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1
Kalinkova, Sabrina. "Bulgarian economy as a producer of intermediate goods for the European Union." University Economic Bulletin, no. 48 (March 30, 2021): 97–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.31470/2306-546x-2021-48-97-102.
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Relevance of research topic. In conditions of globalization, the economic development of a country depends a lot on its relations with the rest of the world. When using economic indicators, including the "foreign trade balance" one, their correct interpretation is of particular importance. Formulation of the problem. The research interest should be focused not only on the volume of exports and imports in monetary terms, but also on its structure. It is a question of what production (goods and services) the Bulgarian economy exports (respectively imports), as well as where it exports (from where the Bulgarian economy imports). Setting the task, the purpose of the study. This report aims to present the Bulgarian economy in its role of producer and supplier of intermediate products for the countries of the European Union. Method or methodology for conducting research. The study is based on the use of the input-output model and in particular the symmetric input-output tables provided by the World Input-Output Database. Presentation of the main material (results of work). This report presents the results of the study of volume and structure of exports of the Bulgarian economy as a producer and supplier of intermediate goods, directed to the countries of the European Union. The interactions with the following countries were analyzed: Austria, Belgium, Germany, Denmark, Spain, France, Great Britain, Greece, Italy, the Netherlands, Poland, and Romania. Some of the member states of the European Union are not included. The reason for this is the lack of interactions between them and the Bulgarian economy, based on the provision of intermediate products. Conclusions according to the article. The study presents only one aspect of the foreign economic relations that take place between Bulgaria and the European Union. For the most part, the relations between Bulgaria and the other economies in the European Union are based mainly on industries related to the supply of resources. Services and products with a final degree of readiness are provided to a much lesser extent.
2
Baev, Jordan. "The Establishment of Bulgarian–West German Diplomatic Relations within the Coordinating Framework of the Warsaw Pact." Journal of Cold War Studies 18, no. 3 (July 2016): 158–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00656.
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Bulgarian–West German relations played a crucial role in Bulgarian foreign policy in Europe from the time the FRG became a leading West European political and economic power and a key member of both the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the European Economic Community. The normalization of official relations between Bulgaria and the FRG was significantly influenced by two major factors: the policy of closer coordination and multilateral interaction within the Warsaw Pact and the somewhat slower, though increasing, process of East-West détente and security negotiations in Europe through CSCE and the Mutual and Balanced Force Reduction talks. This case study of the establishment of diplomatic relations between a powerful European state and a smaller one with opposite political orientation amid the East-West détente in the 1970s contributes to scholars’ understanding of the complex nature of international relations in Europe during the Cold War.
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Самедов, Фарман Фамиль. "Foreign Economic Relations of Sumgait city (On the Chemical Industry. 1991-2003)." Bulletin of Science and Practice, no. 8 (August 15, 2022): 416–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.33619/2414-2948/81/42.
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В статье анализируется экономический кризис в сумгаитской химической промышленности в результате распада СССР и разрыва традиционных экономических связей с бывшими советскими республиками после обретения Азербайджаном независимости и меры, предпринятые для выхода из этого кризиса. Кроме того, рассмотрены установление экономических связей и обмен опытом в химической промышленности с экономически развитыми странами: Германией, США, Турцией, Японией, Великобританией, Кореей, Италией, Болгарией и Испанией, замена физически и морально устаревшего оснащения сумгаитских химических предприятий новым и разработка новых проектов по увеличению производственных мощностей заводов, а также инвестиции этих стран в сумгаитскую химическую промышленность и совместная работа с группой экспертов ЕС по устранению экологической проблемы. The article analyzes the economic crisis in the Sumgait chemical industry as a result of the collapse of the USSR and the severance of traditional economic ties with the former Soviet republics after the independence of Azerbaijan and the measures taken to overcome this crisis. In addition, the establishment of economic relations and exchange of experience in the chemical industry with economically developed countries in the chemical industry: Germany, USA, Turkey, Japan, Great Britain, Korea, Italy, Bulgaria and Spain, replacement of physically and morally obsolete equipment at Sumgait chemical enterprises with new ones and develop new projects to increase the production capacity of factories, as well as the investment of these countries in the Sumgait chemical industry and joint work with a group of EU experts to eliminate the environmental problem were also searched.
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Dziubanovska, N. V., V. V. Maslii, Z. B. Lytvyn, and V. I. Bliask. "An Approach to the Analysis of the Intensity of the International Trade Dynamics on the Example of the European Union Countries." Statistics of Ukraine 97, no. 2 (June 30, 2022): 73–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.31767/su.2(97)2022.02.08.
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International trade is an important component of the national economy of any country in the world, as well as a leading form of international economic relations. Changes in the main indicators of foreign trade, such as exports, imports, trade balance, can cause significant imbalances in the parameters of economic growth of the subjects of such relations.The article proposes an approach to analyzing the intensity of dynamic changes in international trade in goods on the example of EU countries during 2004-2021 with using such methodological approaches as grouping, comparison, calculation and analysis of absolute and relative characteristics of dynamics. For this purpose, two groups of countries where distinguished: countries that were members of the EU before 2004 (Austria, Belgium, Great Britain, Denmark, Ireland, Germany, Spain, Italy, Luxembourg, Netherlands, France, Greece, Portugal, Sweden and Finland) and countries that became members of the EU after 2004 (Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia, Malta, Poland, Slovakia, Slovenia, Czech Republic, Hungary, Cyprus. Bulgaria, Romania and Croatia). In carrying out the study, the cost indicators of trade transactions of the EU countries were used. With the help of such indicators as specific weight, chain and basic growth rates, coefficients of advance, the intensity of export and import dynamics in terms of selected groups where analyzed. The main trends and determinants of the development of export import activities, under the influence of which there were certain changes in the international trade of the EU countries during the period under study, were identified. These determinants include EU enlargement in 2004, the 2009 financial crisis and the COVID 2019 pandemic. Three periods of development of foreign trade of the member countries of this integration group are distinguished. The 5 largest exporter and importer countries, as well as the largest net exporters and net importers in terms of allocated groups, were identified. The results of the analysis also indicate that the countries that joined the EU after 2004 actively used their membership in the context of the development of foreign economic activity: they rapidly increased the volume of merchandise exports and imports. It has been proved that the proposed approach is effective for analyzing the nature of dynamic changes in international trade of any international organizations, integration associations, etc.
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Zakharchenko, Petro. "Russia's sanctions policy in the context of the First World War." Uzhhorod National University Herald. Series: Law, no. 68 (March 24, 2022): 9–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2307-3322.2021.68.1.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of the sanctions policy of the Russian Empire towards the countries that were its opponents in the First World War. Such states included Germany, Austria-Hungary, Bulgaria, and Turkey, which joined forces in the military bloc of the Central Powers to fight the Allies.
The victories of the member states of the Entente bloc were forged not only on the fronts, but also achieved through the partial or complete abolition of trade, financial and economic relations with the countries of the Fourth Bloc. The aim of this paper is to study and comprehend the experience of imposing sanctions by the Russian Empire against states that participated in the war against it during the war of 1914-1918. , which is waging a long-running hybrid war with Ukraine. The article demonstrates an example of an adequate response of state institutions to encroachment on the territorial integrity and sovereignty of the country. It has been proved that immediately after the start of hostilities, measures were taken against the subjects of the states fighting against Russia to limit their legal capacity and legal capacity. They could be deported both outside the country and outside its individual localities.
These people were allowed to enter Russia only with the permission of the relevant authorities. Merchant ships of countries fighting against Russia, seized in Russian ports, were detained. Merchant ships built for foreign countries were confiscated and converted for military purposes.
Investment policy has also been revised. This is confirmed by the approval by the Russian emperor in 1915 of the Regulations on the Liquidation of Trade Enterprises Belonging to Enemy Citizens, which referred to the liquidation of enterprises and joint-stock companies that co-owned with Russian nationals. It is noteworthy that only those enterprises that operated at the expense of German, Austrian, Hungarian or Turkish investments were subject to liquidation. Other normative legal acts abolished the right of ownership of land of the same group of foreign citizens.
The result of the scientific article was the conclusion that by applying the emergency legislation, the Russian government did everything possible to prevent national security from financing the citizens of those countries that were at war with it.
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Podchasov, Nikolay. "TURKISH INFLUENCE ON FOREIGN AND DOMESTIC POLICY OF BULGARIA." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 28, no. 4 (August 31, 2022): 51–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran420225162.
