major eparchies of the Syrian Jacobite Church with its see in Antioch, which, like the Armenian Church, firmly adhered to the non-Chalcedonian position and came under the Arabs. Three more Syrian church units were formed in the Armenian lands at the end of the same century. Four of the six Jacobite eparchies were occupied the former canonical territories of the Orthodox Church with Constantinople and Antioch as their sees and two more—the canonical territories of the Armenian Catholicosate in regions of Arzan and Xlat‘.
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Kushch, Tatiana V. "Violating the Convention: M. Ja. Sjuzjumov’s Participation in the Preparation of the History of Byzantium." Izvestia of the Ural federal university. Series 2. Humanities and Arts 24, no. 2 (2022): 155–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/izv2.2022.24.2.031.
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This article examines the history behind the writing of the three-volume History of Byzantium (1967). In the 1950s and 1960s, the writing of “meta-narratives” meant covering the history of different states from the standpoint of the Marxist interpretation of the historical process and using the methods of historical materialism. In addition, collective work on them demonstrated the scholarly convention of Marxist historians. These principles were also implemented during the preparation of the History of Byzantium. A member of the editorial board and one of the main authors of the multi-volume work was Mikhail Jakovlevich Sjuzjumov (1893–1982), a Sverdlovsk scholar. Some letters kept in the Archive of the Russian Academy of Sciences and the State Archive of Sverdlovsk Region reflect his participation in the preparation of the History of Byzantium, the difficulties his texts underwent during the publication process, and his assessment of the results of the collective work. The article considers the scholar’s concept which he adhered to when writing the chapters, analyses critical remarks about his texts, and emphasises the discrepancy between his interpretations and the assessment of the history of Byzantium established in Russian historiography. The chapters prepared by Sjuzjumov and devoted to sources on early Byzantine history, the history of the church, and the historical role of Byzantium were criticised especially harshly. Sjuzjumov’s assessment of the Byzantine opposition and denial of the progressiveness of their views, his interpretation of Byzantine feudalism and the place of the Empire in world history contradicted the spirit and concept of the collective work. As a result, his two chapters were not included in the final version of the History of Byzantium. To achieve an academic convention, it was necessary to sacrifice the original interpretations proposed by the Sverdlovsk scholar. Nevertheless, Mikhail Sjuzjumov highly appreciated the publication of the History of Byzantium, although he noted its obvious shortcomings and weak points.
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Brzozowska, Zofia A. "Captives and Refugees. The Forced Migration of the Inhabitants of the Byzantine Eastern Frontier during the 5th–7th Centuries in Light of Byzantine-Slavic Hagiographical Texts." Studia Ceranea 11 (December 30, 2021): 515–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.11.26.
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This article is devoted to the image of a social situation in the eastern parts of the Byzantine Empire during the 5th–7th century, which is to be found in the East Christian hagiographical texts. They cannot be treated as a completely reliable source of information, due to exaggerations and simplifications typical for the genre. On the other hand, they testify a long-lasting and vital literary tradition – they were circulating in the Byzantine Commonwealth during the Middle Ages, were translated to several languages (inter alia to the Church Slavic). They formed the basis for stereotypes – specific for the Medieval European imagination – that the eastern frontier of the Empire was rather dangerous territory, its neighbors (Persians, Arabs) were unpredictable pagans and the Christian inhabitants of the region ought to be called their innocent victims.
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Chkhaidz, Viktor. "Ecclesiastical Connections of Medieval Мatarcha: New Finds of Byzantine Lead Seals." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija 26, no. 6 (December 28, 2021): 112–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2021.6.9.
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Introduction. Matarcha was the cathedral city of the Diocese of Zichia of the Patriarchate of Constantinople. It was a major religious and missionary center in the Northwestern Pre-Caucasus. The priests of this autocephalous archdiocese took an active part in the church life of the Byzantine Empire. In this context, among the most important sources on the history of the Byzantine Matarcha, a special place is occupied by the monuments of Byzantine sphragistics. Methods. The paper examines three Byzantine church seals of the 11th–12th centuries, discovered during the research of the Taman settlement (medieval Matarcha was the center of the diocese of Zichia of the Patriarchate of Constantinople). The owners of the seals were: deacon Michael, monk Ignatius and nun Euphemia. Analysis. The article provides information about the previously known 19 seals belonging to the church hierarchs of Zichia and other representatives of the clergy. Similar finds of seals in the Crimean urban centers (Cherson and Sughdea) are indicated. Results. The few details that relate to the ecclesiastical history of the diocese of Zichia emphasize the exceptional value of each new find of seals, and the evidence of direct contacts and established correspondence between the Orthodox clergy once again shows that, in addition to the cleric – deacon, the monastic brotherhood also played a significant role in the development of relations between the church and society. To a certain extent, this could also be facilitated by the trips of the city’s residents to pilgrimage sites, as evidenced by the brought relics, the finds of which are known.
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ZOUBERI, Joan. "The role of religion in the foreign affairs of Sasanian Iran and the Later Roman Empire (330-630 A.D.)." Historia i Świat 6 (September 14, 2017): 121–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.34739/his.2017.06.09.
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Religion’s role was prominent in the foreign relations of Byzantium and Iran. The religious element prevails throughout the entire struggle with Persia. The two empires were not just rivals on the battlefield. Along with the real war an ideological war was conducted between them, as both tried to convert people to their own religion. Zoroastrian Magi and Christian bishops became rivals in a war of propaganda where all means were used. When Constantine became Christian he created a golden opportunity to unite a wholeheartedly universalist religion and its abundance of scriptural authority and missionary impetus, with empire’s forces of political, military and economic expansion in order to create a genuine world empire. Constantine the Great was the first to use religion as a weapon to assimilate people to the Roman Empire. The dream of global domination could become a reality through the spread of Christianity. During the Sasanian era Iran was Zoroastrianized in great extent. The doctrine of Zarthustra became the privileged religion and developed into a supporting pillar of Sasanian kingship. Persecutions of Christians in Iran followed Constantine’s the Great proclamation of being the leader of all Christians in the oikoumeni. Church historians accused the Zoroastrian priests called Magi in the West as responsible for tortures and death penalties against the Christians of Iran, while Martyrologies illustrated them as having diabolical forces and immoral practices in their private lives. On the contrary secular Byzantine historians praised them as simple priests and holy men who lived in peace following their own customs. Roman propaganda, through history writing, presented the shahs Yazdegerd I, Xusrō I, and Xusrō II as having converted to Christianity or at least as Christian sympathizers. The impossibility of Persian subjects existing under the rule of any Roman prelate, had decreed the independence of the Persian Church. It was a common belief that Christian Orthodoxy was loyalty to the Roman Emperor, not to Christ, and heresy was not the display of a special variety of unchristian spirit, but an offence against the Roman State order. Christians of Persia were soon obliged to follow the customs of their own country. The King of Kings would always have the last voice, and frequently the first also in the choice of Catholicos. Byzantine historians often proceed to a religious mythmaking to justify the emperors’ policy towards the Persian rulers. During the sixth and seventh centuries religion propaganda was used in extent by both countries. In Byzantium during Heraclius’ reign we can trace a tendency to interpret events in terms of biblical prototypes.
