Journal articles on the topic 'Burgundy County'

In the spring of 1314, the three daughters-in-law of King Philip the Fair of France were seized as adulteresses, and two young knights, their alleged lovers, were brutally put to death at Pontoise, their property confiscated.1 The knights in question were brothers, Philippe and Gautier d’Aulnay, whose actions brought singular dishonor to their line and to their father Gautier, a faithful vassal and supporter of Count Charles of Valois, Philip the Fair’s brother and close confidant.2 Two of the king’s disgraced daughters-in-law were sent to the Norman fortress of Château-Gaillard. The oldest, Marguerite of ducal Burgundy (ca. 1289‐1315), the daughter of the late Duke Robert of Burgundy (1248‐1306) and of Saint Louis’s daughter Agnes of France († 1327), was married to Louis (1289‐1316, r. 1314‐1316), king of Navarre and heir to the throne of France. Taken with her was Blanche of Artois and comital Burgundy (1296/1297‐1325/1326), wife of the king’s third son Charles of La Marche (1294‐1328, r. 1322‐1328), and daughter of the late Count Othon of Burgundy († 1303) and of Mahaut († 1329), countess of Artois and Burgundy. Jeanne (1287/1288‐1330), Blanche’s elder sister and wife of Philip of Poitiers (1290/1291‐1322, r. 1316‐1322), enjoyed prestige and standing the other two lacked because of the great landed inheritance, the county of Burgundy, which she had brought to her marriage. Perhaps because of this, perhaps because her guilt seemed less clear than that of the others, she was treated differently and imprisoned near Paris, at Dourdan. After Philip the Fair died on 29 November 1314, Jeanne was released, around Christmastime, declared innocent after proceedings in the Parlement of Paris. News of the shocking and unprecedented scandal spread throughout the realm of France and beyond its borders. Marguerite and Blanche were generally considered guilty, even though there was wonderment at how the affair could have taken place.3

Article deals with the struggle for the County of Flanders between England and France in the second half of the XIV century. It concerns with the changes in their tactic: England and France stopped the warfare for a short period of time and used the means of diplomacy to gain Flanders instead. Members of the Plantagenet (Edmund Langley) and the Valois (Philip the Bold duke of Burgundy) dynasties in their matrimonial policy tried to seek the hand of the heiress of Flanders – Marguerite of Males.

In 1598 Philip II, King of Spain since 1559 and ruler of many other dominions, granted the ‘Burgundian’ segment of his inheritance (the Low Countries and the County of Burgundy) to his daughter Isabella as a dowry, and gave her in marriage to her cousin Albert, Archduke of Austria. The couple governed that part of the territory effectively under their control — the northern provinces having formed the Dutch Republic — as ‘sovereign princes’, essentially enjoying domestic autonomy under the protection of the Spanish army. They were responsible for the ‘northern’ policy of the Spanish monarchy, including day-to-day relations with England and the protection of the British Catholics. As sovereign princes they rebuilt the Church in the Southern Netherlands, patronised the reformed religious orders, and did much to establish the particular South Netherlandish identity which was eventually to lead to an independent Belgian state. In 1621 Albert died, and his childless widow's dowry reverted to her nephew Philip IV. Isabella remained in Brussels as Governess-General, enjoying greater independence than the title might suggest, both from her long career as co-sovereign and from the trust and admiration of her nephew the king. She died in 1633, the governship passing to another of her nephews, the Cardinal-Infant Don Ferdinand (1635–1641).

The article deals with the diplomatic struggle for the Duchy of Luxembourg, which unfolded in 1438–1443 between the Duke of Burgundy, Philip III the Good, and the heirs of the House of Luxembourg. Not only representatives of the two dynasties were drawn into the conflict, but also a number of the most influential princes of the empire, such as Frederick III of Habsburg, the Archbishop of Trier, the Dukes of Saxony. Lacking direct rights to inherit Luxembourg, the Duke of Burgundy was able to offer its proprietress, Elisabeth de Görlitz, who held the duchy as a pledge, more favorable terms than William III of Saxony and the Archbishop of Trier, Jacques de Sirk. Philip the Good managed to achieve the neutrality of Emperor Frederick III and and win the trust of part of the Luxembourgish nobility. The entry into the duchy of Saxon contingents under the command of Count von Gleichen prevented the Duke of Burgundy from taking control of Luxembourg in 1442. Negotiations that took place during 1442-1443. did not result in an agreement between the parties. Despite the fact that by 1443 the Saxons controlled most of the duchy, Burgundian diplomacy managed to create the legal preconditions for the conquest of Luxembourg.

Abstract A passion for palaver. Brabantine diplomatic activity, c. 1400Long before the Italian Renaissance laid the foundations of the modern diplomatic system, states maintained well-structured diplomatic relations. This article describes how these worked in practice between medium-sized territorial principalities. Its basis is the diplomatic paper trail left by two political issues c.1400 that caused much ado in the Low Countries: the attempts of Anthony of Burgundy, duke of Brabant and Limburg, to obtain the ducal title of Luxembourg, and the war between Albert I, duke of Bavaria, count of Holland, and his son Willem, count of Oostervant.

Brother Claus von Winterthur (1325/1335-1402), who was in the late XIV.th century the vice-commander of the Malbork Castle, came from the family of urban ministerialis, who originally lived in Niederwinterthur. They were serving the Counts of Kyburg and the Counts of Habsburg. Because their living in Winterthur massively aggravated, some family members searched their luck in the neighbouring cities and some in distant Strassburg, which exactly at that time after the expulsion of the episcopal knights gladly accepted new warriors. The analysis of the surnames leaves to the conclusion that brother Claus came from Strassburg. He very likely knew about his familiar affiliations, so he could have been very loyal to the brethren Konrad and Rudolf von Kyburg. Loyalty towards them and cooperation with other brethren from Alsace-Burgundy might have helped him to obtain the dignity of the vice-commander in 1388. In this function he managed to stay much longer than his predecessors, till 1402.

Burgundia, as the name of a district or a street, can be found in several settlements in Hungary. Despite prevailing assumptions, the true origin of the name is still obscure. On the basis of the findings of Ignác Tragor, an early 20th century researcher of local history, the Burgundia of the town of Vác is often connected by scholars to the German newcomers who settled in Hungary during the reigns of Géza and St. Stephen. Since at that time German settlers had not yet arrived in the town of Vác, this explanation is highly unlikely. After the Mongol invasion of the country (1241–42) and especially after the Turkish occupation of Hungary (1541–1686/99), however, Germans did immigrate to Vác, but settled down in the northern part of the town. This quarter was known as Német város ‘German town’, whilst the district inhabited by Hungarians was called Magyar város ‘Hungarian town’. The downtown Burgundia was established by parcelling its land out in the last third of the 18th century, by which time the Hungarian and the German populations in the districts of the town had been exchanged, resulting in the German inhabitants’ living in the southern quarter of Vác. Relying on this fact, the author concludes that in Vác the name Burgundia might have connections with German settlers, though further evidence is required to gain certainty.

As a result of her marriage to William of Bavaria, eldest son of the count of Hainault, Holland and Zeeland, Margaret of Burgundy (1374-1441) personified the political alliance between the Burgundian and Bavarian dynasties. During her marriage she was highly loyal to both, but the struggle for power which ensued after her husband’s death caused a shift in her dynastic loyalty. By supporting her only daughter Jacqueline of Bavaria’s right of succession she acted against the interests of the Burgundian dynasty, which in the end seized power over the three counties. This article discusses how material objects originating from different periods of her life reflected changes in how she perceived and expressed her dynastic identity, focussing on her seals and on memorial objects in her funeral chapel.

Far away from the shining poles of France's two major wine regions, Bordeaux and Burgundy, Chinon is hidden away in the Loire Valley. Its wines are just as secret. Are they intellectuals' wines, as Jules Romains wrote, rife with unexpected savors, or are they simple country quaffers? However the wines of Chinon are seen, they must first be seen at all. And once they are on the oenophile's horizon, they require a certain type of gaze. In a world that is witnessing an increasingly technical approach to wine, both in wine tasting and wine making, Chinon's Cabernet Franc charms are atavistic rather than "Parker friendly." Chinon is a bumpy path rather than a streamlined highway, and for those sensitive to its treasures, that is worth its weight in famous names, critics' points and high-alcohol "fruit-bombs."