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The article analyzes the Bulgarian-Turkish relations from the late 2000’s to the early 2020’s. The author insists on the presence of patterns, specific to this stage of bilateral relations. Sofia's readiness to act as a «lobbyist» for Ankara’s interests in the EU is noted. The significant influence of internal political processes in Bulgaria on the nature of its relations with Turkey is emphasized. In particular, the paper indicates a decrease in the level of Bulgarian-Turkish contacts after the end of the period of rule of the party «Citizens for European Development of Bulgaria» (CEDB) in 2021. The important role of the Turkish diaspora in Bulgaria and Bulgarian citizens of Turkish origin living in Turkey in the relations between Ankara and Sofia is also recorded. Attention is drawn to the attempts of the Turkish authorities to use these social groups to promote their own goals. The emphasis is placed on the independent behavior of the political elite of the Bulgarian Turks and on their ability to resist the desires of the leadership of the neighboring country, despite the existence of close economic and cultural ties. It is also stated, that there is a causal link between the struggle of the leaders of the Turkish ethnic minority in Bulgaria for their independence from Ankara’s policies and the crisis of Bulgarian-Turkish relations in 2015–2016.
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Kamaci, Ahmet, Ekrem Gul, and Mustafa Torusdag. "FOREIGN DIRECT INVESTMENTS, TRADE OPENNESS AND CO2 EMISSIONS RELATIONSHIP: THE CASE OF 1995-2019 EU COUNTRIES." Revista de Investigaciones Universidad del Quindío 33, no. 2 (October 1, 2021): 56–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.33975/riuq.vol33n2.637.
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Foreign direct investments (FDI), which are very important in the economic development of countries, prefer regions with free trade. Since the share of international trade in the world economy is constantly increasing, trade openness and foreign direct investments have become more important for countries. However, the increase in trade and FDI entries can have negative effects on the environment. Although many different variables are included in the literature as determinants of carbon emission, foreign direct investments are mostly taken as an explanatory variable with the effect of the economic globalization process.
The aim of this paper is to analyze the relationship between FDI, trade openness and CO2 emission for the 1995-2019 period in 24 EU countries. The relationship between variables was estimated by applying panel AMG estimator and Emirmahmutoglu and Kose causality tests to series with cross-sectional dependency. Empirical results for the overall panel show that there is unidirectional causality from carbon emission to trade openness and FDI. There is a directional causality from FDI to trade openness for the general panel has been determined.
When analyzed on a country basis, there is unidirectional causality from carbon emission to trade openness for Bulgaria, Italy, Latvia, Poland, Portugal and Slovenia. Likewise, for Austria, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, Poland, Portugal, Spain and Switzerland, there is unidirectional causality from carbon emission to FDI. In addition, when analyzed on a country basis, there is a one-way causality relationship from foreign direct investments to trade openness for Bulgaria, Italia, Latvia, Poland, Portugal and Slovenia. For Bulgaria, Finland and Germany, there is a one-way causality from trade openness to foreign direct investment. The importance of this study derives from the emphasis on the need for environmentally protective FDIs to reduce carbon emissions.
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Rodionova, M. E. "Dynamics of Bilateral Cooperation between Russia and Bulgaria at the Present stage." Humanities and Social Sciences. Bulletin of the Financial University 9, no. 6 (February 10, 2020): 95–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.26794/2226-7867-2019-9-6-95-99.
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The purpose of this article is to examine Bulgarian-Russian relations. The author provided a detailed analysis of some economic areas of bilateral cooperation, taking into account transformations in the international system, European sanctions, and scientific prerequisites for further development. The material presents a brief analysis of the course of the recent mutual meetings of the heads of state, as well as their representatives. The author also considers the prerequisites for the formation of diplomatic relations between Russia and Bulgaria. The author expresses the opinion that there exists a positive vector of development of political dialogue with regards to the analysis of the leading parties in Bulgaria and cultural similarity of countries. The author paid particular attention to trade and economic cooperation, using official statistics of the Federal Customs Service of Russia are given (based on the report on foreign trade between Russia and Bulgaria in 2018: trade, exports, imports, structure, goods, dynamic). Russia ranked sixth in the number of foreign tourists visiting Bulgaria. Therefore, the sphere of tourism in bilateral relations needs more detailed review. The decline for 2018 can only be attributed to the World Cup in Russia, intense competition from other areas, as well as the fluctuation of the exchange rate of ruble. The author considered business forums such as, for example, “Bulgarian Business Day in Russia: Bulgaria — a bridge to the European Union” and cooperation in the field of education and science, with Financial University as the leading partner of the Bulgarian universities. The author discussed some issues of regional cooperation within the framework of the Organization of the Black Sea Economic Cooperation (BSEC) as the platform for dialogue between the countries. The material is dedicated to the celebration of 140 years of diplomatic relations between Russia and Bulgaria.
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Sharikov, Pavel. "AMERICAN FOREIGN POLICY PRIORITIES TOWARDS GERMANY." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 24, no. 6 (December 31, 2021): 41–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran620214149.
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The article addresses the priorities of US relations with Germany. The victory of Joseph Biden and Democratic Party on the elections of 2020 signified quite radical twist in US foreign policy. The election slogan «America is back» which won the White House for the Democratic Party and Congress, means restoration of transatlantic relationship, damaged by the previous administration. Germany has a special place in this process. Elections in Germany in 2021 resulted in a victory of a Social Democratic Party. Decision making in Washington on Relations with Germany are influenced by many factors, including those related to domestic policies and international relations. Domestically there have appeared contradictions between Democratic and Republican parties on a number of priority issues on the bilateral agenda. In particular, the main differences were related to the Nord Stream 2 project. The situation in Afghanistan remains an urgent problem for both sides. It is noteworthy that following the results of the last elections in the United States, the German Caucus again became active in Congress, including both democratic and republican politicians. It is clear that Biden’s administration pursues the developing of economic ties with Germany.
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Kotov, Alexander. "Arctic Vector for German Foreign Policy." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 20, no. 2 (April 30, 2021): 48–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran220214854.
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Germany updated its Arctic strategy in 2019. It is determined that in the context of achieving global climate goals this region for Germany to be one of the key ones. It is emphasized that the interests of Germany are in the sustainable supply of natural resources from the Arctic. The long-term Germany`s policy is formed by the informing the world community about the risks of further economic development of the macroregion for global climatic and environmental reasons, which is carried out within the framework of national policies by the Arctic countries. Russia is one of the key Arctic countries with which Germany closely cooperates in the region in the economic and scientific spheres. Based on the assessment of Germany's position on Russia’s Arctic strategy (2020), the paper analyzes the ambivalent relationship between the two countries in the Arctic macro-region with elements of confrontation and cooperation. The author concludes that Russia and Germany can productively cooperate in the Arctic at the level of regions and economic entities, using it at the same time as an implicit field for discussing the current complex agenda of bilateral relations
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Zamuruitsev, Oleksii, and Alla Krylova. "Organization of church parishes and church construction among the German-speaking colonists of the Tavricheskaya gubernia in the post-reform period." Bulletin of Luhansk Taras Shevchenko National University, no. 4 (352) (2022): 100–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.12958/2227-2844-2022-4(352)-100-110.
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The study of the history and culture of different peoples inhabiting or inhabiting the territory of our multinational country is still quite relevant for Russian historical science. Among these issues, a prominent place is occupied by the history of foreign colonization of the southern Ukraine, which began at the end of the 18th century. Foreign colonists (Germans, Mennonites, Bulgarians and others) took an active part in the development of these territories and played an important role in their economic and cultural development in the post-reform period. The purpose of the article is to study, using the example of the German and Mennonite settlements of the Tavricheskaya gubernia, certain aspects of the religious life of the colonist community in the southern region of modern Ukraine, related to the peculiarities of church construction and the formation of new church parishes among them. Religion played a very important role in the internal life of the German-speaking colonies in southern Ukraine. This, in particular, is evidenced by the great attention paid to the construction of churches and the opening of new church parishes by the colonial communities themselves. In turn, the tsarist government provided the colonists with a certain autonomy in their internal church affairs, but limited their religious influence on the local population. At the same time, the policy of the authorities in relation to the colonial clergy was characterized by a certain duality. On the one hand, she endowed him with significant benefits, and on the other hand, she tried to establish full control over his activities.
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Burant, Stephen R. "Poland, Ukraine, and the Idea of Strategic Partnership." Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies, no. 1308 (January 1, 1999): 46. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/cbp.1999.81.
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Both Ukrainian and Polish policymakers have come to use the term strategic partnership to characterize the relationship between their two countries. Teodozii Starak, an adviser to the Ukrainian Embassy in Poland, has stated that strategic partnership "means that both [Ukraine and Poland] demonstrate coordinated stances and support each other in the most important political areas. " However, Ukrainian President Leonid Kuchma also regularly uses the term to characterize his country's relations with Russia. In addition, Ukrainian officials have labeled China, the United States, Germany, and Bulgaria as Ukraine's strategic partners. The use of the term with reference to Russia-with which Ukraine throughout the 1990s has had serious political differences-or Bulgaria or China, which are not priorities for Ukrainian foreign and security policy, appears to strip it of any significance; the term implies, at best, a goal, or, at worst, a public relations effort.
