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Books on the topic 'Budgetary power'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 25 May 2024

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1

Outside Moscow: Power, politics, and budgetary policy in the Soviet republics. New York: Columbia University Press, 1987.

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2

Kosiak, Steven. Air Force plans for the 21st century: A budgetary perspective. Washington, DC: Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments, 1996.

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3

United States. Congress. House. Committee on the Budget. Economic and budgetary effects of national energy policy: Hearing before the Committee on the Budget, House of Representatives, One Hundred Seventh Congress, first session, hearing held in Washington, DC, June 20, 2001. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 2001.

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4

Trofimov, Al'bert. Budget systems of Russia and China: issues of legal regulation. ru: INFRA-M Academic Publishing LLC., 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/1836238.

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The monograph is devoted to the analysis of the patterns of development of modern legal regulation of budgetary systems in the Russian Federation and the People's Republic of China. The range of issues under study includes clarification of the structures of budget systems in selected jurisdictions, identification of the specifics of legal regulation of the formation and expenditure of extra-budgetary and budgetary funds, study of the features of the delimitation of powers of state (municipal) authorities for public finance management. A comparative analysis of the legal regulation of the budgetary systems of Russia and China is presented. For a wide range of readers interested in the issues of legal regulation of budget systems. It can be useful for students, postgraduates and teachers of law and economics universities.

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5

F, Prescott James. An examination of the budgetary relationship between the U.S. Supreme Court and Congress, 1789-2005. Lewiston, N.Y: Edwin Mellen Press, 2009.

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6

Louis, Fisher. Six Budgetary Duties. Oxford University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199856213.003.0006.

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This chapter discusses the basic principles of the spending power; confidential and covert spending; the President's duty to submit a national budget; presidential refusal to spend appropriated funds (impoundment); the Budget Act of 1974; President Reagan and the Gramm–Rudman Act; the Iran-Contra affair; and the failure of the elected branches to control national deficits.

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7

Naqvi, Ijlal. Access to Power. Oxford University PressNew York, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197540954.001.0001.

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Abstract Pakistan would desperately like to produce enough electricity, but it usually doesn’t. This is the rare issue on which government and private sector can unite, and it is the cause of suffering for rich and poor alike across the entirety of the country. Despite prioritization by successive governments, targeted reforms shaped by international development actors, and featuring prominently in Chinese Belt and Road Investments, the Pakistani power sector still stifles economic and social life across the country. This book explores state capacity in Pakistan by following the material infrastructure of electricity across the provinces and down into cities and homes. It argues that the national challenges of budgetary constraints and power shortages directly result from conscious strategic decisions that are integral to Pakistan’s infrastructural state. Electricity shortages are one of the many poor governance outcomes characteristic of low- and middle-income countries. Standard development thinking points to an absence of institutions in comparison with an idealized and distant other country, with governance reform programs formulated accordingly. However, an orientation toward what Pakistan is not takes us away from how it actually functions and to whose benefit. Electricity governance in Pakistan reinforces relations of power between provinces and the federal center, contributes to the marginalization of subordinate groups in the city, and orients citizens toward a patronage-based relationship with the state through encounters with street-level bureaucrats. Looking through the lens of the electrical power sector reveals how Pakistan works, and for whom.

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8

US GOVERNMENT. Economic and budgetary effects of national energy policy: Hearing before the Committee on the Budget, House of Representatives, One Hundred Seventh Congress, ... held in Washington, DC, June 20, 2001. For sale by the Supt. of Docs., U.S. G.P.O., [Congressional Sales Office], 2001.

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9

Chaisty, Paul, Nic Cheeseman, and Timothy J. Power. Budgetary Authority and Coalition Management. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198817208.003.0008.

