Academic literature on the topic 'Brownfields – Government policy – Ontario'
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Journal articles on the topic "Brownfields – Government policy – Ontario"
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De Sousa, Christopher. "Trying to Smart-In-Up and Cleanup Our Act by Linking Regional Growth Planning, Brownfields Remediation, and Urban Infill in Southern Ontario Cities." Urban Planning 2, no. 3 (August 24, 2017): 5–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/up.v2i3.1026.
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The reuse of brownfields as locations for urban intensification has become a core strategy in government sustainability efforts aimed at remediating pollution, curbing sprawl and prioritizing renewal, regeneration, and retrofitting. In Ontario, Canada’s most populous, industrialized, and brownfield-laden province, a suite of progressive policies and programs have been introduced to not only facilitate the assessment and remediation of the brownfields supply, but to also steer development demand away from peripheral greenfields and towards urban brownfields in a manner that considers a wider regional perspective. This article examines the character and extent of brownfields infill development that has taken place in three Ontario cities (Toronto, Waterloo, and Kingston) since the provincial policy shift in the early 2000s. Using property assessment data and cleanup records, the research finds that redevelopment activity has been extensive in both scale and character, particularly in Toronto where the real estate market has been strong. While the results are promising in terms of government efforts to promote smarter growth that builds “in and up” instead of out, they also reveal that government could be doing more to facilitate redevelopment and influence its sustainability character, particularly in weaker markets.
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Gebremariam, Mikiale Gebreslase, Yuming Zhu, Naveed Ahmad, and Dawit Nega Bekele. "Influencing sustainability by controlling future brownfields in Africa: a case study of Ethiopia." World Journal of Science, Technology and Sustainable Development 16, no. 3 (July 8, 2019): 102–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/wjstsd-04-2018-0031.
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Purpose The increasing African population and economic growth leading to urbanisation continues to increase the need to redevelop brownfields as a strategy of encouraging sustainable development of cities, in particular in Ethiopia. However, the adoption of brownfield redevelopment in Ethiopia is at initial stage. Thus, the purpose of this paper is to highlight the framework based on grey-incidence decision-making approach to manage brownfields in African countries by taking Ethiopia as case example. The grey-incidence decision-making model integrates multiple factors such as economic, social, environmental, technical and associated risks and provides an effective decision-making and management tool for environmental practitioners and government agencies. Design/methodology/approach Questionnaires were used to collect data on terms and definitions of brownfield. The questions were prepared on the basis of currently used definitions developed by a number of developed countries. Moreover, this study utilises a grey-incidence decision-making approach to help in management and decision-making for the implementation of brownfield redevelopment projects (BRPs) in the remediated sites. Findings Standard definition of brownfield and essential guidelines for brownfield redevelopment is proposed for Ethiopian context. The research findings were tested and verified using literature data and survey from major stakeholders. In addition, the grey-incidence decision-making approach is applied for the evaluation of BRPs in the remediated sites. A framework is proposed to control future brownfields for African countries by taking Ethiopia as a case example. Originality/value This research stresses the significance of an urban structure to address sustainable development, and the need to consider redevelopment of brownfields and identify the potential for a specific government policy framework. This research provides the best opportunity for Ethiopia by devising an urban land policy and create a strategy to contribute social, economic, financial and environmental benefits. It also provides a foundation to solve environmental issues by involving all major stakeholders, including community citizens, environmentalists and government agencies, and it also serves as guidelines to transform brownfields into Greenfields; and finally, it contributes to achieve the 2030 UN global goals.
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Malloy, Jonathan. "Double Identities: Aboriginal Policy Agencies in Ontario and British Columbia." Canadian Journal of Political Science 34, no. 1 (March 2001): 131–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423901777840.
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This article argues that provincial government units for Aboriginal affairs in Ontario and British Columbia have ''double identities'' stemming from contradictory mandates anchored in two different policy communities. Aboriginal policy agencies act as Crown negotiators with Aboriginal nations over land claims and self-government, but are also responsible for co-ordinating government policies affecting Aboriginals. Consequently, they interact with two different policy communities. One involves economic and resource ministries, which engage in a pressure pluralist relationship with Aboriginal groups. The second involves social policy ministries who engage in more clientele pluralist relationships with Aboriginals. Consequently, Aboriginal policy agencies display different identities and play different and sometimes contradictory roles. These ''double identities'' illustrate the complexity and contradictions of provincial-Aboriginal relations in Canada.