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Leonov, E. S. "The Origin of German-American Relations as a Partnership of Unequal Parties." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 6(45) (December 28, 2015): 15–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-6-45-15-22.
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Abstract: Despite the high technological effectiveness of today’s German economy which serves as the «engine» of Europe and the core of the European integration processes, Germany, however, possesses a limited foreign policy leverage in the modern international relations. Gradual restriction of the sovereignty of Germany began during the post-war period due to the strengthening of the European track of U.S. foreign policy. For instance, at this stage Washington takes the responsibility on restoration of the German economic welfare, filling of legal vacuum in West Germany and also initiates cultural and ideological expansion. In the latter case it was an important role played by the American course on the formation of the renewed German nation by means of work with the German youth and the control over the sphere of education. In fact, at the end of the war US authorities started in West Germany experimental project from scratch, since there were no state institutions in postwar Germany in principle. At the same time, German foreign policy takes shape in the 1950s in the spirit of «Atlantic solidarity» as a result of falling into the trap of Euro-Atlantic partnership. Hopes of attainment of foreign policy independence as a result of German reunification did not come true - the United States haven’t yet set Germany free from the sphere of its geopolitical influence. American military forces with nuclear component continue to be based within the territory of Germany. In addition, in the 1990s. Germany finds itself in even deeper trade, investment and financial bondage. The article analyzes the origin of German full-scale dependence on U.S. foreign policy.
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Belov, Vladislav. "THE NEW GOVERNMENT OF GERMANY AND GERMAN-RUSSIAN RELATIONS." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 25, no. 1 (February 28, 2022): 67–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran120226778.
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On December 8, 2021, the new coalition government of Germany began its work, an important area of the country’s foreign policy development is relations with Russia, Germany’s leading partner in the post-Soviet space. In many ways, they determine the parameters of cooperation between the European Union and the Russian Federation and its partners. The SPD, Union 90 / Greens, FDP, during difficult negotiations, agreed on common approaches to cooperation with Russia, which eventually united the value, economic, civil and political «Russian» denominators of the three party election programs. At the same time, the provisions enshrined in the coalition agreement are based on the foundation of bilateral relations built by the last two cabinets of ministers under the leadership of A. Merkel, incl. during 2021, the year that marked the end of the era of the former Chancellor. Just a week after the start of the government, bilateral relations were tested for strength in the political and economic spheres. The new year 2022 began in difficult conditions of escalating confrontation between the collective West, including Germany, and official Moscow. Under these conditions, on January 18, the German and Russian foreign ministers held talks, clarifying their mutual positions on the most important issues on the bilateral and international agenda. On February 15, Russian President V.V. Putin and Chancellor O. Scholz continued to discuss the most important topical issues of cooperation. The author sums up the political and economic results of cooperation between the two leading countries of the European continent in 2021, and also analyzes its prospects in 2022, paying special attention to the role of Germany and the Russian Federation in resolving the intra-Ukrainian conflict.
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Liargovas, Panagiotis, and Spyridon Repousis. "International Development Assistance and Economic Growth: the Case of Four Southeast European Countries." Southeastern Europe 37, no. 3 (2013): 265–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763332-03703002.
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The purpose of this paper is to examine the impact of international development assistance on economic growth in the case of four Southeast European countries, Albania, Bulgaria, the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia and Serbia, during the period 1991-2010. Foreign aid as additive to domestic savings is expected to cause an increase in economic growth and domestic savings. Surprisingly, our empirical results do not support this hypothesis, since foreign aid is negatively related to domestic savings. These results are consistent with the notion that foreign aid transfers can distort individual incentives, and hence hurt savings and growth, by encouraging rent-seeking as opposed to productive activities.
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Bruzzi Curi, Luiz Felipe, Danilo Barolo Martins De Lima, and Vinícius Bivar Marra Pereira. "GERMAN ECONOMIC STRATEGIES FOR BRAZIL: AUTARKY AND EXTENDED ECONOMIC SPACE IN THE 1930s." Revista de Historia Económica / Journal of Iberian and Latin American Economic History 37, no. 3 (April 29, 2019): 479–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0212610919000119.
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ABSTRACTThis paper addresses the relationship between the development of the concepts of autarky and «economy of the extended space» in the German-speaking world and the framing of economic relations between Germany and Brazil in the 1930s. According to this «autarkic» way of conceiving economics, in order to thrive, an economy has to be autonomous regarding its supply of necessary inputs. Proposals presented in the Annual Reports transmitted to the German Foreign Office by German diplomatic representatives in Brazil encouraged, for example, the negotiation of bilateral trade agreements and the expansion of the Brazilian production of strategic inputs for Germany. The choice of Karl Ritter, an expert in economic matters, as ambassador to Brazil is also representative of this strategy.
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Flissak, Kostiantyn. "Legal Principles Of Regulation Of Foreign Economic Relations Of The Federative Republic Of Germany." Aktual’ni problemi pravoznavstva 1, no. 2 (June 24, 2020): 71–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.35774/app2020.02.071.
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Toganova, N. V. "Sanctions: Business as Usual? (Example of Russian-German Relations)." MIR (Modernization. Innovation. Research) 9, no. 4 (January 13, 2019): 596–606. http://dx.doi.org/10.18184/2079-4665.2018.9.4.596-606.
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Purpose:the purpose of the article was to analyze the influence of sanctions on economic relations of Russia and Germany (on firm level and on foreign direct investments), to find out how far the changes influenced the innovation potential of Russia in the long term and also the role of political relations in the economic context.Methods:the methodological base of the research is based on general scientific methods: scientific abstraction, analysis and synthesis, generalization, system-structural analysis.Results:the author analyzes the approaches towards quantifying the sanctions influence on Russian economy and its sectors, also the author analyzes the economic relations with Germany after the sanctions (foreign direct investment, the dynamic of German companies in Russia, corporate cash flow of some German companies, import dynamic).Conclusions and relevance:the author concludes, that although in the long run the sanctions could have an enormous impact on the innovation potential, but in the short term the overall market condition, that influences the intensity of imports and modernization of equipment, plays a bigger role. In spite of sanctions after the down turn of trade and direct investments there is a growth in amount of German business and foreign direct investment. The Russian market remains important for the German companies. The German companies are seeking to strengthening their positions. An important role plays the fact, that for the Russian companies the German ones are important suppliers of commodities and machines. This demand can’t be fully satisfied by the Asian countries.
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Petrosyan, D. V. ,. "FOREIGN POLICY ATTITUDES OF THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY IN THE POSTBIPOLAR WORLD." Scientific Notes of V.I. Vernadsky Crimean Federal University. Historical science 7 (73), no. 3 (2021): 87–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.37279/2413-1741-2021-7-3-87-98.
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The Contemporary Federal Republic of Germany is the leader of the European Union, on which the development of the European Union and European-transatlantic relations largely depends. The Federal Republic of Germany determines the main content and direction of the EU policy towards the Russian Federation. Russian-German relations have a significant impact on the solution of many world problems. The unification of two states at the end of the 20th century – the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic — became one of the greatest and most significant events in the history of Germany and world politics. The creation of a unified German state contributed to the change of both the economic and political situation of Germany in Europe and in international relations. They are one of the determining factors of global politics and directly related to the European world order, therefore, the study of the philosophy and nature of German foreign policy in the postbipolar world is a topic and important task for specialists. The article considers the internal and external conditions and factors affecting the foreign policy of Germany in the postbipolar world.
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Popov, Aleksei. "Strategies of European Socialist Regimes’ in Relations with the West in the 1970s: in Search of a History of Pan-European Integration." ISTORIYA 13, no. 2 (112) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840013429-0.
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Review of the collective monograph “European Socialist Regimes' Fateful Engagement with the West: National Strategies in the long 1970s”, summarizing the results of the work of the international research project “PanEur1970s”. The monograph is devoted to the process of forming national strategies of relations between the countries of the socialist camp (Bulgaria, East Germany, Hungary, Poland, Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia) with Western Europe in the 1970s. The monograph makes a significant contribution to the development of the discussion about the common European integration processes, the mutual influence of the political and economic systems of the West and the East, the functioning of the Eastern European political elites in the changing economic conditions of the 1970s.