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This chapter considers how presidents use their budget powers and the allocation of targeted discretionary spending to manage their coalitions. It considers the costs of budget tool deployment (in terms of time, controversy, and economic resources), and the factors that affect these costs: system-level factors (government transparency, federalism, personal-vote elections), coalition-level factors (coalition size, fragmentation, and heterogeneity), and conjunctural factors (economic crises and energy prices). It explores these factors with cases of budget tool deployment in Ukraine, Ecuador, and Russia. The Ecuadorean and Russian cases illustrate the divergent effects of resource dependence on the cost of budget tool dependence. Finally, it uses data from MP surveys to show the high value that legislators attribute to budget tools, and to illustrate how the composition of coalitions affects the costs that presidents are likely to face.

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10

Prah Ruger, Jennifer. WHO and Other United Nations Agencies. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199694631.003.0008.

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WHO’s establishment in 1948 marked a new era, and “Health for All” became the hope. For decades, WHO was prominent in GHG, coordinating worldwide efforts against smallpox, handling international reporting, and managing disease outbreaks through the IHR. Still today, the world community expects WHO to solve global health governance problems, and maintain its unique coordinating function. It is the only agency with authority to develop and implement international health law. But today’s WHO is a weakened institution, riddled with budgetary problems, power politics, and diminished reputation. WHO’s failings in the 2014 West African Ebola outbreak demonstrated that it lacks the capacity to prevent and contain pandemics. Nor does it have coordination capacity, accountability, a master global health plan, or reliable compliance mechanisms. WHO’s vision of “Health for All” remains unfulfilled. Other UN agencies have important health functions but present vexing issues of their own.

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11

NANDE-VÁZQUEZ, Edgard Alfredo, Teodoro REYES-FONG, and Omar Alejandro PÉREZ-CRUZ. The Generalized Least Squares Method (GMM) as a tool for causal analysis of spending, budget management and electoral results. ECORFAN, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.35429/b.2021.8.1.130.

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In the different fields of science, many times, there is a need to estimate the associations between variables, as an approach to understanding the interaction of one as a function of the others. It is usually done by applying restrictive models, such as analysis of variance and linear regression. This type of analysis requires that the dependent variable be continuous, have a normal and constant distribution of the mean and variance. However, when the dependent variable is discrete or categorical, the linear model is not viable. Faced with this impediment, the theory of linear models arises and is expanded to broader categories, which have been called Generalized Linear Models. This category assumes that all distribution functions are exponential, in which the normal distribution is located. In this sense, in this research, Generalized Least Squares methods were applied in their various variants: of moments, ordinary and feasible. These models allow calculating the parameters of models in which the dependent variable has a Poisson or multinomial distribution. In such a way that the Generalized Least Squares serve as a tool to analyze the effect of the elections on public spending and its relationship with the electoral results, analyzing the variables of a budgetary nature, derived from the possibility that the government in power continues or is re-elected. For this, data related to the states and municipalities of México in the period 2007 to 2019 are used.

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12

Mérand, Frédéric. The Political Commissioner. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192893970.001.0001.

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Based on four years of embedded observation in the cabinet of a European Commissioner, this book develops a sociology of international political work. Empirically, it offers an insider’s chronicle of the European Union between 2015 and 2019. The analysis traces the successes and failures of Commissioner Pierre Moscovici and his team on five issues that defined European politics between 2015 and 2019: the Greek crisis, budgetary disputes with Spain and Portugal, the rise of populism in Italy, the reform of the eurozone, and the fight against tax evasion. The aim is not to ascertain whether the Commission’s policy was good or bad, but to understand how political work is done in a European Union where the “spectacle of power” is blurred by twenty-four official languages, twenty-eight national histories, a powerful technocracy, and sometimes opaque institutions. As a life-long socialist politician and former French finance minister, Pierre Moscovici was perhaps the most intensely political character in Jean-Claude Juncker’s self-styled “Political Commission.” Brandishing his leftist identity, rejecting technocratic talk, he surrounded himself with staffers sharing his ambition—but also critical of his actions. Shadowing them from the corridors of the Berlaymont, the seat of the European Commission, to Washington and Athens, The Political Commissioner throws light on the partisan struggles that shaped the Juncker Commission, tensions with the Eurogroup and the Parliament, and recurring conflicts with the Member States. It also shows how political staffers operate informally and in their interaction with the media and civil servants, as they craft and sell public policies to the public.