Johann Marschalk von Frohburg (1320/1330-1391) came from Liestal in the far south-western fringes of the Reich, from an insignificant family who was looking after the stable of the Counts of Frohburg. The Teutonic Knights from his region hadn't played any role in Prussia so far. Very few written sources, the supposed dates of birth and the later carriercourses suggest that brother Johann gathered around him brethren of similar Alemannic dialect, in particular Werner von Tettingen and Konrad and Rudolf von Kyburg. At the same time, he began to forge an alliance with another crew from the south-west of the Reich, the Frankish. This cooperation paid off, because in 1387 brother Johann became the Great Trappearius. In May 1390 he was removed from his dignity. His countrymen from Alsace-Burgundy soon regained this office and gave it to the younger Werner. Johann Marschalk von Frohburg, who died in the following year, smoothed the way for other Aleman-speaking brethren in the Teutonic Order.

The First Insouciant Spell "The First Insouciant Spell" is one of the key chapters from Joan Reardon's Poet of the Appetites: The Lives and Loves of M.F.K. Fisher in which the newly-married Mary Frances Kennedy sails from California with her husband Alfred Fisher to study in France. They enroll at the University of Dijon, where she learns the language and literature of the country and is initiated into the gastronomy of Burgundy, one of the famous wine-growing regions of France. Living in a pension in the midst of family celebrations and crises gave Fisher an intimate knowledge of the closed circle of French family life, and it supplied her with a cast of characters she would introduce into her books over the years. It was in Dijon also that she developed her special fondness for waiters, shopkeepers, and taxi drivers, and the experience inspired her earliest writings about food and wine.

Indonesia is a country that has high biodiversity. One of Indonesia's biodiversity plants is the croton plant (Codiaeum variegatum (L.) Rumph. ex A. Juss.). The Croton plant is one of the plants used by the general public as an ornamental plant because of the various shapes and colors of its leaves. This research aims to carry out an inventory of various varieties of croton plants in Jeruju Besar Village, Sungai Kakap District, Kubu Raya Regency, West Kalimantan Province. This research is a qualitative descriptive study with stages including taking samples of croton plants followed by identifying and providing descriptions of croton plants. The results of the research show that there are 24 varieties of croton based on the leaves color and shape, namely ‘Daylight’, ‘Mentimun’, ‘Gold Star’, ‘Burgundy’, ‘Bor Merah’, ‘Batik Mini’, ‘Mentega’, ‘Kecapi’, ‘Trisula’, ‘Tiger’, ‘Spaghetti Three-Color’, ‘Kura Lokal Variegata’, ‘Emping’, ‘Koi’, ‘Manik Maya’, ‘Jazzy Hybrid’, ‘Lele Kirmizi’, ‘Holland’, ‘Kura Batu’, ‘Jumbo Jet’, ‘Adreanum’, ‘Keris’, ‘Jet Amerika’, and ‘Kelabang’.

Rakamaz today is a town in Szabolcs-Szatmár-Bereg County, Hungary. At the beginning of the 18th century it became almost depopulated. Between 1729 and 1734, Germans of Roman Catholic religion were settled here. They bore altogether 134 surnames, which are analysed in the paper according to their semantic contents. 1. Surnames originating from the personal name of an ancestor (Balthasser, Hörling, Eringsmann). 2. Surnames indicating the place of origin (Burgund, Berger ~ Perger, Deringer ~ Teringer ~ Türinger). 3. Surnames indicating an occupation or an office (Bader, Mesner, Schecht). 4. Surnames indicating a personal characteristic (Durst, Knodel, Ling ~ Link). 5. Surnames motivated by several distinct factors (Besel, Haas, Scherflek). Only some of the surnames presented here have been preserved until today, since many families changed their German surnames into Hungarian ones in the past centuries.

Based on a qualitative single case study with eight interviews, this study lays the foundation for literature on the motivation for transforming from a quasi-governmental entity to a social business. The context of this case study is a spin off of business schools from the French chambers of commerce and industry. This spin off was encouraged by enabling legislation that allowed assets specific to business schools to be transferred without taxes and fees if they adopted this legal business form. This case study is on the Burgundy School of Business, one of the seven schools that have adopted the regime. The school is also a member of the Principles of Responsible Management in Education. This case study suggests that the motivation for adopting a social business form could be institutional rather than personal. International rankings influence country legislation and business form adoption in a competitive industry. This case also discusses why the school has intentionally decided not to go for a digital transformation of its core business model. This case leads to theoretical propositions that consider the conditions under which public sector enterprises may spin off units as social businesses focused on their beneficiaries, and the control mechanisms that need to be instituted by the parent enterprise.

In the modern world, gastronomic tourism is gaining popularity as an alternative to all the usual holidays. Gastronomic tourism is a type of tourism-related to acquaintance with the production, technology of preparation and tasting of national dishes and drinks, as well as with the culinary traditions of the peoples of the world. A gastronomic journey is a way of expressing a traveller’s understanding of a country. There are well-known gastronomic destinations in the world, including Spain, France, Italy, Greece, Belgium, Portugal, the United States (especially California in the Napa and Sonoma Valley), Brazil, Peru, Mexico, New Zealand, South Africa, Australia, Chile, Malaysia, Japan, Indonesia, Bali, China, or Singapore. Gastronomy tourists include the following categories: tourists who are tired of ordinary tourism; tourists who want to make a difference in their diet; gourmets; tourists whose work is related to cooking and eating; representatives of travel companies are interested in organizing their own gastronomy. The top 5 popular gourmet tours in the world are analyzed. Some popular destinations for tasty trips, namely, countries with specific national cuisine (Italy, France, Japan, China, Thailand); regions that are famous for their products (in France, for example, Bordeaux, Burgundy, Champagne, have become innovators in the wine industry); the most famous restaurants of the country that are famous for their cuisine, marked by Michelin stars and International ratings (in Italy – “La Pergola” (Rome), Japan – Koji (Tokyo), England – Fet Duck (Bray) and others); enterprises that have become world leaders in the production of various products (Swiss chocolate factory “Alprose”, German breweries “Ettal” and “Andeks”, Swiss cheese factory “Gruyere”). Top 10 countries by number of Michelin starred restaurants are highlighted. Current gastronomic tours abroad are characterized. The results of the Gastronomic Tourism Forum in Spain, which will positively influence the development of gastronomic tourism in the world, are analyzed.

In January 1556 Charles V renounced his rights to the Iberian kingdoms and passed them on to his son, Philip, who at once assumed the title of King of Spain. To his surprise and consternation, the English council refused to endorse it and pertly reminded him that the Kingdom of Spain did not exist. While the title had long been used, and almost every language had an equivalent for Spain and Spanish, the truth was that legally there was no such entity. Philip II's will reflected this judicial reality. He was, ‘by the grace of God, king of Castile, Leon, Aragon, the Two Sicilies, Jerusalem, Portugal, Navarre, Granada, Toledo, Valencia, Galicia, Mallorca, Seville, Sardinia, Cordoba, Corsica, Murcia, Jaen, Algarve, Gibraltar, the Canary Islands, the Eastern and Western Indies, the islands and terra firma of the Ocean Sea; archduke of Austria; duke of Burgundy, Bravant and Milan; count of Habsburg, Flanders, Tirol, Barcelona; Lord of Biscay, Molina etc.’. This lengthy litany partly explains why he and all his contemporaries habitually resorted to the title King of Spain as convenient short-hand. As we will see, however, there was more to it than simple utility. The terms were used because they were broadly understood and accepted. But it will be apparent at once that the concept of a specific Spanish identity in the sixteenth century is likely to be particularly problematic since Spain did not exist.