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Veselov, Yuriy Aleksandrovich. "Analysis of evolution of the attitude of the Federal Republic of Germany towards the Russian Federation within the framework of the establishment of German national identity after the German reunification." Международные отношения, no. 1 (January 2022): 16–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0641.2022.1.33611.
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This article examines the relevant topic of Germany-Russia relations. The goal is set to analyze the German perception of these relations through the prism of specific German national identity. The key task lies in studying the German identity and its reflection in foreign policy of the Federal Republic of Germany with regards to the Russian Federation. The author believes that German identity is a crucial factor in the formation of foreign policy course alongside the establishment of advantageous business ties. The article covers the main characteristics and problems of German national identity since 1990, which allows tracing the evolution of Germany-Russia relations. Special attention is given to the characteristic features of German identity that have formed prior to the German reunification, but their fundamental traits remain essential for studying German identity. Leaning on the scientific research of the prominent specialists in German Studies, the author highlights not only the basic, but also complementary features of the modern German identity, and outlines the landmark events that currently acquire special resonance in German society. The author also traces the evolution of Germany-Russia relations, placing emphasis on the aspects that are of particular importance for the economic and ideological interests of the Russian Federation. The conclusion is made on unfeasibility of continuing the dialogue between Germany and Russia due to the fact that the Federal Republic of Germany is a full-fledged member of the European Union and no longer intends to implement solely national foreign policy.
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Bitkova, T. G. "Germany and Romania: historical, political and economic aspects of interaction." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 2 (2022): 235–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2022.02.13.
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Political and economic aspects of relations between Romania and Germany in the XXI century considered in the context of historical retrospective, including from the perspective of the dramatic events of the XX century. Brief information about the history of the emergence of the German community on the territory of Romania, its important role in the cultural and economic development of the regions of residence is presented. The latter contributes to the creation of a special atmosphere of today’s bilateral contacts, behind which is the policy of the Federal Republic of Germany to keep the German community in its current place of residence, which creates an additional incentive for trade and investment of German capital in Romania. A brief overview of cultural and humanitarian programs of the FRG, designed to promote not only the rallying of the German ethnic minority, but also the promotion of German culture in Romania, is given. Data are provided on the number and position of the vast community of Romanian labor migrants in Germany. The article notes that political contacts between countries are not limited to the EU and NATO, but are also developing on a bilateral basis. Particular attention is paid to the difference in the foreign policy approaches of the two countries on a number of issues. The causes and circumstances of the lack of complete mutual understanding are identified, among which pro-Americanism and the anti-Russian orientation of Romania’s foreign policy stand out, clearly manifested in connection with the problem of putting the Nord Stream-2 into operation. At the same time, attention is drawn to the strengthening of bilateral military cooperation in recent years within the framework of PESCO. The conclusion is made about the ambiguous nature of the Romanian-German relations against the background of the interest of the FRG in expanding its presence in Romania.
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Ulatowski, Rafał. "Außenpolitik Deutschlands aus der Perspektive der Geo-Ökonomie." Przegląd Europejski, no. 4-2014 (March 22, 2015): 132–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/1641-2478pe.4.14.4.
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The aim of this paper is to assess how far the German foreign policy follows the principles of the theory of geo-economy. The paper has the following structure. First, the theory of geo-economy will be presented. Second, the characteristics of three debates relating to the German foreign policy will be pointed out. Third, German policy during the Euro crisis will be analysed. Fourth, the development of the relations between Germany and the new powers will be assessed. This paper supports the thesis that geo-economic strategy is beneficial for Germany.
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GOMÓŁKA, Krystyna. "ECONOMIC CONTACTS BETWEEN AZERBAIJAN AND THE EUROPEAN UNION." Historical and social-educational ideas 10, no. 6/2 (February 1, 2019): 53–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.17748/2075-9908-2018-10-6/2-53-61.
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After regaining independence in the early 1990s, the Republic of Azerbaijan signed many international agreements. It also established relations with the European Union. Economic contacts between the partners were revived by the partnership and cooperation agreement’s entry into force in 1999. It assumed political dialogue, assistance in building democracy, cooperation in the sphere of economy and investment. In terms of trade in goods and services, the country have granted each other most-favored-nation clauses in the collection of customs duties and charges, transit clearance, composition and transhipment of goods, payment transfers for purchased goods and services. This has led to increased trade between the European Union and Azerbaijan. The most important trade partners of Azerbaijan in the years 2000-2017 were the following members of the European Union: Italy, France and Germany. The exports were dominated by Germany, France, Italy, the United Kingdom and Spain. The opening of the oil and gas sector to foreign companies has contributed to a significant inflow of foreign direct investment. More than 80% of the incoming investment is in the oil sector and the main activities are focused the construction of new gas and oil pipelines. The leading investors in this group in the years 2000-2013 were the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Germany, Italy, France and Cyprus.
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Belov, V. B. "German Foreign Policy in the Face of Current Challenges." Journal of International Analytics 12, no. 3 (October 20, 2021): 38–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2021-12-3-38-58.
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The article analyzes the features of German foreign policy on the eve of the September (2021) elections to the Bundestag and the gradual overcoming of the crisis consequences of the coronavirus pandemic. The priorities of the foreign policy based on the value approach remain the European and transatlantic vectors, as well as relations with the main system-forming international organizations. The postulates of value are prompting Berlin to increasingly intensify criticism of Russia and China, incl. due to the signifi cantly increased, from his point of view, threats in relation to Germany and other states of the collective West. Germany still relies on France in European politics. Their tandem continues to determine the political and economic processes in the European Union, as well as to infl uence the formation of the EU mechanisms for overcoming the coronavirus crisis. Despite the rapid restoration of constructive relations with the new American administration, a number of controversial issues remain in bilateral relations, including defense spending and the economy. In recent years, Germany has been able to strengthen its positions in Europe and the world and expects to strengthen its role as a global actor, especially in international organizations. Nevertheless, the German expert community critically refers to its current foreign policy status quo. The author explores the latest trends in German foreign policy, gives an assessment of its development after elections to the Bundestag, pays special attention to the prospects for relations with the Russian Federation.
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Kravchenko, Valeriy, and Iryna Stasiukevych. "DYNAMICS OF UKRAINIAN-GERMAN RELATIONS IN THE CONTEXT OF CHANGES IN GERMAN POLITICS." Strategic Panorama, no. 1-2 (December 15, 2019): 30–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.53679/2616-9460.1-2.2019.03.
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The article analyzes the current foreign policy of Germany and how it is influenced by domestic political developments as well as changes in the international arena. Germany, as a key player in Europe, remains declaratively consistent in its support for Ukraine and condemnation of Russian revisionism. However, a deeper analysis of the geopolitical and domestic position of Germany demonstrates certain risks to the stability of Ukraine-Germany relations.Attention is given to the dependence of Ukraine-Germany relations of Russia-Germany relations. Traditionally active economic ties between Berlin and Moscow have been increasing despite European and American sanctions against Russia. This leads to the strengthening of the pro-Russian lobby in German political circles. It is highlighted that the planned completion of the construction of Nord Stream-2, the dependence of Germany on the supplies of Russian hydrocarbons and the augmentation of net direct investments of German companies in Russian economy illustrates German endeavor, primarily in its geopolitical interests, to normalize relations with Russian Federation. Moreover, the article emphasizes the crisis of German political leadership which is connected with the end of the 4th mandate of the chancellor Angela Merkel in 2021 and the rise of anti-system and populist movements in Germany that may shatter political support of Ukraine. The changes in the Euro-Atlantic region are mentioned separately, namely the issue of defence spending of Germany in the framework of NATO and the consequences of Brexit.In the context of the mentioned elements of German politics, several challenges for Ukraine, that may significantly weaken its position in the international arena, are determined. A complex foreign and domestic situation can remove Ukrainian issue from the agenda and encourage Berlin to take quick «comfortable» measures in the context of the war in the East of Ukraine. On this basis, the article suggests recommendations on ways of reacting to the current developments in Germany from the side of Ukraine as well as on adjusting foreign policy towards this state with due regard to the mentioned tendencies.
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Kakovkina, Olga M. "Diplomatic Activity of the People’s Republic of Bulgaria in Ukraine on the basis of the Central State Archives of Public Organizations of Ukraine (TsDAGO)." Universum Historiae et Archeologiae 1, no. 1-2 (December 26, 2019): 68. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/2611809.