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13

Egreteau, Renaud. Crafting Parliament in Myanmar's Disciplined Democracy (2011-2021). Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192858740.001.0001.

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In January 2011, parliament was restored in Myanmar after two decades of military rule. Startlingly, it began to repeal obsolete laws, scrutinize government expenditures, summon ministers to the floor, and discuss the state’s annual budget. It also allowed its elected representatives to make public the grievances collected from constituents infuriated at enduring practices of land confiscation, petty corruption, and everyday abuses of power. Yet ten years later in February 2021, parliament was shut down, again, by another coup d’état. What has been learned in the span of a decade of post-junta legislative resurgence? How could an elected legislature resurface—and function—in a country that had only limited experience with parliamentary affairs and representative politics since its independence from British rule? What lessons can be drawn from the Myanmar case for parliamentary institution building and legislative developments (and decay) in post-authoritarian and praetorian contexts? This book offers a compelling account of Myanmar’s halting efforts to develop the institutional framework and practice of a parliament-based democratic governance between 2011 and 2021. It charts the stages of such a parliamentary resurgence, tracing its causes and exploring how various institutional and political legacies both informed and constrained the re-establishment and operations of the Union legislature, or Pyidaungsu Hluttaw. Embracing both ethnographic observations and a methodical engagement with legislative proceedings and historical material, Renaud Egreteau investigates how parliamentary life has (re)emerged in the 2010s. His analysis concentrates on key legislative mechanisms, processes and tasks pertaining to government oversight, budgetary control, representation and lawmaking and interrogates how they have been learned, (re)appropriated, and performed by Myanmar’s new breed of civilian and military legislators until the 2021 army takeover.

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14

Jan, Wouters, and Odermatt Jed. 2 Legal Powers, 2.3 Certain Expenses of the United Nations (Article 17, paragraph 2, of the Charter) , International Court of Justice, Advisory Opinion, [1962] ICJ Rep 151. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780198743620.003.0012.

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The International Court of Justice’s 1962 Advisory Opinion Certain Expenses of the United Nations relates to a relatively narrow legal question. The Court was asked to decide whether expenses authoriszed by the UN General Assembly relating to peacekeeping missions constituted ‘expenses of the organization’ according to art. 17(2) of the UN Charter. In deciding this question, the Court elaborates on some important issues for international law and the law of international organizations including the doctrine of implied powers, treaty interpretation in the context of the UN Charter, the doctrine of ultra vires, and the Court’s relationship with other UN organs. The opinion also has consequences for the UN General Assembly, including its role in the system of collective security, its budgetary powers, and its relationship with the UN Security Council. The chapter not only examines the Court’s reasoning but also discusses the wider significance of the case for international law.

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15

Rittberger, Berthold. 14. The European Union. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780199570829.003.0015.

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This chapter examines how the European Union acquired distinctive constitution-like features. It begins with a discussion of three routes to constitutionalization: the first is through changes in the EU's primary law; the second focuses on ‘in between’ constitutionalization; and the third leads directly to the European Court of Justice and its jurisprudence. The chapter proceeds by discussing two developments that have shaped the EU constitutional order almost since the beginning: the emergence of a body of EU law constituting a set of higher-order legal rules, and the consolidation of the constitutional principle of representative democracy. It explains how the supremacy and direct effect of EU law, as well as the EU court's concern with the protection of fundamental rights, helped transform the EU into a constitutional polity. It also considers how the extension of the legislative, budgetary, and other powers of the European Parliament animated the constitutional principle.

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