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Philippides, Marios. "The Orthodox Church in the Byzantine Empire. J. M. Hussey." Speculum 63, no. 1 (January 1988): 172–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2854357.
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Dușe, Călin Ioan. "The religious politics of the Byzantine Emperors in the 4th-9th centuries." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Theologia Catholica Latina 67, no. 1 (June 30, 2022): 71–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/theol.cath.latina.2022.lxvii.1.05.
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After the official recognition of Christianity in 313, Emperor Constantine the Great became the most important protector of Christian dogma and discipline, always present among the bishops, intervening in all matters of the Church, legislating and judging for it. The Byzantine emperors proclaimed the Christianity as a State religion by multiplying and increasing the immunities, but also the privileges of this new religion, which they defended in all situations through their protection. Within religious politics, the Byzantine emperors will be the ones organizing, directing, convoking, and presiding over all the councils, who wanted to clarify and crystallize the teachings of faith of the Church, dictating the oaths of faith. These new relations created by Emperor Constantine the Great between the Church and the State, were continued and maintained by all his successors, whether they were Orthodox or Aryan. Unfortunately, throughout the history of the Byzantine Empire, there were also some emperors who brutally intervened in the Church’s life, trying to subordinate it to them, thus increasing the imperial authority over it. All these abuses led to great unrests and schisms in the life of Christianity and sometimes caused ruptures between emperors, patriarchs, and the papacy.
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Artemi, Eirini. "Powerful Women in Byzantine Empire: The Life and Ideology the Empress Theophano (941 – after 978)." Vox Patrum 84 (December 15, 2022): 123–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.14454.
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In this paper we present the life and the character of Theophano, the mother of Basil II Porphyrogenitus, the Macedonian. Some women made spectacular progress up the social ladder by marrying into higher-class families, even sometimes into the imperial family itself and to become empresses as Theophano did. So, social advancement could be achieved through marriage. The power and privileges of an imperial spouse were directly dependent on the emperor. Did it have a catalytic role in the life of Theophano? Through her life we will examine woman’s position in Byzantine Empire. It will be searched if there was any discrimination among women according to their classes and if the byzantine society faced with the same way a vicious life of an imperial woman and of a poor one. Which was the position of the Christian Church for woman? Had Church Fathers forgiven rich and powerful women and had they condemned poor women from lower social class? All these questions are going to be answered through the life and the actions of Theophano, a woman who managed from being the daughter of a poor tavern-keeper, to become the Empress and one of the most powerful and vicious women in the Byzantine history.
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de Lange, N. R. M. "Jews and Christians in the Byzantine Empire: Problems and Prospects." Studies in Church History 29 (1992): 15–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400011190.
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Heartening as it is for someone like myself, for whom the study of relations between Christianity and Judaism is a central concern, to see the Ecclesiastical History Society devote its annual conference to this subject, it is proper to recall that it has not been wholly neglected in the past. The very first volume of Studies in Church History (1964) contains a contribution by James Parkes under the title of Jews and Christians in the Constantinian Empire’, which is a short but well-judged summary of the attitudes to Judaism emerging from a reading of the Christian authors, Roman laws, and conciliar canons of the fourth century. I should like to begin now by paying tribute to James Parkes, partly because he was my own mentor, someone who encouraged and influenced my study of our subject, and also because he occupies an important place as a pioneer in the study of Jewish-Christian relations as a whole, and specifically in the part of the subject that concerns me today, the Byzantine phase.
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Price, Richard. "The Development of a Chalcedonian Identity in Byzantium (451–553)." Church History and Religious Culture 89, no. 1 (2009): 307–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187124109x408069.
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AbstractThe Byzantine Church adopted a Chalcedonian identity only slowly. At first the majority even of Chalcedonians played down the significance of the council, claiming that it did little more than repeat the teaching of the Nicene Creed. Down to 518 committed Chalcedonians, strongly upholding the teaching of the council, were vocal, but few. It is with Justin I (518–527) and his nephew Justinian I (527–565) that State and Church came to insist on the council. Justinian's commitment to it has sometimes been doubted because of his repeated attempts to win back the non-Chalcedonians (Miaphysites) to the imperial Church by inviting them back without requiring subscription to the Chalcedonian Definition. He was motivated by a desire that even the Miaphysites would look to him as their patron, as required for the maintenance of the unity of the empire. But his theological writings make it clear that he was convinced of the truth of the teaching of Chalcedon. The age of Justinian thus saw the attainment of a truly Chalcedonian identity in the imperial Church. This was a matter of official doctrine. In the sphere of popular piety Chalcedon had less impact. The affirmation of Chalcedon shaped Byzantine communal identity less than the rejection of Chalcedon shaped that of Miaphysite Syria and Egypt.
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Pashkin, Nikolai Gennadievich. "At the Origins of the Union of Florence: Byzantium, Sigismund of Luxembourg, and the Antipope John XXIII." Античная древность и средние века 50 (2022): 371–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/adsv.2022.50.022.