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The article deals with the diplomatic activities of the People's Republic of Bulgaria (PRB) in the Soviet Ukraine on the basis of materials from the Central State Archive of Public Organizations of Ukraine (TsDAGO). These are documents of the secret part of the general department of the foundation of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine. The chronological scope of the study was from 1944 to 1989, from the establishment of diplomatic relations between the USSR and Bulgaria after the 1944 Bulgarian coup d’etat until the democratization of the Bulgarian state and society began. The development of Bulgarian-Soviet diplomatic relations, their activity and peculiarities were condi tioned by the subordinate status of Bulgaria, the formation of Moscow’s directive diplomacy, and the high intensity of economic and other ties. Particular attention in them belonged to Ukraine, which became the field of activity of Bulgarian diplomats. Before the opening of the consulates, the coordination of diplomatic activities in Ukraine was conducted from the embassy in Moscow. In 1965, the first Consulate General of Bulgaria was opened in Odessa; in 1971 – in Kiev, which had features – the Consulate General in Odessa was focused on economic issues, the Consulate General in Kiev – the problems of political and international importance. The author shows that the documents of the archive reveal the functional aspects of consulates, as well as their composition, characteristics of Bulgarian diplomats, everyday life, problems of stay and work. The documents include the personalities of some of the general consuls like S. Ralev, N. Minkov, K. Evtimov, I. Radonov. An important feature of the diplomatic activity of the Bulgarian diplomatic missions was their complete control of the Party centers of the USSR and the People’s Republic of Bulgaria. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine in these conditions was the executor of the tasks of the Central Committee of the Communist Party, the Central Committee of the CPSU, the translator of their position, the informer, while performing traditional functions within the framework of international diplomatic law. The most meaningful for the characteristics of the Soviet/Ukrainian-Bulgarian relations are the conversations with the consuls of Bulgaria, which testify to the dependent position of the country. At the same time, the Bulgarian diplomats were trustees who reported on relations in the consular corps of Kiev, the political views of diplomats, especially criticism of the USSR. The author comes to the conclusion that the diplomatic missions of the People’s Republic of Bulgaria in Ukraine were part of a fairly well-established system of Soviet-Bulgarian relations in general, the study of which continues.
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Savina, Zoya. "Germany’s Political and Economic Interests in Africa: Opportunities and Challenges." Uchenie zapiski Instituta Afriki RAN 61, no. 4 (December 5, 2022): 60–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.31132/2412-5717-2022-61-4-60-69.
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Today, Africa occupies an important place in Germany’s foreign policy agenda. Africa is a resource-rich continent, and many African countries are rapidly developing economies. In this regard, Germany is actively seeking to increase economic relations with Africa. Special attention is paid to assisting African countries in solving the problems of poverty, in the development of production, as well as the fight against the coronavirus pandemic. The article is devoted to the economic direction of German-African policy at the present stage. The author attempts to give an overview of current trends in German-African relations.
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SMIRNOV, Valerii V. "Russia in the economic context of China, the USA, Germany, and India." National Interests: Priorities and Security 18, no. 1 (January 17, 2022): 150–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.24891/ni.18.1.150.
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Subject. The article addresses the economic cooperation of Russia with major countries. Objectives. The aim is to identify conditions for the growth and development of the Russian economy in relations with China, the USA, Germany, and India. Methods. The study draws on the systems approach, using the method of statistical, neural network and cluster analysis. Results. The main condition for the growth of the Russian economy is the excess of direct investments from the USA, India and Germany over investments from China. Russia is dependent on China's external balance of goods and services. The rate of growth of Russia’s military expenditures is commensurate with Germany and India. Conclusions. The identified conditions for the growth of the Russian economy enable the country’s leadership to formulate reasonable foreign economic policies.
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Kryvonos, Roman. "What Ukrainian Diplomats Need to Know about Germany’s Foreign Policy in its Relations with Ukraine." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XX (2019): 704–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-46.
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The article deals with the place of Ukraine in German foreign policy. The Federal Republic of Germany is a leading partner in the process of Ukraine’s gradual entry into European and Transatlantic international institutions. It is noted that the methods of conducting German foreign policy were formed during the «Cold War». This has led to the predominant use of tools, which Joseph Nye summarized in the concept of ‘soft power’. However, Germany is faced with new challenges, such as, inter alia policy towards post-Soviet countries, including Ukraine. The main interests of Germany in relation to Ukraine are considered. Firstly, it is the preservation of the independence, territorial integrity and effectiveness of Ukraine as an actor in international relations. Other important factors include the political consolidation of Ukraine, the implementation of reforms in the economy, public administration and other spheres of public life and support for the European integration of Ukraine as a powerful tool for the transformation of the country. However, Ukraine’s admission to the European Union in the near future is not an option. It is argued that part of the population and politicians in Germany believe that Russia has legitimate interests in the post-Soviet space. However, after the Revolution of Dignity in Ukraine, Germany gave wide support to the European choice of Ukraine and became one of the main allies and assistants of Ukraine in reforming public administration and economy. Germany was involved in Minsk-1 and Minsk-2. Emphasis is attached to the vigorous development of economic cooperation between the two states. Summing up, the author draws several conclusions. Firstly, there is a gradual intensification of bilateral relations. Germany, along with the United States, provides Ukraine with transformational assistance, which began before the proclamation of its independence in 1991. Additionally, the undeclared Russian aggression against Ukraine and Russian annexation of Crimea in 2014 have amply demonstrated that political power factors continue to be the key tools of international politics. Ukrainian vector was not clearly conceptualized in the German foreign policy till the Russian aggression of 2014, and it was in the circum-stances of the Russian aggression that Germany opted for political support to Ukraine. Keywords: Ukraine, Germany, Russia, international relations.
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Antić, Dejan. "NEWSPAPER POLITIKA ON THE ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL RELATIONS BETWEEN THE KINGDOMS OF SERBIA AND BULGARIA IN 1904-1905." MEDIA STUDIES AND APPLIED ETHICS 3, no. 1 (March 11, 2021): 75–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.46630/msae.1.2021.06.
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A considerable amount of the historical material has been preserved for the study of the political relations of the Balkan countries in the first two decades of the 20th century. We are acquainted with the details of these relations based on the documents of the governments of the Balkan countries or the governments of the great powers, the correspondence of ministers, official notes, decisions and commands of officers, the reports of Serbian and foreign newspapers, etc. The subject of this paper is the course and intensity of political and economic relations between the Kingdom of Serbia and the Kingdom of Bulgaria during 1904 and 1905. This paper resulted from the analysis of newspaper articles and reports published in the daily newspaper Politika, but also from archival materials and relevant literature. The paper also contains the analysis of the media response related to the signing of the Serbian-Bulgarian Alliance Agreement in 1904, as well as the signing of the Customs Alliance Agreement in 1905 between Belgrade and Sofia. The Macedonian issue, as a topic that placed emphasis on the relations between the two neighbors, is also an inevitable part of the research corpus of this paper.
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Fyodorov, Valentin. "Rent for Germany or Why it Needs the EU." Contemporary Europe 101, no. 1 (February 28, 2021): 16–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope120211620.
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The analysis of interactions and mutual influence of Germany and the EU demonstrates a multidirectional causation of political and economical integration. Germany as the biggest European economy and the most influential political actor in EU plays a pivotal role in the Union defining the strategical and tactical approaches to political and economic matters. However, the robust German economy despite having a unique technical, scientifical and qualitative potential, is limited by a material resources base dependent on external partners. This factor determines relentless efforts of Germany to unite Europe which can be observed in chancellor A. Merkel’s foreign policy actions. It is especially true under conditions of inevitable turbulence, caused by Brexit and the pandemic of coronavirus. Only a cohesive European Union can guarantee economic prosperity and political stability of Germany. Stabilization and development of internal policy of Germany are seen as its actions to consolidate EU
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Lakishyk, Dmytro. "German Question in the Foreign Policy Strategy of the USA in the Second Half of the 1940s – 1980s." European Historical Studies, no. 16 (2020): 73–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2020.16.6.
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The article examines US policy towards West Germany after World War II, covering a historical span from the second half of the 1940s to the 1980s. It was US policy in Europe, and in West Germany in particular, that determined the dynamics and nature of US-German relations that arose on a long-term basis after the formation of Germany in September 1949. One of the peculiarities of US-German relations was the fact that both partners found themselves embroiled in a rapidly escalating international situation after 1945. The Cold War, which broke out after the seemingly inviolable Potsdam Accords, forced the United States and Germany to be on one side of the conflict. Despite the fact that both states were yesterday’s opponents and came out of the war with completely different, at that time, incomparable, statuses. A characteristic feature of US policy on the German question in the postwar years was its controversial evolution. The American leadership had neither a conceptual plan for development, nor a clear idea of Germany’s place in the world, nor an idea of how to plan the country’s future. However, the deterioration of relations between the USA and the USSR and the birth of the two blocs forced the US government to resort to economic revival (the Marshall Plan) and military-political consolidation of Western Europe and Germany (NATO creation). US policy toward Germany has been at the heart of its wider European policy. The United States favored a strong and united Western Europe over American hegemony, trying to prevent the spread of Soviet influence. Joint participation in the suppression of communism, however, could not prevent the periodic exacerbation of relations between the United States and Germany, and at the same time did not lead to an unconditional follow-up of the West Germans in the fairway of American foreign policy.