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Turk*, James L. "Universities, the Charter, Doug Ford, and Campus Free Speech." Constitutional Forum / Forum constitutionnel 29, no. 2 (April 3, 2020): 31–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.21991/cf29398.
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On a warm summer day at the end of August 2018, Ontario Premier Doug Ford’s office issued a press release announcing, “Ontario’s Government for the People is delivering on its promise to uphold free speech on every Ontario publicly-funded university and college campus.”1 An accompanying “Backgrounder” spelled out the details.2 Although this policy seems progressive on its face, it is actually anything but. That said, it may have the unintended but beneficial effect of bringing Ontario universities under the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms.3 More about that later. First, the problems.
* Distinguished Visiting Scholar and Director, Centre for Free Expression. Faculty of Communications & Design, Ryerson University.1 Office of the Premier, News Release: “Ontario Protects Free Speech on Campuses: Mandates Universities and Colleges to Introduce Free Speech Policy by January 1, 2019” (30 August 2018), online: Government of Ontario <news.ontario.ca/opo/en/2018/08/ontario-protects-free-speech-on-campuses.html> [Office of the Premier, “Ontario Protects”].2 See Office of the Premier, Backgrounder “Upholding Free Speech on Ontario’s University and College Campuses” (30 August 2018), online: Government of Ontario <news.ontario.ca/opo/en/2018/08/upholdingfree-speech-on-ontarios-university-and-college-campuses.html> [Office of the Premier, “Upholding Free Speech”].
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Jones, Glen A. "Ontario Higher Education Reform, 1995-2003: From Modest Modifications to Policy Reform." Canadian Journal of Higher Education 34, no. 3 (December 31, 2004): 39–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.47678/cjhe.v34i3.183466.
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Ontario higher education system has moved far and fast in the past decade. The early 1990s saw "modest modifications and structural stability." Since 1995, under a neo-liberal government in Ontario, major policy initiatives, with objectives not unlike those already at large in western Europe and most of the United States, have quickly followed one another. The author proposes an explanation of the timing and dynamics of the Ontario reforms, describing the driving forces behind reform.
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Vayda, Eugene, A. Paul Williams, H. Michael Stevenson, Karin Domnick Pierre, Mike Burke, and Janet Barnsley. "Characteristics of Established Group Practices in Ontario." Healthcare Management Forum 2, no. 4 (December 1989): 17–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0840-4704(10)61407-x.
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Established group practices in Ontario were surveyed to determine their structure, characteristics and attitudes toward government assistance in the development of group practice. The degree of organization of the groups surveyed was related to size and less than that reported in surveys of United States group practices. Group size and years of operation were strongly associated. Night, weekend and vacation coverage, the use of a unit patient record and the employment of non-physician administrators were reported frequently, and were more common in older and larger groups. As well, fringe benefits, except for professional organization dues, were not commonly provided.
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Whittingham, Nathaniel. "How wind turbines are not generating green energy: An economic review of the Ontario Green Energy and Green Economy Act." SURG Journal 7, no. 2 (June 16, 2014): 24–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.21083/surg.v7i2.2894.
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The Ontario Government passed the Ontario Green Energy and Green Economy Act in 2009. The Act promoted wind turbines and solar panels as a major component of the energy supply for the Province of Ontario as a replacement for coal-fired electricity generation plants. This article provides an economic assessment of the rationales that were offered for this policy, specifically, that the Act would help the Government of Ontario reduce the province’s reliance on fossil fuels, reduce carbon emissions, and stimulate the economy through the creation of jobs. The effects of the policy on the cost of electricity in the province are also considered. The analysis concludes that the Act will not reduce the Province of Ontario’s reliance on fossil fuels due to the inefficiency and unpredictability of wind turbines, ultimately leading to the need to use energy from more readily available sources of electricity such as gas. The need for fossil fuel backup also limits the potential to reduce the green house gas emissions.
Keywords: Ontario Green Energy and Green Economy Act (2009); renewable energy; economic review
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Mascher, Peter. "(Invited) Nano Ontario - A Model for Regional Cooperation in Nanotechnology." ECS Meeting Abstracts MA2022-01, no. 7 (July 7, 2022): 619. http://dx.doi.org/10.1149/ma2022-017619mtgabs.