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This article addresses historical circumstances under which the negotiations on the church union between Byzantium and Latin West started in the fifteenth century. The author finds the origins of the process in a letter from the Hungarian King Sigismund of Luxembourg to the Byzantine Emperor Manuel II Palaiologos. According to the most recent scholarship, it appeared in the first half of 1412. Taking the analysis of the source into account, it has been concluded that the King’s initiative, which called the Eastern Emperor to take joint action against the Turks in addition to the idea of the union of churches, was not the result of the Byzantine Empire’s appeal for help. Although Byzantium was experiencing an acute crisis in relations with the Ottomans at that time, the author of the article proves that the goal of the eastern ruler was an agreement with one of the representatives of the Ottoman dynasty. The obstacle to the agreement was the conflict between King Sigismund and Venice. The researcher assigns a special place in the said conflict to the Pope elected at the Council of Pisa, following which Sigismund got chances for the imperial crown. In this regard the participation of Byzantium in the relations of the “Pisan” Antipope John XXIII with Venice and the Hungarian King has been revealed. The author has determined the time and method of introducing the idea of the church union into the diplomatic process and has come to the conclusion that it became possible in result of the temporary coincidence of the interests of the Pope and the Emperor in the unfolding conflict. From the analysis of the international situation and actions of Byzantine diplomacy there are reasons to suppose that Byzantium viewed the union as the form to declare neutrality and the instrument of mediation in relations with Western states. It was the way to prevent their military intervention in the situation in the East and, in result, the condition for the survival of the Empire on the principles of peaceful coexistence with the Turks.
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Vаrаbyou, Pavel Anatolievich. "The image of Byzantium in the narratives of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth (15th – first half of the 17th century)." Studia Slavica et Balcanica Petropolitana 31, no. 1 (2022): 117–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu19.2022.107.
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The article is devoted to the perception of the heritage of Byzantium in the socio-political thought of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in the period from 1453 to the middle of the 17th century. Already in the second half of the 17th century, the Left-Bank Ukraine left the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, and the Metropolitanate of Kyiv withdrew from the jurisdiction of the Patriarchate of Constantinople. The process of influence of the Byzantine civilization on the East Slavic culture after the fall of the Byzantine Empire is investigated. According to the findings, in the process of discussing the Union of Brest in the written tradition of the GDL and the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, Orthodox, Uniate, Catholic and Reformation narratives developed, in which the image of Byzantium had different shades: from positive to extremely negative, respectively. However, these narratives, which well complement the rather meager information about Byzantium in local letopis sources, are similar in one thing: they tend to see in it not the imperial past, but the current church heritage of the Greek people, which had a significant impact on the historical fate of the lands of Rus’. For the Polish-Lithuanian szlachta as an estate, the heritage of Byzantium was not a source of their own identity. Attempts to update the political idea of the liberation of Constantinople from the rule of the Turks came from the environment of the Greek diaspora of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. However, such projects were not approved here and were cut off from life. And even a major Orthodox magnate, Prince Wasyl-Konstanty Ostrogski, did not support, albeit difficult to implement, but a more realistic project to transfer the residence of the Patriarch of Constantinople to the city of Ostrog. He also did not claim political succession from the Byzantine emperors, but did not interfere with the idea of his spiritual succession. The article pays more attention to the writings of Orthodox polemicists, because the heritage of Byzantium is very important and deserves special attention.
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Pentkovskiy, Aleksey M. "The Slavic Liturgy of the Byzantine Rite and the Corpus of Slavic Liturgical Books at the End of the 9th and the Beginning of the 10th Centuries." Slovene 5, no. 2 (2016): 54–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2305-6754.2016.5.2.2.
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Recent scholarship on the historical development of the Slavic liturgy in its early stage has shown that one of the important prerequisites for its practical implementation was the establishment, under the guidance of a bishop, of a church organization which was entitled to use Church Slavonic as a liturgical language. Research has also demonstrated that the methodological approach linking the history of the Slavic liturgical texts with the development of the Slavic ecclesiastical structures administered by bishops offers valuable insights. The first Slavic corpus of liturgical books of Byzantine rites (the so-called Corpus of Clement, CC) came into being in the Slavic ethnic eparchy and then in the Slavic territorial dioceses which were to be integrated into the church organization of the First Bulgarian Empire. The core part of the CC, to which the complex of original Slavic hymnographic writings belongs, was created in the years between 893 and 916 in the Slavic ethnic eparchy of St. Clement of Ohrid in the western part of the First Bulgarian Empire (in the region of southern Albania, northwestern Greece, and southwestern Macedonia). The supplementary part of the CC, which contains the complex of the word-by-word translations of hymnographic writings, originated in the mid-10th century in Slavic territorial dioceses located at that time in the western part of the First Bulgarian Empire. This two-stage formation of the CC was due to the two-stage development of the Slavic church organizations, and it was thus neither linguistic nor literary in nature. Having special features characteristic of the western Byzantine liturgy, the CC differed from both its preceding and subsequent corpora of Slavic liturgical books in its liturgical, textological, and linguistic character. Every subsequent corpus of Slavic liturgical texts, however, built upon the preceding one, and this ensured the continuity of the Slavic liturgical and, consequently, linguistic tradition as a whole.
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Л., Маргарян,. "The Armenian Church Between the Persian and Eastern Roman Empires: The Formation of the Armenian Autocephalous Church." Диалог со временем, no. 81(81) (December 24, 2022): 280–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.21267/aquilo.2022.81.81.020.
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В статье рассматриваются некоторые аспекты ранней истории армянского христианства. Находясь между Сасанидской державой и Восточной Римской империей, Армения, для сохранения своей политической и культурной независимости, стремилась достичь баланса во взаимоотношениях с этими двумя могущественными державами региона. Однако усилия армянской политической элиты не всегда приводили к желаемому результату, что неотвратимо вело Армению к потере государственности. В этой ситуации основным и весьма эффективным инструментом для сохранения идентичности и формирования средневековой нации стало христианство. В статье рассматривается политика Армянской церкви по отношению к Сасанидам, так и к Империи Ромеев. Именно эта политика стала определяющей в армяно-иранских и армяно-византийских отношениях, она предопределила дальнейшие этапы формирования Армянской апостольской церкви. The article deals with some aspects of the early history of Armenian Christianity. Being situated between the Sasanian state and the Eastern Roman Empire, Armenia sought to strike a balance in relations with these regional powers in order to maintain its political and cultural independence. However, the Armenian political elite ultimately failed in this endeavour, leading to Armenia’s loss of statehood. In this situation Christianity became the primary and very effective tool for preserving Armenian identity and forming a medieval nation. The article discusses the policy of the Armenian Church towards the Sasanians and the Roman Empire. This policy was decisive in Armenian–Iranian and Armenian–Byzantine relations, and influenced further stages in the formation of the Armenian Apostolic Church.