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Kokeev, A. "To the Problems of Ensuring Energy and Climate Security in Germany." Analysis and Forecasting. IMEMO Journal, no. 4 (2022): 14–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/afij-2022-4-14-23.
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The article discusses the most dire problems of ensuring the energy and climate security of Germany and the political measures taken by Federal Chancellor O. Scholz’s government formed in 2021. Considering the sharply exacerbated situation in international politics as of 2022, adopting urgent and radical measures in order to reduce Germany’s dependance on energy import and to diversify it, along with actions in climate change mitigation, all have become priorities for the new coalition government in Berlin. Current strategy is aimed at the combination of economic growth with reduced energy consumption, strict measures on energy saving and enhancing the share of renewable energy sources. A crucial part in creating and implementing this strategy is played by new members of the government from ‘the Greens’ – R. Habeck, Federal Minister for Economic Affairs and Climate Action, and A. Baerbock, Federal Minister for Foreign Affairs. The relation between energetic and ecological spheres, their impact on internal and external security is analyzed. The author looks into exact measures and mechanisms that ensure energy and climate security, also while addressing questions about the overall perception of respective threats among German expert community and society. The conclusion made is that in present-day circumstances the problems of energy security, climate change mitigation and shifting to carbon-free economy greatly affect Berlin’s foreign policy and foreign economic strategies, as well as Germany’s relations with EU partners, Eastern European countries and Russia.
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Ivanova, Virginia. "The economic specialization – a factor for the international competitiveness of Bulgaria." Economic Thought journal 66, no. 6 (December 20, 2021): 116–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.56497/etj2166608.
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The dynamics of trade flows has a strong impact on the development of Bulgaria's economic specialisation and is an important condition for strengthening its competitive position. Changes in international business, conditioned by the development of global value chains, define a new structure of industries and of export and import potential, and this leads to the conclusion of regional trade agreements that challenge national competitiveness. It is the great importance of these problems for the future foreign economic relations of our country and the ways of finding solutions that provoked the research interest of the authors of the recently published book "Bulgaria in International Economic Specialization" (see Panushev, Hristova-Balkanska, Hubenova-Delisivkova, Marinov, Stefanova, 2021). Carried out within the framework of the research programme of the Institute of Economic Research at the Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, the study presents the changes in theoretical concepts and models of international specialisation, Bulgaria's place in the structure of trade flows and approaches to assessing economic specialisation. The authors focus on regional economic structures and internationally defined patterns of specialization, which are the basis for national and firm strategy and policy building. The book explores the conceptual approaches of classical and contemporary theories of international trade and their interpretation in assessing changes in the world economy. It analyses the changes in Bulgaria's international specialisation, influenced by our inclusion in the common framework of the single European market, which intensifies competition between EU member states and leads to a restructuring of firms' activities. This also determines the changes in both intra-industry trade and trade with third countries. The authors point out that international specialisation based on international technological differences will create modern competitive advantages for Bulgaria and contribute to its inclusion in global value chains. The challenge for Bulgarian firms is partnership with European companies and "the distribution of productivity gains depending on and resulting from technological progress in Bulgarian production".
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Smirnov, P. A. "Bulgarian Vector for North Macedonia Foreign Policy: the Problem of Identity." EURASIAN INTEGRATION: economics, law, politics 14, no. 2 (July 9, 2021): 86–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2073-2929-2021-02-86-96.
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The article is devoted to the role of the identity factor in the Bulgarian-Macedonian relations. The main controversial issues acute in the period 1991–2021 are the question of the independence of the Macedonian language and the question of the “starting point” of Macedonian history. The foreign policy of the Macedonian republic is investigated in the context of Balkan states` striving for Euro- Atlantic integration. An important part of the study is analyzing the problems of the European Union enlargement to the south-east.As a result of the research, the author comes to several conclusions: Sofia’s opposition to Skopje’s accession to the EU has a solid economic implication; relations with the Bulgarian state have always been of key importance for the Macedonian republic, regardless of plans to join NATO and the EU, since touched upon the key issues of self-determination of the Macedonian people; the rhetoric of the Bulgarian side has a certain tendency to revise the role of Bulgaria in the Second World War, which is categorically unacceptable for the EU member states seeking to withdraw the historical agenda from the negotiation process on the Republic of North Macedonia’s accession to the European Union.
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Vassilev, Rossen. "Why Was the Monarchy Not Restored in Post-Communist Bulgaria?" East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 24, no. 4 (April 26, 2010): 503–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325409360211.
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The controversy over bringing back Bulgaria’s abolished monarchy reflects in a large measure the prolonged agony the country has been undergoing ever since it launched on a course of painful post-communist reforms. Against the background of a deep economic crisis, mass poverty, the breakdown of law and order, and political chaos that have traumatized the population, the attempts to reinstate the monarchy have failed only because of its low historical legitimacy. While the ex-king’s triumph in the June 2001 election initially seemed to improve the chances for bringing back the monarchy, such a restoration has been rendered less likely now by the numerous failures and blunders of his time in office, particularly his inability to rebuild the ailing national state and economy. In spite of some notable foreign policy successes such as Bulgaria’s entry into NATO and the European Union, ex—Prime Minister Simeon did not live up to the naïvely overoptimistic expectations of Bulgarians who had hoped that he would save their country from the profound economic, social, political, institutional, and even moral crisis into which it has descended. The precipitous fall of the political fortunes of Simeon, especially as a result of the public relations disaster involving the scandalous “restitution” of his family’s properties that turned the ex-monarch into a multimillionaire, does not bode well for the prospect of reintroducing the monarchy. In the eyes of many ordinary Bulgarians, the former king has now turned into a liability and an embarrassing disappointment.
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Buslaev, G. N., and R. O. Reinhardt. "Relations between USSR and FRG in 1955—1982: Energy Aspect." Nauchnyi dialog 11, no. 6 (September 1, 2022): 351–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2022-11-6-351-371.
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The initial period of energy relations between the USSR and the FRG is considered. The question is raised about the role of economic diplomacy in the development of bilateral dialogue. Particular attention is paid to the impact of sanctions factors and political pressure from third parties on the oil and gas partnership between Moscow and Bonn. Transcripts of Bundestag meetings of the 1960s and the archives of the German Foreign Ministry during the specified period were put into circulation and used as sources. It analyzes how the establishment of bilateral energy cooperation was due to the need to restore and strengthen the economies of countries after the Second World War, the crises in the Middle East in the energy exporting countries, as well as the increased foreign policy and foreign economic activity of the USSR and the FRG in the 1950s-1960s. It is proved that the parties maintained close ties in the field of energy, despite the sanctions pressure and political differences between states during the Cold War. At the same time, it was noted that the pragmatism of the leaderships of the Soviet Union and West Germany in the area under study became the reason for the sustainable nature of the energy dialogue in the following decades, already in a completely different international political environment.
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Pavlov, N. "Russia and Germany: Back to the Future?" World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 9 (2021): 69–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-9-69-78.
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In terms of geopolitics, Russia and Germany are the two dominant powers on the Eurasian continent. For three centuries, they have been having a “special relationship”. Over the past 50 years, their cooperation has had a positive impact on promoting the detente of international relations globally, in matters of disarmament, in the cause of German unification, and in the inclusion of Russia in the global financial and economic structures after the collapse of the USSR. However, in recent years, the mechanism of constructive interaction has clearly deteriorated due to differences in understanding of the world order prospects, the role and place of the two countries in the post-bipolar system of international coordinates. The parliamentary elections in Germany and Russia will not affect the foreign policy course of Berlin and Moscow, and the Russian leadership will not have to choose with whom to deal. It is important to understand that Beijing has taken Moscow’s place in foreign policy priorities, and cooperation between Russia and Germany is reduced to “peaceful coexistence”. This is for a long time. It is also necessary to take into account that Russian-German relations are most significantly affected by Germany’s integration into Euro-Atlantic structures, and, therefore, strict bilateralism in the Berlin–Moscow link is excluded. In matters of war and peace, ensuring stability and security, resolving international conflicts, as well as respecting democratic rights and freedoms, the Federal Republic of Germany will always act in the Russian direction according to the Euro-Atlantic scale of values and with an eye to its allies and partners. Of course, the dialogue at the highest level will not stop, but it will be burdened with mutual accusations and will stall at every convenient and inconvenient occasion, because both states live in different dimensions and think in different planes. One lives according to geopolitical concepts of the 19th 20th centuries, the other operates in geo-economic categories of the 21st century. Warming, easing or partial lifting of sanctions will be possible only if the Minsk process progresses, that is, de-escalating the situation in the Donbass and relieving the Kremlin’s pressure on the Russian opposition. No breakthroughs are expected on the trade and economic front either. All this suggests that we are going back to the past, to the era of systemic confrontation, which will be our reality for the foreseeable future.
