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1

Watkins, Justin W. "Burmese." Journal of the International Phonetic Association 31, no. 2 (December 2001): 291–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0025100301002122.

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Burmese is the official language of Burma. (In English, ‘Burmese’ and ‘Burma’ are also known as ‘Myanmar’, and ‘Rangoon’ as ‘Yangon’.) It is the major language of the Burmic branch of Tibeto-Burman, and is spoken natively by upwards of 30 million people in the lower valleys of the Irrawaddy and Chindwin rivers, the central plain of Burma and the Irrawaddy Delta, and non-natively by up to another 10 million speakers of other languages in Burma.
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2

Chit Hlaing, U. "Anthropological communities of interpretation for Burma: An overview." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 39, no. 2 (April 30, 2008): 239–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463408000192.

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AbstractThis paper surveys the history of anthropological work on Burma, dealing both with Burman and other ethnic groups. It focuses upon the relations between anthropology and other disciplines, and upon the relationship of such work to the development of anthropological theory. It tries to show how anthropology has contributed to an overall understanding of Burma as a field of study and, conversely, how work on Burma has influenced the development of anthropology as a subject. It also tries to relate the way in which anthropology helps place Burma in the broader context of Southeast Asia.
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3

Kurabe, Keita. "Jinghpaw loanword typology." Asian Languages and Linguistics 4, no. 2 (December 31, 2023): 119–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/alal.00009.kur.

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Abstract Jinghpaw is a Tibeto-Burman language spoken in northern Burma and adjacent areas of China and India. The language is known for both its conservative nature (e.g., comparative Tibeto-Burman linguistics) and the innovative nature of its speakers (e.g., social anthropology of highland Burma). In view of this duality, this paper explores the Jinghpaw lexicon asking whether it is conservative enough to shed great light on the reconstruction of the proto-language or whether it is innovative, having undergone a grand-scale lexical replacement under intensive contact. This paper addresses this question by measuring the lexical borrowing rate in the language based on the methodology laid out by the Loanword Typology (LWT) project. The results put Jinghpaw among average borrower languages in terms of the borrowability scale of the world’s languages. This study concludes that the Jinghpaw lexicon, especially its basic vocabulary, is relatively conservative, and the semantic fields affected by borrowing are mostly restricted to those that show high cross-linguistic susceptibility to intercultural influences. The results and discussion in this paper enable further understanding of comparative Tibeto-Burman linguistics and contact linguistics of northern Burma and beyond.
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4

Hippa, Heikki, and Pekka Vilkamaa. "The genus Prosciara Frey (Diptera, Sciaridae)." Entomologica Fennica 2, no. 3 (September 1, 1991): 113–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.33338/ef.83544.

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The concept of Phytosciara Frey with the subgenera P. (Phytosciara), P. (Dolichosciara) and P. (Prosciara) is polyphyletic and the subgenera are treated as genera. Prosciara includes 1 Holarctic, 8 Palearctic and 28 Oriental species. The species are keyed and described, including the following new species: P. angustiloba sp. n. (Thailand), P. biceps sp. n. (Burma), P. bifida sp. n. (Burma), P. biloba sp. n. (Burma), P. collina sp. n. (Burma), P. crassidens sp. n. (Burma), P. decamera sp. n. (Burma), P. dolichochaeta sp. n. (Burma), P. duplex sp. n. (Burma), P. ensfera sp. n. (Burma), P. filichaeta sp. n. (Burma, Nepal), P. furcifera sp. n. (Burma), P. gemellata sp. n. (Burma), P. gibbosa sp. n. (Burma), P. glomerata sp. n. (Burma), P. latifurca sp. n. (Burma), P. latilingula sp. n. (Burma), P. megacera sp. n. (Burma), P. megachaeta sp. n. (Burma), P. mima sp. n. (Burma), P. pectinifera sp. n. (Japan), P. pentacanta sp. n. (Nepal), P. pentadactylasp. n. (Burma), P. plusiochaeta sp. n. (Finland), P. pollex sp. n. (Burma), P. processifera sp. n. (Burma), P. quantula sp. n. (Burma), P. tetrix sp. n. (Burma) and P. triloba sp. n. (Burma). Xenopygina Frey is not a synonym of Prosciara but an independent genus. It includes two species: X. hastata (Johannsen) n. comb. (USA) and X. paradoxa (Frey) (USSR).
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5

Mackinlay, John. "Burma ’44." RUSI Journal 161, no. 4 (July 3, 2016): 84–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071847.2016.1224516.

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6

Egreteau, Renaud. "Burma/Myanmar." Political Insight 3, no. 2 (August 23, 2012): 30–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2041-9066.2012.00110.x.