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Marjanovic, Dragoljub. "Modes of narrativity in the short history of Nikephoros of Constantinople." Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no. 52 (2015): 9–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi1552009m.
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Modes of narrativity applied in the Short history by Nikephoros of Constantinople are investigated on the basis of several key accounts which form a specific message of the author on the level of his entire work. This specific manner of literary presentation is particularly manifested in Nikephoros? original approach in portrayal of the Byzantine emperors and the patriarchs of Constantinople of the 7th and 8th centuries, thus embedding a specific idea of both imperial governance personalized in the reign of emperor Herakleios, and mutual relations between the Empire and the patriarchs of the Church of Constantinople, as presented in the accounts of patriarchs Sergios and Pyrrhos.
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Cunningham, James W. "The Russian Orthodox Church: A Contemporary History. Jane EllisThe Orthodox Church in the Byzantine Empire. J. M. Hussey." Journal of Religion 69, no. 2 (April 1989): 243–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/488065.
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Gogola, Matej. "Prolegomena to the Christian Images Not Made by Human Hands." Studia Ceranea 8 (December 30, 2018): 121–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.08.07.
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Images not made by human hands (acheiropoietai, Gr. ἀχειροποίηταιι) played a significant role in Byzantine spiritual culture and history. This paper discusses the emergence and rise of the acheiropoietai, which represented a most important and unusual element in the Byzantine Empire. The author analyses the chronological ancestors of Christian images not made by human hands, i.e. the so-called diipetes (Gr. Διιπετής), and proceeds to demonstrate the disagreements on the topic among some of the Christian Church Fathers. The imagines imperiales, i.e. effigies of Roman emperors, constituted a significant factor in the process leading to the later veneration of images not made by human hands. The most famous of the latter is the image from Edessa, also known in historiography as Mandylion of Edessa.
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Niewöhner, Philipp. "„Byzantinisch“ oder „germanisch“? Zur Ambivalenz wilhelminischer Mosaiken am Beispiel der Erlöserkirche in Bad Homburg." Byzantinische Zeitschrift 113, no. 3 (August 1, 2020): 905–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bz-2020-0039.
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AbstractThe Erlöserkirche at Bad Homburg was built between 1903 and 1908 at the instigation of Kaiser Wilhelm II. It combines a neo-Romanesque exterior with Norman-Sicilian mosaics inside. Both were „Germanic“ to the emperor, and the church embodied his all encompassing claim to the tradition of the medieval Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation. Alternatively, the contemporary Byzantinist Ernst Gerland pointed to a Byzantine origin of the Norman-Sicilian models (and thus subtly contradicted the „pan-Germanic“ myth). This „Byzantine“ reading has prevailed ever since, but does not stand up to scrutiny. It only serves to obscure the „pan-Germanic“ concept of the church. This contribution restores the „Germanic“ understanding and makes the point that the latter must be acknowledged in order to make proper sense of the church’s art and architecture, but also in order to face (rather than to downplay and conveniently forget) the racist-chauvinist character of German imperialism.
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Rapp, Claudia. "Church and State, Religion and Power in Late Antique and Byzantine Scholarship of the Last Five Decades." Studies in Church History 49 (2013): 447–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s042420840000228x.
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Tackling issues of church and state is a tall order under any circumstances. Taking the metahistorical view and summarizing the scholarship on church and state makes it positively daunting, especially when the half-century under consideration spans the entire lifetime of the author. This task is made even more challenging when the societies and cultures under investigation are late antiquity and medieval Byzantium, the former (c.300–c.800, encompassing the entire Mediterranean) a paradigmatic period of religious change, the latter (330–1453, focusing on the Greek-speaking eastern half of the Roman empire and its subsequent history) emblematic of ‘otherness’ when compared to the Christian tradition in the West that has shaped our worldview to the present day.
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Lysikov, Pavel Ivanovich. "Constantine Palaiologos’ Conspiracy: A Prologue to the Age of Civil Wars in Byzantium." Античная древность и средние века 50 (2022): 237–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/adsv.2022.50.015.
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This research addresses the chronologically first episode among dynastic conflicts during the reign of Andronikos II Palaiologos (1282–1328), when the emperor’s younger brother Constantine Porphyrogennetos made a conspiracy. The scholarship has not developed a consensus as to the fairness of accusations against the latter. This article uses the analysis of written sources account to prove that there was a real conspiracy and to find out its content, circumstances, and consequences for the Byzantine state and society. The conclusion is that the conspiracy was uncovered at an early stage, so it did not take full shape. The initiator of the conflict was Constantine Palaiologos. The conspirators, the high-ranking Byzantine military commander representing a major noble family Michael Strategopoulos in particular, tried to lean on various social elements and even to use for their own advantage the controversies within the Byzantine Church, with their final goal to overthrow Andronikos II with the use of military force. Despite his exceptional position in the hierarchy of court titles, Constantine Palaiologos was actually deprived of power as public administrator, and therefore he tried to usurp the rights for which, in his view, he could claim due to uncertainty of his place in power relations in Byzantium of the late thirteenth century. By uncovering the conspiracy against him, Andronikos II strengthened his position on the throne and neutralized the immediate threat of destabilizing the state, preventing (or postponing?) the possible outbreak of civil war in the Empire.
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Matic, Miljana. "Ktetor portraits of church dignitaries in Serbian post-Byzantine painting (part one)." Zograf, no. 42 (2018): 181–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zog1842181m.
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Church dignitaries were often represented as ktetors in Serbian painting of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, primarily in wall paintings and on icons. The first part of this paper discusses twelve ktetor representations of Serbian patriarchs and metropolitans. By analyzing the ktetoric projects of Orthodox Serbs within the Ottoman Empire, the historical framework and description of every portrait, it explores the questions regarding not only the self-referentiality of the ktetors from the highest circles of the clergy under the Patriarchate of Pec, the patterns and ways they wanted to be represented and remembered, but also the ideological and program context as well. Finally, this two-part study attempts to examine the question of individual and collective identity, imagery and ideas constructing the visual culture of clerical ktetorship in Serbian Post-Byzantine painting.
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Posternak, Andrey. "The Ministry of Deaconesses in Byzantium and Projects for Its Reconstruction at the Pre-Council Conference in Russia 1906." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija 26, no. 6 (December 28, 2021): 352–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2021.6.26.