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Belov, Vladislav. "The Coronavirus Crisis versus Social and Market Economy of Germany." Contemporary Europe 104, no. 4 (August 1, 2021): 58–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope420215870.
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The coronavirus crisis caused by the COVID-19 pandemic has had a significant negative impact on all aspects of the German social market economy. For the first time in history, the crisis was caused by factors of a non-economic nature. They manifested themselves in all economies of the world, including Europe. Since March 2020, the federal and state executive authorities of Germany, along with the introduction of restrictive measures for the population and business, have adopted several large-scale economic and political programmes aimed at preventing bankruptcies of economic entities, preserving jobs and social stability in the country. Along with short-term instruments designed to stop the decline in GDP and give impetus to its growth, the German state pursued an active and coordinated with Brussels structural policy aimed at ensuring an energy and digital transition to a climate-neutral economy, including the overcoming the deficits and problems revealed by the pandemic in the country's economy. To this end, Berlin abandoned the budget surplus policy and switched to large-scale external borrowing to finance programmes to bring economy out of the crisis. The author analyzes the results of the impact of the coronavirus crisis on the economic space of Germany, including aspects of its stress resistance and competitiveness, explores the effectiveness of state policy to counter crisis and assesses the prospects for the development of Russia's leading foreign economic partner in the west of the Eurasian continent.
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Voica, Marian Catalin, Mirela Panait, Eglantina Hysa, Arjona Cela, and Otilia Manta. "Foreign Direct Investment and Trade—Between Complementarity and Substitution. Evidence from European Union Countries." Journal of Risk and Financial Management 14, no. 11 (November 19, 2021): 559. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/jrfm14110559.
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This aim of this work is to study the relationship between foreign direct investment (FDI) and trade. FDI is a driving force for economic growth for host countries. The positive effects of FDI are seen in many aspects of the economy. However, the implications of FDI on foreign trade are questionable. Therefore, this study uses a Granger causality technique to test whether the relationship between FDI and foreign trade is complementary or substitutive. The findings of this study indicate that this relationship appears to be complementary, and FDI investment does cause an increase in trade flow in the countries that are taken into consideration. This research aims to make a comparison between the relations of FDI flows of three groups of countries from the European Union (EU)—Romania and Bulgaria, the Visegrád Group and the Euro area—for the period of 2005 to 2019. However, the results indicate that this link between the variables is not yet found for the three group of countries, and further research is required in this aspect. This leads to the conclusion that the FDI impact on foreign trade of the host country depends on the type of investment and absorptive capacity of the receiver, the economic development of host and home countries, and not every type of FDI leads to more trade.
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Ibragimov, Farkhad Elshan Ogli. "Development of Iranian-German Relations in 2010-2020 (Problems and Prospects)." Вопросы безопасности, no. 4 (April 2022): 34–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-7543.2022.4.39069.
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The subject of the study is Iranian-German relations in 2010-2020. The object of the research is the development of relations between Iran and Germany. The author of the work examines in detail such aspects of the topic as the history of the development of relations between Iran and Germany, the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, which directly affects Iran's relations with the world community, in particular with the European Union. Particular attention is paid to the role of Germany as a strategic partner of Iran. Germany has traditionally been seen as Iran's closest partner in Europe, although its policy towards Iran during the so-called nuclear crisis of the 2000s largely followed the example of Washington due to Germany joining the latter's power diplomacy. The main conclusions of the study are: The future of German-Iranian relations will depend on a number of international, regional and domestic factors, the development of which is difficult to predict with any certainty; besides Germany, the positions of Great Britain and France in relation to Iran matter to a lesser extent; Iran's geopolitical attractiveness, along with Iran's willingness to welcome Germany as an active player in the Middle East and the Persian Gulf, as well as pressure from the country's economic groups to develop trade relations with Iran, encourage Germany to take the lead in European foreign policy towards Iran ; With the start of nuclear talks in 2013, Berlin played a positive role in the negotiations that culminated in the nuclear deal in July 2015. Since then, close cooperation has been established both in industry and in the field of education; The scientific novelty of the study lies in the fact that the results of the study can be applied in the strategic planning of international relations with Iran.
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Tlemissova, Zh, and A. Mamyrbekov. "Cultural relations of Kazakhstan and Germany: the case of the German diaspora (1991-2020)." Bulletin of the L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University. Historical Sciences. Philosophy. Religion Series 140, no. 3 (2022): 106–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/2616-7255-2022-140-106-121.
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Since independence, the Republic of Kazakhstan has been pursuing a multi-vector policy with Western countries. The main directions are aimed at politics, economics, and the cultural and humanitarian sphere. Our country has established relations with Western countries, including Germany. Bilateral cooperation is a priority and enhances mutually beneficial partnerships between the two states. Economic relations and political integration as an impulse of the new time are a model for all states of the modern world. In addition, the strategic partnership between Kazakhstan and Germany is constantly strengthening and expanding, covering almost all areas of activity. Reciprocity and tolerance, as a manifestation of the culture of relations between peoples, are the distinctive qualities of Kazakh-German relations. The coincidence of interests in the main areas of foreign relations will undoubtedly contribute to the harmonization of cultural relations in bilateral friendly relations. A significant part of the contact between Kazakhstan and Germany in the cultural sphere is linked to the German diaspora in Kazakhstan. If we make a historical digression, the Germans have lived throughout the territory of the Republic of Kazakhstan since the time of tsarist power. Kazakhstani Germans, preserving their culture and identity, live in close cultural ties with the Kazakh people. Such activities between peoples reach the interstate level, which contributes to the development of cultural ties between Kazakhstan and Germany. The article examines the cultural ties between Kazakhstan and Germany through the example of the German diaspora in our country. The article presents a scientific analysis of the role and influence of Kazakhstani Germans on these relations.
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KHAIETSKA, OLHA. "ANALYSIS OF PROBLEMS AND PROSPECTS OF UKRAINE’S FOREIGN TRADE WITH EU COUNTRIES." "EСONOMY. FINANСES. MANAGEMENT: Topical issues of science and practical activity", no. 4(58) (December 24, 2021): 132–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.37128/2411-4413-2021-4-9.
Full textAbstract:
The article analyzes the peculiarities of Ukraine’s foreign trade with other countries, including the EU countries. The development of foreign trade is important for the analysis of the economic situation of the country, reflects the attitude of the world’s countries to domestic production. The trajectory of foreign trade development is determined. It forms reserves for increasing the level of international trade relations and increases the competitiveness of Ukrainian production. The dynamics of changes in the geographical and commodity structure of international trade in goods and services during 2018-2020 is given, the share of the European Union in foreign trade, which is a key trading partner of Ukraine, is determined. The main groups of goods and services exported and imported by Ukraine are studied. The main reasons for the decrease in foreign trade turnover are substantiated. In addition, it was established that the main partner countries of Ukraine in international trade are China, Poland, the United States, Germany and the EU countries. The important component of Ukraine’s foreign trade is international trade in agricultural products. The article presents statistical data on the commodity structure of agricultural exports with the EU countries. Ukraine’s relations in the field of trade in agricultural products became important after the signing of the Association between Ukraine and the EU, which ensures the irreversibility of Ukraine’s European integration and it is priority for socially important reforms. It is studied that in order to improve Ukraine's foreign economic trade with the European Union, it is necessary to implement measures to modernize key export-oriented sectors of the economy, improve cooperation with other countries, pursue effective foreign economic policy, and strengthen the position of domestic manufacturers in foreign markets of goods and services. It is noted that cooperation with the European Union is one of the main priorities of Ukraine’s foreign economic policy. The article presents ways to improve Ukraine’s foreign trade and directions of improvement of foreign trade activity.
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Samborskyi, Oleh, Нanna Panfilova, Yuliia Baihush, Liusine Simonian, Iryna Bilyk, Tetiana Martyniuk, Halyna Tsikhon, and Vitaly Chernukha. "Comparative analysis of pharmaceutical supply systems of the population of European countries according to a complex of socio-economic indicators." ScienceRise: Pharmaceutical Science, no. 5 (39) (October 31, 2022): 16–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.15587/2519-4852.2022.265814.