Heliculture (also sometimes called heliculture or simply snail farming) is the human activity of collecting, breeding, and growing edible species of land snails for food and cosmetic purposes. The meat and caviar of snails are eaten, and the mucus is used as a cosmetic. Breeding snails in artificial conditions is a profitable business that few people know about and which can bring a lot of pleasure and a good income. In our country, snails are exotic, and in many European countries this product is common and often eaten. The most famous species of edible land snail can be considered the grape snail Helix pomatia, also sometimes called the Burgundy snail. This species, however, is not suitable for commercial breeding. The two most popular species for commercial breeding are Cornu aspersum, also known as Helix aspersa muller, and Helix aspersa maxima. Intensive fishing of the mollusk Helix pomatia in Ukraine has led to the fact that the world's natural resources have been drastically reduced, which is why this type of mollusk needs careful attention. A number of scientists and farmers prove the prospects of obtaining extracts from the mucus of terrestrial molluscs and the production of medicinal and cosmetic preparations based on them. However, the population of this species in natural conditions has sharply decreased, in connection with which there is a need for artificial breeding of terrestrial molluscs. It is necessary to take into account that snails are a specific product that must be constantly improved and made competitive. It is for these purposes to carry out large-scale mating and breeding of snails with the aim of further processing of caviar and mucus for pharmaceuticals and cosmetology. It is necessary to have sufficient experience in this field and a good organization of work, which will allow the producer to offer a wide range of snail meat, both ready-made products for food purposes, and stock of mother herds for breeding by the next generation of starting farms.

Abstract Context: In acute myeloid leukemia (AML), the recently described FLT-3 and NPM1 genes abnormalities were found to have a prognostic value in AML with normal karyotype and a specific therapeutic strategy was proposed according to these abnormalities. We look for the incidence and prognostic value of these abnormalities in cases diagnosed on a well defined population. Material and Methods: AML diagnosed according to WHO classification between 01/01/2001 and 31/12/2006 in the population of the Côte d’Or department, were included. Karyotype analyses were performed in 81% of the cases. The FLT3 D835 mutation, the FLT3 internal duplication (ITD) and the NPM1 mutation were systematically studied on the biological material of the diagnosis cryopreserved in the Ferdinand Cabanne Biobank of Burgundy, by PCR and DNA sequencing techniques. The vital status of the patients was update on 31/10/2007. The relative survival was calculated with the STATA (V9) software. Results: 100 de novo AML and 47 secondary AML (sAML) were registered (72 females and 75 males). The world standardized incidence rate was 2.4 in men and 1.5 in women for de novo AML instead of what it was respectively of 1.1 and 0.6 in sAML. The urban predominance was present in both type of AML. The karyotype was normal in 38% (45/119) of cases (35% of de novo AML and 21% of sAML). It was abnormal in 62% of cases (74/119)(51% of de novo AML and 49% of sAML). Molecular analyses were performed in 78 de novo AML and in 24 sAML. FLT3 ITD was present in 19% (15/78) de novo AMl and in any sAML. The FLT3 D835 mutation was present in 6.5% of de novo AML and in 8% of sAML. NPM1 was mutated respectively in 26% and 4% of the cases. There was a significantly higher WBC count and proportion of blast cells in peripheral blood in FLT3 ITD cases. Overall and relative survivals of FLT3 ITD cases were decreased compared to FLT3 wild type cases. No difference according to NPM1 status was found. Conclusions: These data confirm the bad prognostic value of FLT3 ITD status in AML observed in clinical series. Furthermore their particular interest lies in the fact that they are the first molecular data in AML produced on a population-based series indicating the feasibility of such epidemiological studies.

Abstract Ingredients that provide health benefits are popular in the pet food industry. Sorghum contains polyphenols which are found in the pericarp. These polyphenols may provide health benefits due to their antioxidant properties, which increase the benefit of sorghum in pet food. Few pet food studies have evaluated the antioxidant capacity of sorghum differing in pericarp color. The objective of this study was to evaluate the effect of sorghum varieties on blood parameters and antioxidant capacity in dogs. Nutritionally complete experimental diets were extruded with a 50% inclusion of either rice, white sorghum A, burgundy sorghum, or white sorghum B. Twelve dogs were fed dietary treatments in a replicated 4 x 4 Latin square design consisting of 14-day periods. Three milliliters of blood were taken from each dog prior to starting the trial for baseline antioxidant capacity. At the end of each period, 3 mL of blood were taken from each dog and stored at -80°C until further analysis. Blood samples were analyzed for complete blood count (CBC), chemistry profiles (Kansas State University Veterinary Diagnostics Lab, Manhattan, KS), and oxygen radical absorbance capacity (ORAC) was measured by kit in blood plasma. Data were analyzed using a mixed model with statistical analysis software (SAS version 9.4, SAS Institute, Inc., Cary, NC) with treatment and period as fixed effects and dog as a random effect. Red blood cell distribution width was greatest in dogs fed white sorghum A at 12.9% and least in dogs fed white sorghum B at 12.7% (P < 0.05). The anion gap was highest for dogs fed the rice treatment at 24.6 mmol/L and lowest for dogs fed white sorghum A at 22.8 mmol/L (P < 0.05). Cholesterol was greater (P < 0.05) in dogs fed the rice treatment at 246.0 mg/dL compared with the three sorghum varieties (average, 225 mg/dL). Despite the few differences in blood parameters, all were within normal ranges for healthy dogs. There was no difference in plasma ORAC between treatments (P > 0.05). In conclusion, sorghum resulted in normal blood profiles and did not alter plasma antioxidant capacity compared with the rice control when fed to dogs. If antioxidant potential is desired, a concentrated pericarp (bran) extract may be necessary.

Most people have favourite colour which has a significant influence on what makes or ruins their fit in the choice of garment. This study assessed the factors responsible for colour preference among undergraduates at the Federal University of Agriculture, Abeokuta, Nigeria. Multi-stage sampling technique was used in the selection of 186 respondents. A structured questionnaire was used to collect data on respondents’ socio-demographic characteristics, types of colours commonly worn, the colour preference among undergraduates and factors responsible for colour preference in garment selection. Data were analysed using frequency counts, percentages, mean and Rank. Results showed that the mean age, gender, marital status, and ethnicity of the respondents were 24 years, male (56.8%), female (43.2%), single (86.9%) and (70.5%) from the Yoruba tribe in Nigeria, respectively. The respondents indicated that the garment colours commonly worn were black (25%), blue (22.2%), red (14%), green, pink, and burgundy (6.8%) each, yellow (5.7%), brown (4.5%), purple (3.4%), navy blue (2.3%), lemon (1.1%), and only 0.6% often wear orange and white. Furthermore, the perception of respondents on which sex is likely to select these colours during garment selection reveals that blue colour had the highest percentage for males (81.3%) while pink (1.7%) was the least. On the other hand, for females, pink (92.6%) is selected the most and blue (10.7%) the least, while black and white are perceived to be generally selected by both genders with percentages of 69.3% and 76.1%, respectively. The factors considered in the selection of garments revealed that respondents agreed to all statements with mean scores above 2.50 of the decision rules. Complexion (=3.85) ranked first when making the choice of garment colour, respondents considered the occasion or daily activity (=3.75) as second, while emotions and climatic conditions/weather (=3.49) ranked third. Religion (=3.46), garment design (=3.44), physique/body shape (=3.41) ranked 5th, 6th, and 7th respectively. Sex/gender was the least ranking factor, although the mean value was also significant (=3.35). In conclusion, black, blue, and red were commonly worn colours selected by the respondents. Black and white colour is generally selected by both genders; males prefer blue while pink for females showing that gender consideration is also important in the choice of colour in garment selection. It is therefore recommended that individuals should give a thought to the careful selection of their garment colours which trigger their excitement, cheerfulness, and inspiration. Colours that complement the wearer’s physique, height, shape, complexion as well as gender should be considered.