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Introduction. The order of deaconesses in Byzantium was formed by the time of the Council of Chalcedon in 451. The idea of the institutionalization of the women’s ministry was revived in the new conditions in Russia of the 19th – early 20th century because of the need for Church reforms. Materials and methods. A comparative analysis of the ancient order of deaconesses and the project of its reconstruction in Russia allows us to determine characteristics of the ministry and status of deaconesses that depended on the specific living conditions of the Church. The deaconesses in the Byzantine Empire were ministers of the Church: the bishop ordained widows or virgins between the ages of 40 and 60. Deaconesses kept chastity, had property rights, were assigned to a parish, helped priests at the baptism of women, and were subordinate to clergymen. By the 12th century, the female order in Byzantium disappeared, however the honorary title of deaconess could later be worn by the prioress of female monasteries. The Russian Church has never had deaconesses, but in the 19th – early 20th century projects were discussed for the reconstruction of this women’s ministry which was actively developing in the protestant tradition. The Pre-Council Conference in 1906 developed a draft of Church reforms, including the rules for orthodox deaconesses, who could be elected from active parishioners, not nuns. It was assumed that these women were supposed to keep order in the Church, help the priest in the parish, at the baptism and catechumenate of women, help the sick and the needy, in the so called “inner mission”. However, the undeveloped status of deaconesses as new ministers of the Church did not allow this project to be implemented. Results. The order of the deaconesses that disappeared in Byzantium and the attempt to restore it in Russia show that a stable institutionalization of women’s ministry took place only at a certain period in the history of the Church which needed it.
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Chatterjee, Paroma. "The Byzantine Icon of the Virgin in the Church of the Blachernae: Michael Psellos on the Problem of Miraculous Timing." Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 51, no. 2 (May 1, 2021): 241–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10829636-8929059.
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This article looks closely at the report of a miracle that occurred in eleventh-century Constantinople in which the veil covering an icon of the Theotokos (Virgin) at the Blachernae church lifted itself miraculously. The report, scripted by the Byzantine polymath Michael Psellos, focuses in intriguing ways on the actions and nonactions of the veil when the icon presided over a judicial trial. The article contends that Psellos insists on the theme of timing (with regard to the lifting and otherwise of the veil) and the Blachernae icon's role in determining a critical, decisive moment in the arbitration of human affairs. This emphasis, in turn, bespeaks a broader concern over the timing of sacred icons during significant moments in Byzantine history as understood by contemporary chroniclers: namely, their failure to act in appropriate ways at critical moments when the empire itself was at stake.
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Zaitseva, Evgenia. "The Role of the Roman Aristocrats in the Diplomatic Communication of Byzantium and Persia in the Middle of the 6th Century." ISTORIYA 12, no. 7 (105) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840015138-0.
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The author examines the features of diplomatic relations between the Persian state and the Roman empires in the middle of the 6th century. The author concludes that the Roman aristocrats who arrived in Constantinople in 546 and participated in the V Ecumenical Council were involved in the settlement of relations between the old opponents. The sources are the works of Procopius of Caesarea and the Acts of the Church Council of 553. The author defines a list of diplomats engaged in negotiations with the Persians in 551—552, and also demonstrates that Byzantine military leaders and politicians turned to the Romans for consultations, since the previous truces concluded with by the Persians, were short-lived. This tactic has brought results. With the participation of experienced Roman senators in the negotiations, the empire retained Lazica, took control of the port of Fasias, and secured its eastern borders.
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Kozelsky, Mara. "A Borderland Mission: The Russian Orthodox Church in the Black Sea Region." Russian History 40, no. 1 (2013): 111–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763316-04001007.
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Turning to the Russian Empire’s southern borders, Mara Kozelsky assesses Orthodox missions in the provinces of “New Russia” on the northern coast of the Black Sea with a focus on the work of Archbishop Innokentii (Borisov) in the mid-nineteenth century and his attempts to strengthen Orthodoxy in this ethnically and confessionally diverse region. Kozelsky argues that Orthodox leaders saw the Orthodox faith, rather than language or culture, as the key to assimilation into the empire, but that they respected the juridical stature of Muslims and various Protestant groups and worked around rights given to Catholics after the 1847 concordat with Rome. Some success came of Innokenty’s efforts among the Russian sectarians and Old Believers, but mission work among the Crimean Tatars and Protestant colonists were largely fruitless. In the end, “Christianizing” the region came not so much from individual conversions as from reconstructing the region’s Christian past and promoting large public celebrations that drew upon centuries of Byzantine history and the Christian past of the region to promote a Christian identity for the region.
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Ousterhout, Robert, and Dmitry Shvidkovsky. "Kievan Rus’." Scientific and analytical journal Burganov House. The space of culture 17, no. 1 (March 10, 2021): 51–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.36340/2071-6818-2021-17-1-51-67.