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7

Omi, Saiful Huq. "Fleeing Burma." World Policy Journal 28, no. 2 (2011): 56–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0740277511415056.

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8

Goung, Ye. "India/Burma." International Journal of Estuarine and Coastal Law 4, no. 1 (1989): 80–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187529989x00075.

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9

Matthews, Bruce. "Burma/Myanmar." Round Table 88, no. 349 (January 1999): 77–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/003585399108289.

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10

Renard, Ronald D. "The Delineation of the Kayah States Frontiers with Thailand: 1809–1894." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 18, no. 1 (March 1987): 81–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463400001260.

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In 1809, representatives of Chiang Mai and the Kayah State of Kantarawaddy marked their mutual boundary by releasing a buffalo on the summit of a range of mountains and erecting markers on the line it followed. As this episode suggests, these Kayahs and Thais (and also Burmans) translated the world into cognitive maps quite different from those of the British colonialists who would later rule in Burma. The anthropologist, Edmund Leach, noted this difference in his “The Frontiers of ‘Burma’”, observing that European concepts of frontier, state, and nation are not always applicable to Burma where the frontier is not an absolute division but “a border zone through which cultures interpenetrate in a dynamic manner”. This paper examines the interaction between the Kayah-Thai-Burman and the British conceptions of frontier in the working out of demarcated borders between the Kayah states and Thailand during the nineteenth century.
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11

Mang, Pum Za. "Burman, Burmanisation and Betrayal." Studies in World Christianity 18, no. 2 (August 2012): 169–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2012.0014.

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The root cause of the decades-old political crisis in Burma has been neither the issue of political prisoners nor the political confrontation between the opposition group (NLD) and the brutal military junta (SPDC) but Burmanisation policy, apparently suggesting that successive Burman leaders continue to deny equal rights to all citizens and greater autonomy to ethnic groups who make up 40 per cent of the entire population of the country. In order to restore permanent peace, political stability and economic prosperity in Burma, the Burman-dominated regime must thus give rights of equality to all citizens, greater autonomy to ethnic groups and religious freedom to all religious groups. It is certain that as long as the ethnic groups are denied religious freedom, ethnic equality, greater autonomy, innate rights, a federal system and self-determination, there will be no peace, stability or prosperity in the country.
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12

Suen, Wong Hong. "Picturing Burma: Felice Beato's Photographs of Burma 1886–1905." History of Photography 32, no. 1 (January 9, 2008): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03087290701723139.

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13

Jarvie, Ian. "The Burma Campaign on Film: ‘Objective Burma’ (1945), ‘The Stilwell Road’ (1945) and ‘Burma Victory’ (1945)." Historical Journal of Film, Radio and Television 8, no. 1 (January 1988): 55–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01439688800260031.

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14

Steinberg, David I. "Crisis in Burma." Current History 88, no. 537 (April 1, 1989): 185–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1989.88.537.185.

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15

Silverstein, Josef. "Change in Burma?" Current History 94, no. 596 (December 1, 1995): 440–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1995.94.596.440.

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16

Haif, Abu. "Islam di Burma." Jurnal Adabiyah 16, no. 2 (December 23, 2016): 149–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.24252/jad.v17i116i2a5.

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17

Joo, Edward Bong Geul. "Crisis in Burma." Cornell Internation Affairs Review 2, no. 1 (November 1, 2008): 57–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.37513/ciar.v2i1.344.

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On September 24, 2007, the conflict in Burma, also known as Myanmar, between the public and the military junta, officially known as the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), reached a serious point. The military junta, which represented the Burmese government, had raised the price of oil through its monopoly, which subsequently elevated food prices. In response, the public, including 1000 monks, protested against the tyrannical rule of the junta. The junta reacted by killing thousands of people and arresting democratic leaders such as U Gambira, the leader of the protesting monks. Amidst this turmoil, many foreign countries intervened to try to find a solution. Keck and Sikkink suggest that these are voluntary and angel states coming to the aid of others. On the other hand, Kaufmann and Pape argue that these are states masking their acts as aid while looking for gains for themselves. They add that these political gains are made at the costly price of economic loss. By examining how the United States has been involved in the crisis in Burma, Kaufmann and Pape’s view on these states appears to be more correct than that of Keck and Sikkink, who believe in the existence of voluntary states.
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18

Lintner, Bertil. "Narcopolitics in Burma." Current History 95, no. 605 (December 1, 1996): 432–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1996.95.605.432.

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19

Edmunds, Lowell. "Oedipus in Burma." Classical World 90, no. 1 (1996): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4351896.