The historical background of Debrecen linked to viticulture and wine-making stands mainly on the lack of drinkable water, the necessity of drinkable liquid during wartime and epidemics. The special character of the city evolved together with the changing lives of citizens and the increasing trade importance of the city. Period of Turkish occupation gave impetus to the formation of the 11 vine gardens of the settlement. After the devastation of rootmite and peronospora ‘Kadarica’ and ‘Nagy burgundy’ (‘Blaufrankish’), in smaller proportion - on lower sites – ‘Cabernet’ were planted. As white varieties ‘Ezerjó’, ‘Olasz Rizling’, ‘Kövidinka’, ‘white Mustos’, in smaller proportion ‘Szlankamenka’, ‘Erdei’, ‘Szilvaner’, ‘Mézesfehér’, ‘Bakar’, ‘Veltelini’ (red), ‘Fehér burgundi’ (? white burdunder), ‘Rajnai rizling’, ‘Red Tramini’, ‘Furmint’, ‘Muscat Lunel’, ‘Járdovány’ and ‘Juh-fark’ were planted. After the Trianon treaty in 1920, 2/3rd of Hungary was cut away. Érmellék wine region was also cut in two, thus Debrecen broke away from its wine region. Legal regulations after the World War II. (1959) referred back to variety application advised in 1924 for “place suitable for good wine production, not included in any wine region”, like Debrecen listing ’Ezerjó’, ’Mézesfehér’, ’Olaszrizling’, ’Bánáti rizling’, ’Furmint’, ’Hárslevelű’, ’Kövidinka’, Kecskemét virága’, ’Piros szlankamenka’,’Pozsonyi fehér’; ’Kadarka’, ’Oportó’ and ’Kékfrankos’ (Blaufrankish). The political changes of 1990 and Hungary’s admission to the Eurepoean Union almost annihilated the wine production of Debrecen. However little gardens conserved historic varieties which could date back even to many centuries. Through a local magazine a collecting work was announced pointing to gather ancient local (Vitis vinifera conv. pontica) varieties forming a genebank, established on the experimental station of the University of Debrecen. In 2014, about 112 items were collected (accessions). As a 2nd round of the work, with a more detailed and precise work, further 81 items were put into the reservatum. The latter represent single stuck collection, whereas the first ones are to be studied az mixed items. Most notable accession names (ACENAME) of the work are: ‘Fehér gohér’, ‘Veres gohér’, ‘Fekete gohér’, ‘Kék gohér’, ‘Erdei’, ‘Ezerjó’, ‘Kűbeli’, ‘Rizling’, ‘Mézes fehér’, ‘Dinka’, ‘Madling’, ‘Bakator’ and ‘Kadarka’. Simulteneously with the strenghening and morphological description of conserved stucks genetic identification of the items is being elaborated. Database comprising FAO/IPGRI multi-crop passport descriptors and OIV Primary descriptor priority list are to be published on-line in between the development of the platform.

Eudes IV, à la fois duc et comte de Bourgogne entre 1330 et 1349, institua à deux reprises des réformateurs dans le comté, juges et enquêteurs chargés d’y corriger les abus des officiers du domaine. Il introduisit ainsi dans la province une pratique royale française, qu’il utilisa lui-même dans son duché. Le pouvoir judiciaire de ces commissaires s’exerçait principalement sur les prévôts, portés à tous les excès et pénalisés par de lourdes amendes. Il s’étendait également aux justiciables ordinaires et pouvait suppléer celui du Parlement. L’opération, non seulement financièrement très rentable pour le prince, revêtait aussi une forte charge symbolique, permettant à ce dernier d’affirmer son pouvoir en Franche-Comté dans un contexte troublé d’opposition nobiliaire. Elle participa donc largement à la construction de l’État mise en œuvre par Eudes IV dans le comté de Bourgogne durant son principat.

The earliest archaeological evidence of wine making in Southern France is dated 425 bce. Viticulture was present along the Mediterranean coast of France when the Romans arrived (second century bce) and flourished everywhere by the time they left (fifth century ce). For several centuries, long-distance trade virtually disappeared and the infrastructure fell apart. Profitable viticulture remained mostly local and was concentrated in the hands of the wealthy nobility and the Church. After the turn of the first Millennium, towns became cities and a middle-class emerged. In the twelfth century, the wine trade with England gained importance. Wines were shipped from Rouen, Nantes, La Rochelle, and later Bordeaux. Monastic orders controlled the most fertile land, especially in Champagne and Burgundy. In the thirteenth century, the Languedoc became a part of France. During the Avignon papacy, new vineyards were planted, in particular Châteauneuf-du-Pape. After the Renaissance, scientific studies gradually improved viticulture and wine-making. Ultimately, fermentation was understood. The Dutch greatly expanded the wine trade. Then, the first intentionally bubbly wines, distilled wines, and noble-rot wines were made. Informal rankings of Bordeaux wines led to the famous 1855 classification. In the late nineteenth century, nature-made catastrophes, especially phylloxera, transformed France into the largest wine-importing country in the world. Sub-standard and blended wines became common, hurting the reputation of all French wines. The two world wars, the Great Depression and Prohibition shrunk the market for wines. The way out involved strict quality-control measures and hard work. The next problem could well be global warming.