Full textAbstract:
The aim: to conduct an analysis of the state of functioning of pharmaceutical supply systems for the population in European countries and Ukraine based on a set of socio-economic indicators.
Materials and methods. General theoretical (historical, formal, graphic, hypothetical-deductive) and applied (organizational-economic, mathematical-statistical) research methods were used. The object of research was data that was freely available.
Results. It was established that the highest volume of the pharmaceutical market volume per inhabitant is typical for Italy (410.18 euros) and the lowest for Ukraine (53.58 euros). It has been proven that with an increase in GDP indicators, which are calculated based on purchasing power parity (PPP) per capita, the range of variation of this indicator by groups decreases, and the number of countries with a negative value of the foreign trade balance also decreases. Within groups of countries, there is a different level of dependence on the import of pharmaceutical products. In Ukraine (the first group), imports exceeded the export data of pharmaceutical products by 8.6 times. For other countries in this group (Latvia, Bulgaria, and Slovakia), imports exceeded exports by 1.3, 1.4, and 4.0 times, respectively. The highest values of the volume of foreign trade in pharmaceutical products were characteristic of the countries of the third and second groups. The undisputed leader is Germany (134,541.0 million euros), in second place is Italy (59,533.0 million euros), and in third place is France (58,568.0 million euros).
The highest values of health care costs as a percentage of GDP (%) are typical for the countries of the third group and the lowest for the countries of the first group. For all countries, this indicator had a characteristic tendency to increase over time. Growth rates varied both across groups and within groups across countries. According to the indicator of the amount of reimbursement of the cost of drug consumption per person, there was a significant fluctuation of the data by country within the groups. The most extensive range of fluctuations was observed in the third group (284.83 euros). The highest reimbursement amounts are typical for Germany (483.53 euros) and the lowest for Bulgaria (54.25 euros). In most countries, there is a high level (50.0 % and higher) of state participation in the payment of medicine, except for Poland (36.0 %), Lithuania (34.0 %) and Latvia (37.0 %). The lowest values of money consumers spend to pay for medicines (from 13.0 % to 44.0 %) are characteristic of the countries of the third group.
Conclusions. The established peculiarities of the functioning of the pharmaceutical supply systems of European countries should not diminish the value of the state's aspirations to harmonize the processes that take place to promote medicinal products to consumers
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Terry, Sarah Meiklejohn. "Poland's foreign policy since 1989: the challenges of independence." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 33, no. 1 (March 1, 2000): 7–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(99)00024-0.
Full textAbstract:
In its first decade of post-communist independence, Poland achieved far more than most dared believe in 1989. Despite domestic political and economic turmoil, it has joined Europe as a new member of NATO and a prospective member of the EU. This article traces the evolution of Polish foreign policy since 1989 over four time periods: First, the early uncertainties from 1989 to 1992 when Warsaw — caught between a reunifying Germany and a collapsing USSR — was intent on solidifying its relations with Central European neighbors. Second, the watershed year of 1993, which witnessed changes in every aspect of Poland's external relations — the demise of Visegrad, first moves toward NATO and EU enlargement, the emergence of serious tensions in Warsaw's relations with the East, especially Russia. Third, the years in the anterooms of Europe from 1994 to 1996, when Poland and its central European neighbors lobbied for early accession to the EU and NATO, while relations with Russia remained in the deep freeze. And fourth, the period since 1997, in which Warsaw has been negotiating its “return to Europe”, joining NATO in 1999 and actively pursuing membership in the EU. These gains have not come quickly or easily; rather, they demonstrate a hard earned consistency in Poland's foreign policy agenda, despite numerous changes in domestic politics, as well as an increasingly realistic vision of the country's place in post-Cold War Europe.
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Wall, Irwin. "Commentary on Globalizing de Gaulle." Journal of Cold War Studies 14, no. 1 (January 2012): 48–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00191.
Full textAbstract:
Four distinguished analysts of French foreign policy under Charles de Gaulle provide in-depth assessments of the new book edited by Christian Nuenlist, Anna Locher, and Garret Martin, Globalizing de Gaulle: International Perspectives on French Foreign Policies, 1958–1969, published by Lexington Books. The commentators praise the book's wide scope and many of its essays and broad themes, but they raise questions about Garret Martin's contention (shared by a few, though not all, of the other contributors to the volume) that de Gaulle had a coherent if ultimately unsuccessful strategy to overcome the Cold War and move toward the unification of Germany and Europe. In article-length commentaries, both Andrew Moravcsik and Marc Trachtenberg take issue with Martin's view, arguing that de Gaulle's foreign policy involved more bluff and bluster than any genuine attempt to bring about the reunification of Germany or to end the Cold War. Moravcsik also provides a spirited defense of the “revisionist” conception of de Gaulle's policy toward Europe, which sees the general as having been guided mostly by his domestic economic and political interests—a conception that Trachtenberg has also come to accept. The forum ends with a reply by Nuenlist, Locher, and Martin to the four commentaries.
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Moravcsik, Andrew. "Charles de Gaulle and Europe: The New Revisionism." Journal of Cold War Studies 14, no. 1 (January 2012): 53–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00192.
Full textAbstract:
Four distinguished analysts of French foreign policy under Charles de Gaulle provide in-depth assessments of the new book edited by Christian Nuenlist, Anna Locher, and Garret Martin, Globalizing de Gaulle: International Perspectives on French Foreign Policies, 1958–1969, published by Lexington Books. The commentators praise the book's wide scope and many of its essays and broad themes, but they raise questions about Garret Martin's contention (shared by a few, though not all, of the other contributors to the volume) that de Gaulle had a coherent if ultimately unsuccessful strategy to overcome the Cold War and move toward the unification of Germany and Europe. In article-length commentaries, both Andrew Moravcsik and Marc Trachtenberg take issue with Martin's view, arguing that de Gaulle's foreign policy involved more bluff and bluster than any genuine attempt to bring about the reunification of Germany or to end the Cold War. Moravcsik also provides a spirited defense of the “revisionist” conception of de Gaulle's policy toward Europe, which sees the general as having been guided mostly by his domestic economic and political interests—a conception that Trachtenberg has also come to accept. The forum ends with a reply by Nuenlist, Locher, and Martin to the four commentaries.
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Kolodziej, Edward A. "Commentary on Globalizing de Gaulle." Journal of Cold War Studies 14, no. 1 (January 2012): 78–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00193.
Full textAbstract:
Four distinguished analysts of French foreign policy under Charles de Gaulle provide in-depth assessments of the new book edited by Christian Nuenlist, Anna Locher, and Garret Martin, Globalizing de Gaulle: International Perspectives on French Foreign Policies, 1958–1969, published by Lexington Books. The commentators praise the book's wide scope and many of its essays and broad themes, but they raise questions about Garret Martin's contention (shared by a few, though not all, of the other contributors to the volume) that de Gaulle had a coherent if ultimately unsuccessful strategy to overcome the Cold War and move toward the unification of Germany and Europe. In article-length commentaries, both Andrew Moravcsik and Marc Trachtenberg take issue with Martin's view, arguing that de Gaulle's foreign policy involved more bluff and bluster than any genuine attempt to bring about the reunification of Germany or to end the Cold War. Moravcsik also provides a spirited defense of the “revisionist” conception of de Gaulle's policy toward Europe, which sees the general as having been guided mostly by his domestic economic and political interests—a conception that Trachtenberg has also come to accept. The forum ends with a reply by Nuenlist, Locher, and Martin to the four commentaries.
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Trachtenberg, Marc. "The de Gaulle Problem." Journal of Cold War Studies 14, no. 1 (January 2012): 81–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00194.
Full textAbstract:
Four distinguished analysts of French foreign policy under Charles de Gaulle provide in-depth assessments of the new book edited by Christian Nuenlist, Anna Locher, and Garret Martin, Globalizing de Gaulle: International Perspectives on French Foreign Policies, 1958–1969, published by Lexington Books. The commentators praise the book's wide scope and many of its essays and broad themes, but they raise questions about Garret Martin's contention (shared by a few, though not all, of the other contributors to the volume) that de Gaulle had a coherent if ultimately unsuccessful strategy to overcome the Cold War and move toward the unification of Germany and Europe. In article-length commentaries, both Andrew Moravcsik and Marc Trachtenberg take issue with Martin's view, arguing that de Gaulle's foreign policy involved more bluff and bluster than any genuine attempt to bring about the reunification of Germany or to end the Cold War. Moravcsik also provides a spirited defense of the “revisionist” conception of de Gaulle's policy toward Europe, which sees the general as having been guided mostly by his domestic economic and political interests—a conception that Trachtenberg has also come to accept. The forum ends with a reply by Nuenlist, Locher, and Martin to the four commentaries.