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20

Kelly, Desmond. "KELLY'S BURMA CAMPAIGN." Asian Affairs 39, no. 1 (March 2008): 17–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068370701791956.

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21

Yhome, K. "The Burma Roads." Asian Survey 55, no. 6 (November 2015): 1217–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2015.55.6.1217.

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Even as economic benefits are emphasized in India’s connectivity efforts with its neighbors, strategic interests also drive Delhi’s connectivity interests. How promptly Delhi addresses the structural, security, and geostrategic factors that pose major challenges to India’s regional connectivity goals will determine its future role in the region.
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22

Thiriez, Régine. "Photographs of Burma." History of Photography 20, no. 1 (March 1996): 97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03087298.1996.10443625.

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23

Lintner, Bertil. "Developments in Burma." South Asian Survey 1, no. 1 (March 1994): 101–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097152319400100107.

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24

Kurlantzick, Joshua. "Can Burma Reform?" Foreign Affairs 81, no. 6 (2002): 133. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20033350.

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25

Liew, Ying Ying. "Hope for Burma." BMJ 335, Suppl S4 (October 1, 2007): 0710355. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/sbmj.0710355.

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26

DeLeskey, Kathleen. "Healthcare in Burma." JONA: The Journal of Nursing Administration 29, no. 10 (October 1999): 11–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/00005110-199910000-00004.

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27

Bradley, David. "Democracy in Burma." Asian Studies Review 17, no. 1 (July 1993): 21–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03147539308712893.

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28

Bradley, David. "Democracy in Burma?" Asian Studies Review 21, no. 2-3 (November 1997): 19–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03147539708713156.

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29

Maung, Mya. "The Burma Road from the Union of Burma to Myanmar." Asian Survey 30, no. 6 (June 1, 1990): 602–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2644909.

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30

Alicias, Maria Dolores. "Online Burma/Myanmar Library (www.burmalibrary.org): A Gateway to Burma/Myanmar." Asian Politics & Policy 4, no. 4 (October 2012): 591–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1943-0787.2012.01366.x.

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31

Maung, Mya. "The Burma Road from the Union of Burma to Myanmar." Asian Survey 30, no. 6 (June 1990): 602–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.1990.30.6.01p0393d.

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32

Green, Nile. "Buddhism, Islam and the religious economy of colonial Burma." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 46, no. 2 (May 5, 2015): 175–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463415000041.

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Bringing to light the first known Urdu primary source on Islam in colonial Burma, this essay examines the polemical encounter with Buddhism in the years surrounding the Third Anglo–Burmese War. Using the model of religious economy, the UrduSayr-e Barhmais contextualised amid the religious pluralisation and competition that accompanied colonisation as a multitude of religious ‘entrepreneurs’ and ‘firms’ rapidly entered the colony. Among them was the Indian Muslim author ofSayr-e Barhma, which provided a detailed account of the history, language and theology of Burman Buddhists and included an account of a public debate which, it claimed, culminated in the conversion of the Thathanabaing (Primate). Against the long-standing historiographical emphasis on the economic roots of anti-Indian sentiments in colonial Burma, this essay points to the religious dimensions of these enduring antagonisms.
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33

SAHA, JONATHAN. "Madness and the Making of a Colonial Order in Burma." Modern Asian Studies 47, no. 2 (July 2, 2012): 406–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x11000400.

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AbstractIn general, during the nineteenth century the British were indifferent to the condition of the insane in colonial Burma. This was most apparent in the Rangoon lunatic asylum, which was a neglected institution reformed reluctantly and episodically following internal crises of discipline and the occasional public scandal. However, whilst psychiatry was generally neglected, British officials did intervene when and where insanity threatened the colonial order. This occurred in the criminal courts where the presence of suspected lunatics was disruptive to the administration of justice. Insanity was also a problem for the colonial regime within the European community, where erratic behaviour was viewed as a threat to racial prestige. This paper shows how, despite its neglected status in Burma, psychiatric knowledge contributed to British understandings of Burman masculinity and to the maintenance of colonial norms of European behaviour.
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34

CHEN, TINA MAI. "Chinese Residents of Burma as Refugees, Evacuees, and Returnees: The shared racial logic of territorialization in the regulation of wartime migration." Modern Asian Studies 49, no. 2 (November 20, 2014): 469–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x14000353.