IntroductionIn the wine world, authenticity is not just desired, it is actively required. That demand comes from a complex of producers, distributors and consumers, and other interested parties. Consequently, the authenticity of wine is constantly created, reworked, presented, performed, argued over, contested and appreciated.At one level, such processes have clear economic elements. A wine deemed to be an authentic “expression” of something—the soil and micro-climate in which it was grown, the environment and culture of the region from which it hails, the genius of the wine-maker who nurtured and brought it into being, the quintessential characteristics of the grape variety it is made from—will likely make much more money than one deemed inauthentic. In wine, as in other spheres, perceived authenticity is a means to garner profits, both economic and symbolic (Beverland).At another level, wine animates a complicated intertwining of human tastes, aesthetics, pleasures and identities. Discussions as to the authenticity, or otherwise, of a wine often involve a search by the discussants for meaning and purpose in their lives (Grahm). To discover and appreciate a wine felt to “speak” profoundly of the place from whence it came possibly involves a sense of superiority over others: I drink “real” wine, while you drink mass-market trash (Bourdieu). It can also create reassuring senses of ontological security: in discovering an authentic wine, expressive of a certain aesthetic and locational purity (Zolberg and Cherbo), I have found a cherishable object which can be reliably traced to one particular place on Earth, therefore possessing integrity, honesty and virtue (Fine). Appreciation of wine’s authenticity licenses the self-perception that I am sophisticated and sensitive (Vannini and Williams). My judgement of the wine is also a judgement upon my own aesthetic capacities (Hennion).In wine drinking, and the production, distribution and marketing processes underpinning it, much is at stake as regards authenticity. The social system of the wine world requires the category of authenticity in order to keep operating. This paper examines how and why this has come to be so. It considers the crafting of authenticity in long-term historical perspective. Demand for authentic wine by drinkers goes back many centuries. Self-conscious performances of authenticity by producers is of more recent provenance, and was elaborated above all in France. French innovations then spread to other parts of Europe and the world. The paper reviews these developments, showing that wine authenticity is constituted by an elaborate complex of environmental, cultural, legal, political and commercial factors. The paper both draws upon the social science literature concerning the construction of authenticity and also points out its limitations as regards understanding wine authenticity.The History of AuthenticityIt is conventional in the social science literature (Peterson, Authenticity) to claim that authenticity as a folk category (Lu and Fine), and actors’ desires for authentic things, are wholly “modern,” being unknown in pre-modern contexts (Cohen). Consideration of wine shows that such a view is historically uninformed. Demands by consumers for ‘authentic’ wine, in the sense that it really came from the location it was sold as being from, can be found in the West well before the 19th century, having ancient roots (Wengrow). In ancient Rome, there was demand by elites for wine that was both really from the location it was billed as being from, and was verifiably of a certain vintage (Robertson and Inglis). More recently, demand has existed in Western Europe for “real” Tokaji (sweet wine from Hungary), Port and Bordeaux wines since at least the 17th century (Marks).Conventional social science (Peterson, Authenticity) is on solider ground when demonstrating how a great deal of social energies goes into constructing people’s perceptions—not just of consumers, but of wine producers and sellers too—that particular wines are somehow authentic expressions of the places where they were made. The creation of perceived authenticity by producers and sales-people has a long historical pedigree, beginning in early modernity.For example, in the 17th and 18th centuries, wine-makers in Bordeaux could not compete on price grounds with burgeoning Spanish, Portuguese and Italian production areas, so they began to compete with them on the grounds of perceived quality. Multiple small plots were reorganised into much bigger vineyards. The latter were now associated with a chateau in the neighbourhood, giving the wines connotations of aristocratic gravity and dignity (Ulin). Product-makers in other fields have used the assertion of long-standing family lineages as apparent guarantors of tradition and quality in production (Peterson, Authenticity). The early modern Bordelaise did the same, augmenting their wines’ value by calling upon aristocratic accoutrements like chateaux, coats-of-arms, alleged long-term family ownership of vineyards, and suchlike.Such early modern entrepreneurial efforts remain the foundations of the very high prestige and prices associated with elite wine-making in the region today, with Chinese companies and consumers particularly keen on the grand crus of the region. Globalization of the wine world today is strongly rooted in forms of authenticity performance invented several hundred years ago.Enter the StateAnother notable issue is the long-term role that governments and legislation have played, both in the construction and presentation of authenticity to publics, and in attempts to guarantee—through regulative measures and taxation systems—that what is sold really has come from where it purports to be from. The west European State has a long history of being concerned with the fraudulent selling of “fake” wines (Anderson, Norman, and Wittwer). Thus Cosimo III, Medici Grand Duke of Florence, was responsible for an edict of 1716 which drew up legal boundaries for Tuscan wine-producing regions, restricting the use of regional names like Chianti to wine that actually came from there (Duguid).These 18th century Tuscan regulations are the distant ancestors of quality-control rules centred upon the need to guarantee the authenticity of wines from particular geographical regions and sub-regions, which are today now ubiquitous, especially in the European Union (DeSoucey). But more direct progenitors of today’s Geographical Indicators (GIs)—enforced by the GATT international treaties—and Protected Designations of Origin (PDOs)—promulgated and monitored by the EU—are French in origin (Barham). The famous 1855 quality-level classification of Bordeaux vineyards and their wines was the first attempt in the world explicitly to proclaim that the quality of a wine was a direct consequence of its defined place of origin. This move significantly helped to create the later highly influential notion that place of origin is the essence of a wine’s authenticity. This innovation was initially wholly commercial, rather than governmental, being carried out by wine-brokers to promote Bordeaux wines at the Paris Exposition Universelle, but was later elaborated by State officials.In Champagne, another luxury wine-producing area, small-scale growers of grapes worried that national and international perceptions of their wine were becoming wholly determined by big brands such as Dom Perignon, which advertised the wine as a luxury product, but made no reference to the grapes, the soil, or the (supposedly) traditional methods of production used by growers (Guy). The latter turned to the idea of “locality,” which implied that the character of the wine was an essential expression of the Champagne region itself—something ignored in brand advertising—and that the soil itself was the marker of locality. The idea of “terroir”—referring to the alleged properties of soil and micro-climate, and their apparent expression in the grapes—was mobilised by one group, smaller growers, against another, the large commercial houses (Guy). The terroir notion was a means of constructing authenticity, and denouncing de-localised, homogenizing inauthenticity, a strategy favouring some types of actors over others. The relatively highly industrialized wine-making process was later represented for public consumption as being consonant with both tradition and nature.The interplay of commerce, government, law, and the presentation of authenticity, also appeared in Burgundy. In that region between WWI and WWII, the wine world was transformed by two new factors: the development of tourism and the rise of an ideology of “regionalism” (Laferté). The latter was invented circa WWI by metropolitan intellectuals who believed that each of the French regions possessed an intrinsic cultural “soul,” particularly expressed through its characteristic forms of food and drink. Previously despised peasant cuisine was reconstructed as culturally worthy and true expression of place. Small-scale artisanal wine production was no longer seen as an embarrassment, producing wines far more “rough” than those of Bordeaux and Champagne. Instead, such production was taken as ground and guarantor of authenticity (Laferté). Location, at regional, village and vineyard level, was taken as the primary quality indicator.For tourists lured to the French regions by the newly-established Guide Michelin, and for influential national and foreign journalists, an array of new promotional devices were created, such as gastronomic festivals and folkloric brotherhoods devoted to celebrations of particular foodstuffs and agricultural events like the wine-harvest (Laferté). The figure of the wine-grower was presented as an exemplary custodian of tradition, relatively free of modern capitalist exchange relations. These are the beginnings of an important facet of later wine companies’ promotional literatures worldwide—the “decoupling” of their supposed commitments to tradition, and their “passion” for wine-making beyond material interests, from everyday contexts of industrial production and profit-motives (Beverland). Yet the work of making the wine-maker and their wines authentically “of the soil” was originally stimulated in response to international wine markets and the tourist industry (Laferté).Against this background, in 1935 the French government enacted legislation which created theInstitut National des Appellations d’Origine (INAO) and its Appelation d’Origine Controlle (AOC) system (Barham). Its goal was, and is, to protect what it defines as terroir, encompassing both natural and human elements. This legislation went well beyond previous laws, as it did more than indicate that wine must be honestly labelled as deriving from a given place of origin, for it included guarantees of authenticity