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Robert Ousterhout, the author of a magnificent book “Eastern Medieval Architecture. The Building Traditions of Bizantium and Neighboring Lands”, published by Oxford University Press in 2019, the remarkable scholar and generous friend, was so kind to mention in his C. V. on the sight of Penn University (Philadelphia, USA) that he had been the Visiting professor of the Moscow architectural Institute (State Academy), as well as simulteniously of the Hebrew University in Jerusalem, but he did not say that he had been awarded the degree of professor honoris causa by the academic council of MARHI. Unfortunately, his life in muscovite hostel, nevertheless we tried to do our best to provide the best possible accommodation in a “suit” with two rooms with a bathroom, had been radically different from the wonderful dwelling chosen for the visiting teaching stuff from MARHI in the University of Illinois. And Robert called our hostel “Gulag”. He had been joking probably. It is impossible to overestimate the role of professor Robert Ousterhaut in the studies of the history of Byzantine art. At the present day he is the leader in the world studies of the architecture of Byzantium, the real heir of the great Rihard Krauthaimer and Slobodan Curcic, whom he had left behind in his works. His books are known very well in Russia. R. Ousterhaut graduated in the history of art and architecture at the University of Oregon, the Institute of European Studies in Vienna, Universities of Cincinati and Illinois. Не worked at the department of history of art at the University of Oregon, department of history of architecture at the University of Illinois, had the chair of the history of architecture and preservation at the University of Illinois, which is considered, as we know, one of the twenty best American universities. He always worked hard and with success. When I had finished reading my course of the history of Russian architecture at Illinois, he said: “Yes, next term the students are to be treated well…” Now he is professor emeritus of the history of art in the famous Penn University. He taught the courses of the “History of architecture from Prehistory to 1400” and “Eastern medieval architecture” as well as led remarkable seminars devoted to the different problem of the history of architecture of the Eastern Meditarenian, including the art of Constantinopole, Cappadoce, meaning and identity in medieval art. His remarkable 4-years field work at Cappadoce, which he described in several books, and his efforts of the preservation of the architectural monuments of Constantinopole are very valuable, Among his books one certainly must cite Holy Apostels: Lost Monument and Forgotten Project, (Washingtone, D. C., 2020); Visualizing Community: Art Material Culture, and Settlement in Byzantine Cappadocia, Dumbarton Oaks Studies 46 (Washington, D. C., 2017); Carie Camii (Istambul, 2011); Architecture of the Sacred: Space, Ritual, and Experience from Classical Greece to Byzantium (Cambridge University Press, 2012), ed. with Bonna D. Wescoat; Palmyra 1885: The Wolfe Expedition and the Photographs of John Henry Haynes, with B. Anderson (Istanbul: Cornucopia, 2016) John Henry Haynes: Archaeologist and Photographer in the Ottoman Empire 1881–1900 (2nd revised edition, Istanbul: Cornucopia, 2016). Several of his books were reprinted. He edited Approaches to Architecture and Its Decoration: Festschrift for Slobodan Ćurčić (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2012), with M. Johnson and A. Papalexandrou. His outstanding book Мaster Builders of Byzantium (2nd paperback edition, University of Pennsylvania Museum Publications, 2008) was translated into Russian and Turkish. In this work Robert Ousterhaut for the first time in English speaking tradition is regarding the architecture of Bazantium from the point of view of building art and technology. On the base of the analysis of primary written sources, contemporary archeology data, and careful study of existing monuments the author concludes that the Byzantine architecture was not only exploiting the traditions, but was trying to find new ways of the development of typology and construction techniques, which led to transformation of artistique features. Professor R. Ousterhaut discusses the choice of building materials, structure from foundations to vaults, theoretical problems which solved the master masons of Byzantium. In his recent book Eastern Medieval Architecture: The Building Traditions of Byzantium and Neighboring Lands, (Oxford University Press, 2019) Robert Ousterhaut is going further. He writes in the introduction: “I succeded my mentor at the University of Illinois… I had the privilege and challenge of teaching “Early Christian and Byzantine Architecture” to generations of the architecture students inspired my 1999 book, Master Builders of Byzantium. The work of Robert Ousterhaut, published 2019, is the new and full interpretation of the architectural heritage of Byzantine Commonwealth. The author devoted the first part of his book to Late Antiquity (3–7 centuries), beginning with the relations of Domus Ecclesiastae and Church Basilica, then speaking of Konstantinopole and Jerusalem of the times of St. Constantine the Great, liturgy, inspiration, commemoration and pilgrimage, adoration of relics as ritual factors which influenced the formation of sacred space, methods and materials, chosen by the Bizantine builders with their interaction of the mentality of the East and West. Special attention is given to dwelling, urban planning and fortification Naturally a chapter is devoted to Hagia Sophia and the building programs of Emperor Justinian. The second part speaks of the transition to what is called Middle Byzantine architecture both in the capital and at the edges of the Empire. The third part tells the story of the 9th, 10th and 11th centuries and includes the rise of the monasteries, once more secular and urban architecture, the craft of church builders. Churches of Greece and Macedonia, Anatolia, Armenia and Georgia, as well as of the West of Byzantium – Venice, Southern Italy and Sicily. The chapter is devoted to Slavonic Balkans – Bulgaria and Serbia and Kievan Rus. The last fourth part of the book describes the times of the Latin Empire, difficult for Byzantium, to the novelty of the architecture of Palewologos and the development of Byzantine ideas in the Balkans and especially in the building programs of the great powers of the epoch Ottoman Empire and Russia. There is a lot more to say about the book of professor Robert Ousterhaut, but we have to leave this to the next issue of this magazine, and better give the space to the words of the author – his text on the architecture of Kievan Rus.
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Liechtenhan, Francine-Dominique. "Moscow — the Third Rome? Between the Founding Myth and the Destructive Mirage." ISTORIYA 12, no. 11 (109) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840017646-9.
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Thanks a new Italian and German historiography, the concept of the “Third Rome” is approached more critically than that applied by the historians of the 19th century. This idea is part of an eschatological historiosophy, born in Muscovy following the refusal of the union signed during the Council of Florence. The Russian princes and Church found themselves at the head of the Orthodox Ecumene and thus avoided positioning as successors to the Byzantine Empire. The theory of the Third Rome, developed by Philotheus, never became an official ideology; it was understood as translatio religionis and not as translatio imperii, with Holy Russia positioning itself as the home of the true faith.
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Polyvyannyy, Dmitry. "Dynasticity in the Second Bulgarian Tsardom and its Manifestations in Medieval History Writing." Studia Ceranea 9 (December 30, 2019): 351–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.09.19.
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Analyzing various medieval Bulgarian hagiographical texts, inscriptions and marginal notes, as well as the Synodicon of the Bulgarian church and other evidence, the author aims to reveal the dynastic concepts of the second Bulgarian Tsardom (1186–1396) and literary attempts to create and support a complex dynastic idea with the means of medieval Bulgarian history writing. Such attempts were connected with two core ideas. Firstly, the state’s foundation was represented as a personal merit of two Asens – father and son. Asen “the Old” adopting the throne name John marked the beginning of the Asens’ Tsardom liberating the Bulgarians from “the Greek slavery” and transferring to his stronghold Tărnovo from Sredets – the center of the Byzantine power over Bulgaria – the relics of St. John of Rila. John Asen “the Great”, his son, strengthened the Tsardom with his victories, returned the status of Patriarchy to the Bulgarian church and brought the relics of St. Parasceve to the capital Tărnovo. Secondly, the literary tradition shaped the image of the Bulgarian Tsardom as an ever-lasting Empire whose enduring attributes – Sceptre and Throne – were given by God to change the mortal monarchs.
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Leustean, Lucian N. "“For the Glory of Romanians”: Orthodoxy and Nationalism in Greater Romania, 1918–1945*." Nationalities Papers 35, no. 4 (September 2007): 717–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990701475111.