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AbstractThis article analyses how, at the time of the Japanese military expansion across Asia in the 1930s and 1940s, the category of ‘Burma Chinese’ and notions of ‘Chineseness’ acquired meaning through the movement across Chinese and Indian borders of residents of Burma identified as Chinese. Focusing on the terminology utilized by various reporting organizations to refer to evacuees, refugees or returnees, this article asks what we can learn from bureaucratic exchanges and practices of documentation about the wartime migration of Burma Chinese. I argue that a shared racial logic of territorialization operates across divergent sets of correspondence concerned with the repatriation of Burma Chinese to Burma. Multiple acts of iteration and practical implementation of categories naturalized this racial logic with respect to Burma Chinese in the latter half of the 1940s. Understanding how the work of repatriating Burma Chinese rested upon a shared racial logic is important because the regulation of Asian wartime migration was foundational to the emerging international refugee regime and post-Second World War world order.
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35

Panas, Paweł. "Between Non-Fiction and the Literature of the Personal Document: Remarks on the Structure of Gustaw Herling-Grudziński’s Podróż to Burmy (A Journey To Burma)." Roczniki Humanistyczne 67, no. 1 SELECTED PAPERS IN ENGLISH (October 29, 2019): 59–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/rh.2019.67.1-4en.

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The Polish version of the article was published in Roczniki Humanistyczne vol. 57, issue 1 (2009). This text describes the literary structure (the immanent poetics) of Gustaw Herling-Grudziński’s 1952 diary Podróż do Burmy (A Journey to Burma) to properly situate this work in the domain of non-fiction and to indicate the most important characteristics of the writer’s diarist conception.
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36

Aung-Thwin, Michael. "Mranma Pran: When context encounters notion." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 39, no. 2 (April 30, 2008): 193–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463408000179.

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AbstractThe geo-political and cultural-historical context, more than any other single factor, has shaped the notion of Mranma Pran in pre-colonial times. It is derived from a longstanding reality embodied in the term anya (‘upstream’), representing Upper Burma (hence, the term anyatha, ‘offspring of Upper Burma’). Although Lower Burma also has an equivalent in the term akriy (‘downstream’), it was Upper Burma more than any other region in the country that initially exemplified the term Mranma Pran, the ‘heartland’ of the country's culture and society for over a millennium. The meaning of the term Mranma Pran (or its colonial term, ‘Burma’), therefore, depends on the context in which and by whom it is viewed.
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37

Huber, Thomas M., and Louis Allen. "Burma, The Longest War." Military Affairs 50, no. 4 (October 1986): 214. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1988017.

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38

Christie, Clive. "The state in Burma." International Affairs 65, no. 3 (1989): 584. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2621806.

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39

Callahan, Raymond, and Ian Lyall Grant. "Burma: The Turning Point." Journal of Military History 59, no. 1 (January 1995): 169. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2944389.

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40

Adas, Michael, and Robert H. Taylor. "The State in Burma." American Historical Review 95, no. 4 (October 1990): 1271. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2163658.

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41

Reynolds, Andrew, Alfred C. Stepan, Zaw Oo, and Stephen I. Levine. "How Burma Could Democratize." Journal of Democracy 12, no. 4 (2001): 95–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.2001.0081.

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42

Barany, Zoltan. "Burma: Suu Kyi's Missteps." Journal of Democracy 29, no. 1 (2018): 5–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.2018.0000.

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43

Malreddy, Pavan Kumar. "Subalter-nation: narrating Burma." Postcolonial Studies 23, no. 2 (April 2, 2020): 210–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13688790.2020.1751912.

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44

Kaung, U. Thaw, Ronald A. Morse, and Helen L. Loerke. "Burma: A Study Guide." Pacific Affairs 63, no. 1 (1990): 116. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2759841.

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45

Silverstein, Josef, and Robert H. Taylor. "The State in Burma." Pacific Affairs 61, no. 4 (1988): 706. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2760564.

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46

Jones, Nicola. "Teak record for Burma." Nature Climate Change 2, no. 1 (December 20, 2011): 22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/nclimate1363.

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47

McCurry, Justin. "Burma: after the cyclone." Lancet 371, no. 9626 (May 2008): 1737–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(08)60744-8.

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48

Black, John. "Singapore, Malaysia, and Burma." Lancet 330, no. 8553 (August 1987): 267. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(87)90844-0.

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49

Blower, John. "Conservation priorities in Burma." Oryx 19, no. 2 (April 1985): 79–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0030605300019773.

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In 1981 the Government of Burma, conscious that it should be doing more to conserve its natural resources, invited the Food and Agriculture Organisation and the Development Programme of the United Nations to assist in a project to identify areas suitable for national parks and reserves. The Minister of Agriculture and Forests has already decided to establish one of the proposed parks, Alaungdaw Kathapa, and it is hoped that the rest will follow. The author was in charge of the project for its three-year duration.
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50

Swe, Yee Yee. "Gender Concerns in Burma." Gender, Technology and Development 6, no. 3 (January 2002): 439–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09718524.2002.11910061.

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