too. An authentic wine was defined as one which truly “expresses” the terroir from which it comes, where terroir means both soil and micro-climate (nature) and wine-making techniques “traditionally” associated with that area. Thus French law came to enshrine a relatively recently invented cultural assumption: that places create distinctive tastes, the value of this state of affairs requiring strong State protection. Terroir must be protected from the untrammelled free market. Land and wine, symbiotically connected, are de-commodified (Kopytoff). Wine is embedded in land; land is embedded in what is regarded as regional culture; the latter is embedded in national history (Polanyi).But in line with the fact that the cultural underpinnings of the INAO/AOC system were strongly commercially oriented, at a more subterranean level the de-commodified product also has economic value added to it. A wine worthy of AOC protection must, it is assumed, be special relative to wines un-deserving of that classification. The wine is taken out of the market, attributed special status, and released, economically enhanced, back onto the market. Consequently, State-guaranteed forms of authenticity embody ambivalent but ultimately efficacious economic processes. Wine pioneered this Janus-faced situation, the AOC system in the 1990s being generalized to all types of agricultural product in France. A huge bureaucratic apparatus underpins and makes possible the AOC system. For a region and product to gain AOC protection, much energy is expended by collectives of producers and other interested parties like regional development and tourism officials. The French State employs a wide range of expert—oenological, anthropological, climatological, etc.—who police the AOC classificatory mechanisms (Barham).Terroirisation ProcessesFrench forms of legal classification, and the broader cultural classifications which underpin them and generated them, very much influenced the EU’s PDO system. The latter uses a language of authenticity rooted in place first developed in France (DeSoucey). The French model has been generalized, both from wine to other foodstuffs, and around many parts of Europe and the world. An Old World idea has spread to the New World—paradoxically so, because it was the perceived threat posed by the ‘placeless’ wines and decontextualized grapes of the New World which stimulated much of the European legislative measures to protect terroir (Marks).Paxson shows how artisanal cheese-makers in the US, appropriate the idea of terroir to represent places of production, and by extension the cheeses made there, that have no prior history of being constructed as terroir areas. Here terroir is invented at the same time as it is naturalised, made to seem as if it simply points to how physical place is directly expressed in a manufactured product. By defining wine or cheese as a natural product, claims to authenticity are themselves naturalised (Ulin). Successful terroirisation brings commercial benefits for those who engage in it, creating brand distinctiveness (no-one else can claim their product expresses that particularlocation), a value-enhancing aura around the product which, and promotion of food tourism (Murray and Overton).Terroirisation can also render producers into virtuous custodians of the land who are opposed to the depredations of the industrial food and agriculture systems, the categories associated with terroir classifying the world through a binary opposition: traditional, small-scale production on the virtuous side, and large-scale, “modern” harvesting methods on the other. Such a situation has prompted large-scale, industrial wine-makers to adopt marketing imagery that implies the “place-based” nature of their offerings, even when the grapes can come from radically different areas within a region or from other regions (Smith Maguire). Like smaller producers, large companies also decouple the advertised imagery of terroir from the mundane realities of industry and profit-margins (Beverland).The global transportability of the terroir concept—ironic, given the rhetorical stress on the uniqueness of place—depends on its flexibility and ambiguity. In the French context before WWII, the phrase referred specifically to soil and micro-climate of vineyards. Slowly it started mean to a markedly wider symbolic complex involving persons and personalities, techniques and knowhow, traditions, community, and expressions of local and regional heritage (Smith Maguire). Over the course of the 20th century, terroir became an ever broader concept “encompassing the physical characteristics of the land (its soil, climate, topography) and its human dimensions (culture, history, technology)” (Overton 753). It is thought to be both natural and cultural, both physical and human, the potentially contradictory ramifications of such understanding necessitating subtle distinctions to ward off confusion or paradox. Thus human intervention on the land and the vines is often represented as simply “letting the grapes speak for themselves” and “allowing the land to express itself,” as if the wine-maker were midwife rather than fabricator. Terroir talk operates with an awkward verbal balancing act: wine-makers’ “signature” styles are expressions of their cultural authenticity (e.g. using what are claimed as ‘traditional’ methods), yet their stylistic capacities do not interfere with the soil and micro-climate’s natural tendencies (i.e. the terroir’sphysical authenticity).The wine-making process is a case par excellence of a network of humans and objects, or human and non-human actants (Latour). The concept of terroir today both acknowledges that fact, but occludes it at the same time. It glosses over the highly problematic nature of what is “real,” “true,” “natural.” The roles of human agents and technologies are sequestered, ignoring the inevitably changing nature of knowledges and technologies over time, recognition of which jeopardises claims about an unchanging physical, social and technical order. Harvesting by machine production is representationally disavowed, yet often pragmatically embraced. The role of “foreign” experts acting as advisors —so-called “flying wine-makers,” often from New World production cultures —has to be treated gingerly or covered up. Because of the effects of climate change on micro-climates and growing conditions, the taste of wines from a particular terroir changes over time, but the terroir imaginary cannot recognise that, being based on projections of timelessness (Brabazon).The authenticity referred to, and constructed, by terroir imagery must constantly be performed to diverse audiences, convincing them that time stands still in the terroir. If consumers are to continue perceiving authenticity in a wine or winery, then a wide range of cultural intermediaries—critics, journalists and other self-proclaiming experts must continue telling convincing stories about provenance. Effective authenticity story-telling rests on the perceived sincerity and knowledgeability of the teller. Such tales stress romantic imagery and colourful, highly personalised accounts of the quirks of particular wine-makers, omitting mundane details of production and commercial activities (Smith Maguire). Such intermediaries must seek to interest their audience in undiscovered regions and “quirky” styles, demonstrating their insider knowledge. But once such regions and styles start to become more well-known, their rarity value is lost, and intermediaries must find ever newer forms of authenticity, which in turn will lose their burnished aura when they become objects of mundane consumption. An endless cycle of discovering and undermining authenticity is constantly enacted.ConclusionAuthenticity is a category held by different sorts of actors in the wine world, and is the means by which that world is held together. This situation has developed over a long time-frame and is now globalized. Yet I will end this paper on a volte face. Authenticity in the wine world can never be regarded as wholly and simply a social construction. One cannot directly import into the analysis of that world assumptions—about the wholly socially constructed nature of phenomena—which social scientific studies of other domains, most notably culture industries, work with (Peterson, Authenticity). Ways of thinking which are indeed useful for understanding the construction of authenticity in some specific contexts, cannot just be applied in simplistic manners to the wine world. When they are applied in direct and unsophisticated ways, such an operation misses the specificities and particularities of wine-making processes. These are always simultaneously “social” and “natural”, involving multiple forms of complex intertwining of human actions, environmental and climatological conditions, and the characteristics of the vines themselves—a situation markedly beyond beyond any straightforward notion of “social construction.”The wine world has many socially constructed objects. But wine is not just like any other product. Its authenticity cannot be fabricated in the manner of, say, country music (Peterson, Country). Wine is never in itself only a social construction, nor is its authenticity, because the taste, texture and chemical elements of wine derive from complex human interactions with the physical environment. Wine is partly about packaging, branding and advertising—phenomena standard social science accounts of authenticity focus on—but its organic properties are irreducible to those factors. Terroir is an invention, a label put on to certain things, meaning they are perceived to be authentic. But the things that label refers to—ranging from the slope of a vineyard and the play of sunshine on it, to how grapes grow and when they are picked—are entwined with human semiotics but not completely created by them. 