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The relationship between Orthodox Christianity and national identity has been one of the most contended issues in modern nationalism. The dominant religion in the Balkans, Orthodoxy has transported the identity of ethnic groups into the modern era and political leaders have employed religious institutions according to their own political agendas in the construction of “imagined communities.” Orthodoxy has a particular perception of the political field. Based on the concept of symphonia, which dates back to the Byzantine Empire, the Church claims that religious and political offices are equal and have similar responsibilities. Religious and political rulers have the mission to guide the people and the Church and state should collaborate harmoniously in fostering identity. Political leaders refer to the nationalist discourse of the Church in order to induce national cohesion. From this perspective, the relationship between religion and the construction of the nation in the Orthodox space differs from that in the Catholic or Protestant world where Churches are supranational or sub-national institutions.
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Todorova, Rostislava G. "From Word to Image: The “Hesychastic type” of Mandorla." De Medio Aevo 11, no. 1 (December 6, 2021): 5–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/dmae.79063.
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Based on the complex interrelations between word and image, the present paper aims to elucidate the penetrating correlation of the theological thought of the time with the art of a specific epoch. The findings of this study emphasize on the Hesychasm and its influence over Byzantine iconography in the fourteenth century AD, especially in relation to the formation of a new, unusual form of mandorla, called “hesychastic type”. In order to explain its rise and further development in Byzantine and Post Byzantine iconography, the paper discusses the earliest extant patterns of the “hesychastic type” of mandorla from the very beginning of the century and compares them with several subsequent examples. The focal point of the research is to find out which one is the earliest known pattern of the “hesychastic type” of mandorla and the place where this type of the symbol has emerged. The generally shared view claims that the new form has been produced firstly in Thessaloniki and can be seen in the partially survived Transfiguration mosaics in the Holy Apostles Church there. However, this study proceeds from the assumption that the prime model originates from Constantinople, caused by the theological and artistic milieu in the metropolis and probably found its place first in the wall paintings of the Chora Church. In support of this hypothesis, we are going to pay particular attention to the evidences about the relationships between the first and the second city in the Empire, the obvious intervisuality between the iconographic models in both churches and to some data about the erroneous dating of the wall decorations of the Holy Apostles Church in Thessaloniki.
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Todorova, Rostislava G. "From Word to Image: The “Hesychastic type” of Mandorla." De Medio Aevo 11, no. 1 (December 6, 2021): 5–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/dmae.79063.
Full textAbstract:
Based on the complex interrelations between word and image, the present paper aims to elucidate the penetrating correlation of the theological thought of the time with the art of a specific epoch. The findings of this study emphasize on the Hesychasm and its influence over Byzantine iconography in the fourteenth century AD, especially in relation to the formation of a new, unusual form of mandorla, called “hesychastic type”. In order to explain its rise and further development in Byzantine and Post Byzantine iconography, the paper discusses the earliest extant patterns of the “hesychastic type” of mandorla from the very beginning of the century and compares them with several subsequent examples. The focal point of the research is to find out which one is the earliest known pattern of the “hesychastic type” of mandorla and the place where this type of the symbol has emerged. The generally shared view claims that the new form has been produced firstly in Thessaloniki and can be seen in the partially survived Transfiguration mosaics in the Holy Apostles Church there. However, this study proceeds from the assumption that the prime model originates from Constantinople, caused by the theological and artistic milieu in the metropolis and probably found its place first in the wall paintings of the Chora Church. In support of this hypothesis, we are going to pay particular attention to the evidences about the relationships between the first and the second city in the Empire, the obvious intervisuality between the iconographic models in both churches and to some data about the erroneous dating of the wall decorations of the Holy Apostles Church in Thessaloniki.
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Todorova, Rostislava G. "From Word to Image: The “Hesychastic type” of Mandorla." De Medio Aevo 11, no. 1 (December 6, 2021): 5–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/dmae.79063.
Full textAbstract:
Based on the complex interrelations between word and image, the present paper aims to elucidate the penetrating correlation of the theological thought of the time with the art of a specific epoch. The findings of this study emphasize on the Hesychasm and its influence over Byzantine iconography in the fourteenth century AD, especially in relation to the formation of a new, unusual form of mandorla, called “hesychastic type”. In order to explain its rise and further development in Byzantine and Post Byzantine iconography, the paper discusses the earliest extant patterns of the “hesychastic type” of mandorla from the very beginning of the century and compares them with several subsequent examples. The focal point of the research is to find out which one is the earliest known pattern of the “hesychastic type” of mandorla and the place where this type of the symbol has emerged. The generally shared view claims that the new form has been produced firstly in Thessaloniki and can be seen in the partially survived Transfiguration mosaics in the Holy Apostles Church there. However, this study proceeds from the assumption that the prime model originates from Constantinople, caused by the theological and artistic milieu in the metropolis and probably found its place first in the wall paintings of the Chora Church. In support of this hypothesis, we are going to pay particular attention to the evidences about the relationships between the first and the second city in the Empire, the obvious intervisuality between the iconographic models in both churches and to some data about the erroneous dating of the wall decorations of the Holy Apostles Church in Thessaloniki.
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Dobyčina, Anastasia. "A “Divine Sanction” on the Revolt: The Cult of St. Demetrius of Thessalonica and the Uprising of Peter and Asen (1185–1186)." Studia Ceranea 2 (December 30, 2012): 113–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.02.10.
Full textAbstract:
The paper examines the role of the cult of St. Demetrius of Thessalonica as a tool of maintaining legitimacy of the anti-Byzantine revolt in Tărnovo, 1185–1186, led by brothers Theodore-Peter and Asen-Belgun, which is viewed in the modern scholarship as a starting point of the history of the so-called Second Bulgarian Empire. Apart from the peculiarities of the official and popular veneration of St. Demetrius in Byzantium by the end of the 12th C., the main emphasis is made on the celebration, arranged in Tărnovo on St. Demetrius’ day, 1185, by Peter and Asen. The fact of the construction there of a special house of prayer in the name of the all-praised martyr Demetrius (Nicetas Choniates) and the presence of a certain icon of the saint as well as, probably, that of his relic, shedding the holy ointment, can be interpreted in terms of the concept of “hierotopy”, introduced recently by A. Lidov. At any rate, one can speak of attempting to replicate in Tărnovo the sacred space of the Thessalonican shrine of St. Demetrius in order to convince the Bulgarian rebels of the “true” presence of St. Demetrius among them. The parallel is drawn between the celebration in Tărnovo and another well-known “hierotopic project” of the late 12th cent., performed by prince Vsevolod III in Vladimir-on-Kljaz’ma, Russia, which also encompassed the construction of the church in the name of St. Demetrius, where his miracle- working relics from Thessalonica were housed. The similarity between the two “projects“ is obvious, but they must have been inspired by clearly different causes: if Vsevolod III tried only to raise the authority of his power to that of the grand princedom, being an absolutely legitimate ruler, then Peter and Asen had to justify the legitimacy of their own, questioning that of the Byzantine Empire.