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Introduction: From Trifle to Tiramisu Tiramisu is an Italian dessert cake, usually comprising sponge finger biscuits soaked in coffee and liquor, layered with a mixture of egg yolk, mascarpone and cream, and topped with sifted cocoa. Once a gourmet dish, tiramisu, which means “pick me up” in Italian (Volpi), is today very popular in Australia where it is available for purchase not only in restaurants and cafés, but also from fast food chains and supermarkets. Recipes abound in cookery books and magazines and online. It is certainly more widely available and written about in Australia than the once ubiquitous English trifle which, comprising variations on the theme of sherry soaked sponge cake, custard and cream, it closely resembles. It could be asserted that its strong coffee taste has enabled the tiramisu to triumph over the trifle in contemporary Australia, yet coffee is also a recurrent ingredient in cakes and icings in nineteenth and early twentieth century Australian cookbooks. Acknowledging that coffee consumption in Australia doubled during the years of the Second World War and maintained high rates of growth afterwards (Khamis; Adams), this article draws on examples of culinary writing during this period of increasing popularity to investigate the use of coffee in cookery as well as a beverage in these mid-twentieth century decades. In doing so, it engages with a lively scholarly discussion on what has driven this change—whether the American glamour and sophistication associated with coffee, post-war immigration from the Mediterranean and other parts of Europe, or the influence of the media and developments in technology (see, for discussion, Adams; Collins et al.; Khamis; Symons). Coffee in Australian Mid-century Epicurean Writing In Australian epicurean writing in the 1950s and 1960s, freshly brewed coffee is clearly identified as the beverage of choice for those with gourmet tastes. In 1952, The West Australian reported that Johnnie Walker, then president of the Sydney Gourmet Society had “sweated over an ordinary kitchen stove to give 12 Melbourne women a perfect meal” (“A Gourmet” 8). Walker prepared a menu comprising: savoury biscuits; pumpkin soup made with a beef, ham, and veal stock; duck braised with “26 ounces of dry red wine, a bottle and a half of curacao and orange juice;” Spanish fried rice; a “French lettuce salad with the Italian influence of garlic;” and, strawberries with strawberry brandy and whipped cream. He served sherry with the biscuits, red wine with the duck, champagne with the sweet, and coffee to finish. It is, however, the adjectives that matter here—that the sherry and wine were dry, not sweet, and the coffee was percolated and black, not instant and milky. Other examples of epicurean writing suggested that fresh coffee should also be unadulterated. In 1951, American food writer William Wallace Irwin who travelled to, and published in, Australia as “The Garrulous Gourmet,” wrote scathingly of the practice of adding chicory to coffee in France and elsewhere (104). This castigation of the French for their coffee was unusual, with most articles at this time praising Gallic gastronomy. Indicative of this is Nancy Cashmore’s travel article for Adelaide’s Advertiser in 1954. Titled “In Dordogne and Burgundy the Gourmet Will Find … A Gastronomic Paradise,” Cashmore details the purchasing, preparation, presentation, and, of course, consumption of excellent food and wine. Good coffee is an integral part of every meal and every day: “from these parts come exquisite pate de fois, truffles, delicious little cakes, conserved meats, wild mushrooms, walnuts and plums. … The day begins with new bread and coffee … nothing is imported, nothing is stale” (6). Memorable luncheons of “hors-d’oeuvre … a meat course, followed by a salad, cheese and possibly a sweet” (6) always ended with black coffee and sometimes a sugar lump soaked in liqueur. In Australian Wines and Food (AW&F), a quarterly epicurean magazine that was published from 1956 to 1960, coffee was regularly featured as a gourmet kitchen staple alongside wine and cheese. Articles on the history, growing, marketing, blending, roasting, purchase, and brewing of coffee during these years were accompanied with full-page advertisements for Bushell’s vacuum packed pure “roaster fresh” coffee, Robert Timms’s “Royal Special” blend for “coffee connoisseurs,” and the Masterfoods range of “superior” imported and locally produced foodstuffs, which included vacuum packed coffee alongside such items as paprika, bay leaves and canned asparagus. AW&F believed Australia’s growing coffee consumption the result of increased participation in quality dining experiences whether in restaurants, the “scores of colourful coffee shops opening their doors to a new generation” (“Coffee” 39) or at home. With regard to domestic coffee drinking, AW&F reported a revived interest in “the long neglected art of brewing good coffee in the home” (“Coffee” 39). Instructions given range from boiling in a pot to percolating and “expresso” (Bancroft 10; “Coffee” 37-9). Coffee was also mentioned in every issue as the only fitting ending to a fine meal, when port, other fortified wines or liqueurs usually accompanied a small demi-tasse of (strong) black coffee. Coffee was also identified as one of the locally produced speciality foods that were flown into the USA for a consulate dinner: “more than a ton of carefully selected foodstuffs was flown to New York by Qantas in three separate airlifts … beef fillet steaks, kangaroo tails, Sydney rock oysters, King prawns, crayfish tails, tropical fruits and passion fruit, New Guinea coffee, chocolates, muscatels and almonds” (“Australian” 16). It is noteworthy that tea is not profiled in the entire run of the magazine. A decade later, in the second half of the 1960s, the new Australian gourmet magazine Epicurean included a number of similar articles on coffee. In 1966 and 1969, celebrity chef and regular Epicurean columnist Graham Kerr also included an illustrated guide to making coffee in two of the books produced alongside his television series, The Graham Kerr Cookbook (125) and The Graham Kerr Cookbook by the Galloping Gourmet (266-67). These included advice to buy freshly roasted beans at least once a week and to invest in an electric coffee grinder. Kerr uses a glass percolator in each and makes an iced (milk) coffee based on double strength cooled brewed coffee. Entertaining with Margaret Fulton (1971) is the first Margaret Fulton cookery book to include detailed information on making coffee from ground beans at home. In this volume, which was clearly aimed at the gourmet-inclined end of the domestic market, Fulton, then cookery editor for popular magazine Woman’s Day, provides a morning coffee menu and proclaims that “Good hot coffee will never taste so good as it does at this time of the day” (90). With the stress on the “good,” Fulton, like Kerr, advises that beans be purchased and ground as they are needed or that only a small amounts of freshly ground coffee be obtained at one time. For Fulton, quality is clearly linked to price—“buy the best you can afford” (90)—but while advising that “Mocha coffee, which comes from Aden and Mocha, is generally considered the best” (90), she also concedes that consumers will “find by experience” (90) which blends they prefer. She includes detailed information on storage and preparation, noting that there are also “dozens of pieces of coffee making equipment to choose from” (90). Fulton includes instructions on how to make coffee for guests at a wedding breakfast or other large event, gently heating home sewn muslin bags filled with finely ground coffee in urns of barely boiling water (64). Alongside these instructions, Fulton also provides recipes for a sophisticated selection of coffee-flavoured desserts such as an iced coffee soufflé and coffee biscuits and meringues that would be perfect accompaniments to her brewed coffees. Cooking with Coffee A prominent and popular advocate of Continental and Asian cookery in Melbourne in the 1950s, Maria Kozslik Donovan wrote and illustrated five cookery books and had a successful international career as a food writer in the 1960s and 1970s. Maria Kozslik was Hungarian by birth and education and was also educated in the USA before marrying Patrick Donovan, an Australian, and migrating to Sydney with him in 1950. After a brief stay there and in Adelaide, they relocated to Melbourne in 1953 where she ran a cookery school and wrote for prominent daily newspaper The Age, penning hundreds of her weekly “Epicure’s Corner: Continental Recipes with Maria Kozslik” column from 1954 to 1961. Her groundbreaking Continental Cookery in Australia (1955) collects some 140 recipes, many of which would appear in her column—predominantly featuring French, Italian, Viennese, and Hungarian dishes, as well as some from the Middle East and the Balkans—each with an informative paragraph or two regarding European cooking and dining practices that set the recipes in context. Continental Cookery in Australia includes one recipe for Mocha Torte (162), which she translates as Coffee Cream Cake and identifies as “the favourite of the gay and party-loving Viennese … [in] the many cafés and sweet shops of Salzburg and Vienna” (162). In this recipe, a plain sponge is cut into four thin layers and filled and covered with a rich mocha cream custard made from egg yolks, sugar and a good measure of coffee, which, when cooled, is beaten into creamed butter. In her recipe for Mocha Cream, Donovan identifies the type of coffee to be used and its strength, specifying that “strong Mocha” be used, and pleading, “please, no essence!” She also suggests that the cake’s top can be decorated with shavings of the then quite exotic “coffee bean chocolate,” which she notes can be found at “most continental confectioners” (162), but which would have been difficult to obtain outside the main urban centres. Coffee also appears in her Café Frappe, where cooled strong black coffee is poured into iced-filled glasses, and dressed with a touch of sugar and whipped cream (165). For this recipe the only other direction that Donovan gives regarding coffee is to “prepare and cool” strong black coffee (165) but it is obvious—from her eschewing of other convenience foods throughout the volume—that she means freshly brewed ground coffee. In contrast, less adventurous cookery books paint a different picture of coffee use in the home at this time. Thus, the more concise Selected Continental Recipes for the Australian Home (1955) by the Australian-born Zelmear M. Deutsch—who, stating that upon marrying a Viennese husband, she became aware of “the fascinating ways of Continental Cuisine” (back cover)—includes three recipes that include coffee. Deutsch’s Mocha Creams (chocolate truffles with a hint of coffee) (76-77), almond meringues filled with coffee whipped cream (89-90), and Mocha Cream Filling comprising butter beaten with chocolate, vanilla, sugar, and coffee (95), all use “powdered” instant coffee, which is, moreover, used extremely sparingly. Her Almond Coffee Torte, for example, requires only half a teaspoon of powdered coffee to a quarter of a pint (300 mls) of cream, which is also sweetened with vanilla sugar (89-90). In contrast to the examples from Fulton and Donovan above (but in common with many cookbooks before and after) Deutsch uses the term “mocha” to describe a mix of coffee and chocolate, rather than to refer to a fine-quality coffee. The term itself is also used to describe a soft, rich brown color and, therefore, at times, the resulting hue of these dishes. The word itself is of late eighteenth century