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Asproulis, Nikolaos. "Doing Orthodox Political Theology Today Insights from the Document For the Life of the World: Toward a Social Ethos of the Orthodox Church (2020)." Review of Ecumenical Studies Sibiu 13, no. 1 (April 1, 2021): 16–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ress-2021-0002.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract The document titled For the Life of the World: Toward a Social Ethos of the Ortho dox Church, authored by a special commission of Orthodox scholars appointed by the Ecumenical Patriarch Bartholomew is a document that can be definitely understood as a political manifesto of Eastern Orthodoxy for the 21st century, namely for this period of history and not for a by-gone historical setting or a Christian utopia (either the Byzantine Empire or Holy Russia), a period of time with urgent problems and challenges that call for our attention. Therefore, bringing to the fore the personalist anthropological view inherent in the document itself, an attempt has been made in the text to critically reflect and highlight certain relevant aspects of the document (a positive reception of liberal democracy, human rights language, solidarity to the poor, etc.). The goal is to show how theologically important this document is for the Church witness to our pluralistic world.
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Karaca, H. Ceylan. "Byzantine Countryside with its Villagers and Dynatoi: the Example of the Soğanlı Valley, Cappadocia." Belleten 87, no. 309 (August 1, 2023): 385–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.2023.385.
Full textAbstract:
The Soğanlı Valley is on the main route that connects Niğde and Kayseri. Its arable land, rock-cut dwellings that housed a large population and an openly parochial complex from the tenth century indicate that the settlement contained a Byzantine village. Its masonry church, a rare element from late antiquity, exemplifies the special status of the settlement in early Christianity and foreshadows its ongoing importance in the Middle Ages. The eleventh-century inscriptions are the indicators of the middle and high-ranking soldiers in the settlement. Apparently, Soğanlı was one of the settlements chosen for the military leaders of the century and became a piece of land held by them. The powerful (dynatoi) who settled near this crucial route must have been meant not only to control that route but also to maintain their economic welfare from the territory. Thus, Soğanlı had a twofold prominence as a Byzantine countryside: It was a part of the defence strategy the empire attempted to formulate in medieval Cappadocia; furthermore, it housed important archaeological, epigraphical and art historical data on the medieval period of the region with its monuments of various functions and inscriptions. Soğanlı and its ‘dynatoi’ endured within the new administrative system after Manzikert. The study aims to examine the ‘village’ identity of the settlement especially in the tenth century, and to analyse the activity and continuity of the powerful in Soğanlı and the empire. Within this aim, the study uses the military, historical, legislative texts of the period, and architectural and archaeological data from the valley.
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Milosevic, Predrag. "Documents on early Christian and Byzantine architecture." Facta universitatis - series: Architecture and Civil Engineering 8, no. 3 (2010): 277–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fuace1003277m.
Full textAbstract:
There are many models in the entire history of architecture which have travelled across the world, from one to another part of the big world. For various reasons, very frequently not at all scientific or professional, in our part of the world, be it Serbian or Yugoslav, or south Slav, some like to remain silent, when it comes to the transition of a Byzantine model, which by nature is rooted in the Orthodox Christian faith at the south east of Europe and the outmost west of Asia, to their areas, pervaded to a great extent by the Roman Catholic Christian belief, or Islam. There are numerous evidences of the transition of a model, one of many which found their new home on the west-European soil after the fall of Byzantium, mostly after the Crusades, when looters, but also scientists and artists in Italy, came by new wealth, and new knowledge, in the capital of the fallen Empire, observing its magnificent edifices, and taking its parts to their boats and shipping them to Venice and other cities in Italy and placing them on their buildings and squares, as they have done with the columns of the Augusteion of Constantinople, the square dedicated to Justinian's mother Augusta, which now decorate the square near the famous Venetian church of Saint Marco. Some other, also numerous accounts, explain how the Ottoman Turkish architecture in almost the same way, adopted its mosque construction model at the same place, in the same manner, retaining the actual structures but changing the religious insignia, or by copying this Byzantine model in building the new mosques.
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Trapp, Erich. "Greek as the receiving language in the Middle Ages and Early Modern Period." Lexicographica 33, no. 2017 (August 28, 2018): 33–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/lex-2017-0006.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractDuring its long history, the Byzantine Empire – a polity that stretched across a whole millennium – came into contact with many neighbouring cultures and languages in Europe, Asia and Africa. In addition to Latin, the most important languages that enriched the medieval Greek vocabulary were: French, Italian, Slavic, Arabic and Turkish. Loanwords occurred – to a greater or lesser extent – in the following areas: nature and landscape, household, government and administration, society, military, church and religion, law and jurisdiction, trade and traffic. Beyond that, there were certain spheres that were influenced by specific languages in particular: Italian left its mark on sailors’ language; Arabic on the natural sciences (medicine, alchemy, astrology and astronomy); and both Italian and Arabic on coins, measures, and weights.
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Trapp, Erich. "Greek as the receiving language in the Middle Ages and Early Modern Period." Lexicographica 33, no. 1 (September 1, 2018): 33–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/lexi-2017-0006.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractDuring its long history, the Byzantine Empire - a polity that stretched across a whole millennium - came into contact with many neighbouring cultures and languages in Europe, Asia and Africa. In addition to Latin, the most important languages that enriched the medieval Greek vocabulary were: French, Italian, Slavic, Arabic and Turkish. Loanwords occurred - to a greater or lesser extent - in the following areas: nature and landscape, household, government and administration, society, military, church and religion, law and jurisdiction, trade and traffic. Beyond that, there were certain spheres that were influenced by specific languages in particular: Italian left its mark on sailors’ language; Arabic on the natural sciences (medicine, alchemy, astrology and astronomy); and both Italian and Arabic on coins, measures, and weights.