origin, and comes from the eponymous name of a Red Sea port from where coffee was shipped. While Selected Continental Recipes appears to be Deutsch’s first and only book, Anne Mason was a prolific food, wine and travel writer. Before migrating to England in 1958, she was well known in Australia as the presenter of a live weekly television program, Anne Mason’s Home-Tested Recipes, which aired from 1957. She also wrote a number of popular cookery books and had a long-standing weekly column in The Age. Her ‘Home-Tested Recipes’ feature published recipes contributed by readers, which she selected and tested. A number of these were collected in her Treasury of Australian Cookery, published in London in 1962, and included those influenced by “the country cooking of England […] Continental influence […] and oriental ideas” (11). Mason includes numerous recipes featuring coffee, but (as in Deutsch above) almost all are described as mocha-flavoured and listed as such in the detailed index. In Mason’s book, this mocha taste is, in fact, featured more frequently in sweet dishes than any of the other popular flavours (vanilla, honey, lemon, apple, banana, coconut, or passionfruit) except for chocolate. These mocha recipes include cakes: Chocolate-Mocha Refrigerator cake—plain sponge layered with a coffee-chocolate mousse (134), Mocha Gateau Ring—plain sponge and choux pastry puffs filled with cream or ice cream and thickly iced with mocha icing (136) and Mocha Nut Cake—a coffee and cocoa butter cake filled and iced with mocha icing and almonds (166). There are also recipes for Mocha Meringues—small coffee/cocoa-flavoured meringue rosettes joined together in pairs with whipped cream (168), a dessert Mocha Omelette featuring the addition of instant coffee and sugar to the eggs and which is filled with grated chocolate (181) and Mocha-Crunch Ice Cream—a coffee essence-scented ice cream with chocolate biscuit crumbs (144) that was also featured in an ice cream bombe layered with chocolate-rum and vanilla ice creams (152). Mason’s coffee recipes are also given prominence in the accompanying illustrations. Although the book contains only nine pages in full colour, the Mocha Gateau Ring is featured on both the cover and opposite the title page of the book and the Mocha Nut Cake is given an entire coloured page. The coffee component of Mason’s recipes is almost always sourced from either instant coffee (granules or powdered) or liquid coffee essence, however, while the cake for the Mocha Nut Cake uses instant coffee, its mocha icing and filling calls for “3 dessertspoons [of] hot black coffee” (167). The recipe does not, however, describe if this is made from instant, essence, or ground beans. The two other mocha icings both use instant coffee mixed with cocoa, icing sugar and hot water, while one also includes margarine for softness. The recipe for Mocha Cup (202) in the chapter for Children’s Party Fare (198-203), listed alongside clown-shaped biscuits and directions to decorate cakes with sweets, plastic spaceships and dolls, surprisingly comprises a sophisticated mix of grated dark chocolate melted in a pint of “hot black coffee” lightened with milk, sugar and vanilla essence, and topped with cream. There are no instructions for brewing or otherwise making fresh coffee in the volume. The Australian culinary masterwork of the 1960s, The Margaret Fulton Cookbook, which was published in 1968 and sold out its first (record) print run of 100,000 copies in record time, is still in print, with a revised 2004 edition bringing the number of copies sold to over 1.5 million (Brien). The first edition’s cake section of the book includes a Coffee Sponge sandwich using coffee essence in both the cake and its creamy filling and topping (166) and Iced Coffee Cakes that also use coffee essence in the cupcakes and instant coffee powder in the glacé icing (166). A Hazelnut Swiss Roll is filled with a coffee butter cream called Coffee Creme au Beurre, with instant coffee flavouring an egg custard which is beaten into creamed butter (167)—similar to Koszlik’s Mocha Cream but a little lighter, using milk instead of cream and fewer eggs. Fulton also includes an Austrian Chocolate Cake in her Continental Cakes section that uses “black coffee” in a mocha ganache that is used as a frosting (175), and her sweet hot coffee soufflé calls for “1/2 cup strong coffee” (36). Fulton also features a recipe for Irish Coffee—sweetened hot black coffee with (Irish) whiskey added, and cream floated on top (205). Nowhere is fresh or brewed coffee specified, and on the page dedicated to weights, measures, and oven temperatures, instant coffee powder appears on the list of commonly used ingredients alongside flour, sugar, icing sugar, golden syrup, and butter (242). American Influence While the influence of American habits such as supermarket shopping and fast food on Australian foodways is reported in many venues, recognition of its influence on Australian coffee culture is more muted (see, for exceptions, Khamis; Adams). Yet American modes of making and utilising coffee also influenced the Australian use of coffee, whether drunk as beverage or employed as a flavouring agent. In 1956, the Australian Women’s Weekly published a full colour Wade’s Cornflour advertorial of biscuit recipes under the banner, “Dione Lucas’s Manhattan Mochas: The New Coffee Cookie All America Loves, and Now It’s Here” (56). The use of the American “cookie” instead of the Australian “biscuit” is telling here, the popularity of all things American sure to ensure, the advert suggested, that the Mochas (coffee biscuits topped with chocolate icing) would be so popular as to be “More than a recipe—a craze” (56). This American influence can also been seen in cakes and other baked goods made specifically to serve with coffee, but not necessarily containing it. The recipe for Zulu Boys published in The Argus in 1945, a small chocolate and cinnamon cake with peanuts and cornflakes added, is a good example. Reported to “keep moist for some time,” these were “not too sweet, and are especially useful to serve with a glass of wine or a cup of black coffee” (Vesta Junior 9), the recipe a precursor to many in the 1950s and 1960s. Margaret Fulton includes a Spicy Coffee Cake in The Margaret Fulton Cookbook. This is similar to her Cinnamon Tea Cake in being an easy to mix cake topped with cinnamon sugar, but is more robust in flavour and texture with the addition of whole bran cereal, raisins and spices (163). Her “Morning Coffee” section in Entertaining with Margaret Fulton similarly includes a selection of quite strongly flavoured and substantially textured cakes and biscuits (90-92), while her recipes for Afternoon Tea are lighter and more delicate in taste and appearance (85-89). Concluding Remarks: Integration and Evolution, Not Revolution Trusted Tasmanian writer on all matters domestic, Marjorie Bligh, published six books on cookery, craft, home economics, and gardening, and produced four editions of her much-loved household manual under all three of her married names: Blackwell, Cooper and Bligh (Wood). The second edition of At Home with Marjorie Bligh: A Household Manual (published c.1965-71) provides more evidence of how, rather than jettisoning one form in favour of another, Australian housewives were adept at integrating both ground and other more instant forms of coffee into their culinary repertoires. She thus includes instructions on both how to efficiently clean a coffee percolator (percolating with a detergent and borax solution) (312) as well as how to make coffee essence at home by simmering one cup of ground coffee with three cups of water and one cup of sugar for one hour, straining and bottling (281). She also includes recipes for cakes, icings, and drinks that use both brewed and instant coffee as well as coffee essence. In Entertaining with Margaret Fulton, Fulton similarly allows consumer choice, urging that “If you like your coffee with a strong flavour, choose one to which a little chicory has been added” (90). Bligh’s volume similarly reveals how the path from trifle to tiramisu was meandering and one which added recipes to Australian foodways, rather than deleted them. Her recipe for Coffee Trifle has strong similarities to tiramisu, with sponge cake soaked in strong milk coffee and sherry layered with a rich custard made from butter, sugar, egg yolks, and black coffee, and then decorated with whipped cream, glace cherries, and walnuts (169). This recipe precedes published references to tiramisu as, although the origins of tiramisu are debated (Black), references to the dessert only began to appear in the 1980s, and there is no mention of the dish in such authoritative sources as Elizabeth David’s 1954 Italian Food, which features a number of traditional Italian coffee-based desserts including granita, ice cream and those made with cream cheese and rice. By the 1990s, however, respected Australian chef and food researcher, the late Mietta O’Donnell, wrote that if pizza was “the most travelled of Italian dishes, then tiramisu is the country’s most famous dessert” and, today, Australian home cooks are using the dish as a basis for a series of variations that even include replacing the coffee with fruit juices and other flavouring agents. Long-lived Australian coffee recipes are similarly being re-made in line with current taste and habits, with celebrated chef Neil Perry’s recent Simple Coffee and Cream Sponge Cake comprising a classic cream-filled vanilla sponge topped with an icing made with “strong espresso”. To “glam up” the cake, Perry suggests sprinkling the top with chocolate-covered roasted coffee beans—cycling back to Maria Koszlik’s “coffee bean chocolate” (162) and showing just how resilient good taste can be. Acknowledgements The research for this article was completed while I was the recipient of a Research Fellowship in the Special Collections at the William Angliss Institute (WAI) of TAFE in Melbourne, where I utilised their culinary collections. Thank you to the staff of the WAI Special Collections for their generous assistance, as well as to the Faculty of Arts, Business, Informatics and Education at Central Queensland University for supporting this research. Thank you to Jill Adams for her assistance with this article and for sharing her “Manhattan Mocha” file with me, and also to the peer reviewers for their generous and helpful feedback. All errors are, of course, my own.References “A Gourmet Makes a Perfect Meal.” The West Australian 4 Jul. 1952: 8.Adams, Jill. “Australia’s American Coffee Culture.” Australasian Journal of Popular Culture (2012): forthcoming. “Australian Wines Served at New York Dinner.” Australian Wines and Food 1.5 (1958): 16. Bancroft, P. 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