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Nano Ontario is a not-for-profit corporation representing the interests of academic, industrial, government and financial community members in the development of nanotechnologies in Ontario, Canada. Members work together to raise the profile, increase the research, build the investment and drive economic returns from nanotechnology in the province and across Canada. In this presentation I will discuss how this multi-sector cooperation serves to achieve the following main objectives: Be a trusted source of information for all nanoscience and nanotechnology activity in Ontario; Advise government organizations on economic opportunity, policy, standards & regulations that nanotechnology can offer, to enable Ontario to benefit and capitalize from its nano research, development, and commercial capacity; Map Ontario’s capacity in nanotechnology research, development, and commercialization; Serve as the main point of contact for Ontario’s community of practice in nanoscience & nanotechnology; Build and facilitate new connections between nanotechnology groups in universities, government organizations and industries within Ontario, across Canada, and internationally; and Coordinate public outreach activities to advocate the societal benefits enabled by nanoscience and nanotechnology.
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McClean, AJ. "Case note.McMichael v. Ontario - one man's obsession." International Journal of Cultural Property 7, no. 2 (January 1998): 496–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0940739198770481.
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The 'Group of Seven' has a significant, though not totally uncontroversial, place in Canadian art. Robert McMichael's 'obsession' with the group led to the establishment of the McMichael Collection and then to an agreement between Mr. McMichael and his wife and the government of Ontario concerning the collection. The subsequent litigation as to whether the government had failed to comply with provisions in the agreement on the administration of the collection and on the policy to be followed in adding works to it did not entirely resolve these issues but highlighted a matter of importance to donors of works of art and the bodies to which donations are made: how far may donors ensure compliance with the terms on which they make donations?
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Díaz, Victoria E. "Accountability Agreements for Ontario Universities: The Balancing Character of a Policy Instrument." Revue Gouvernance 13, no. 1 (February 1, 2017): 50–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1038832ar.
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This paper demonstrates how the choice of instrument facilitates acceptance of a new accountability requirement in the Ontario university sector as it helps balance the government’s need for control with the universities’ need for independence. The instrument, conceptualized as an agreement, embodies the negotiated character of the relationship between government and universities, and conveys the idea to different actors that their needs are met. Despite the promises of the instrument, when objectives are ambiguous, uncertainty is pervasive, and negotiation is limited, the increase in government control is minimized and the changes in university autonomy are negligible, thus suggesting that symbolic and rhetorical compliance may be the sustainable equilibrium between governments and governed. Nonetheless, some level of transformation is observed in the sector as the new tool contributes to strengthening priority alignment, highlighting the value of sharing stories, and increasing acceptance of reporting requirements.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Brownfields – Government policy – Ontario"
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Pike, Amy. "Provincial policy planning for municipal government restructuring in non-metropolitan areas, the contemporary cases of Alberta, Saskatchewan, Manitoba, Ontario and New Brunswick." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp04/mq23456.pdf.
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Kinuthia, Wanyee. "“Accumulation by Dispossession” by the Global Extractive Industry: The Case of Canada." Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/30170.
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This thesis draws on David Harvey’s concept of “accumulation by dispossession” and an international political economy (IPE) approach centred on the institutional arrangements and power structures that privilege certain actors and values, in order to critique current capitalist practices of primitive accumulation by the global corporate extractive industry. The thesis examines how accumulation by dispossession by the global extractive industry is facilitated by the “free entry” or “free mining” principle. It does so by focusing on Canada as a leader in the global extractive industry and the spread of this country’s mining laws to other countries – in other words, the transnationalisation of norms in the global extractive industry – so as to maintain a consistent and familiar operating environment for Canadian extractive companies. The transnationalisation of norms is further promoted by key international institutions such as the World Bank, which is also the world’s largest development lender and also plays a key role in shaping the regulations that govern natural resource extraction. The thesis briefly investigates some Canadian examples of resource extraction projects, in order to demonstrate the weaknesses of Canadian mining laws, particularly the lack of protection of landowners’ rights under the free entry system and the subsequent need for “free, prior and informed consent” (FPIC). The thesis also considers some of the challenges to the adoption and implementation of the right to FPIC. These challenges include embedded institutional structures like the free entry mining system, international political economy (IPE) as shaped by international institutions and powerful corporations, as well as concerns regarding ‘local’ power structures or the legitimacy of representatives of communities affected by extractive projects. The thesis concludes that in order for Canada to be truly recognized as a leader in the global extractive industry, it must establish legal norms domestically to ensure that Canadian mining companies and residents can be held accountable when there is evidence of environmental and/or human rights violations associated with the activities of Canadian mining companies abroad. The thesis also concludes that Canada needs to address underlying structural issues such as the free entry mining system and implement FPIC, in order to curb “accumulation by dispossession” by the extractive industry, both domestically and abroad.
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Ouseley, Mark. "Capital Brownfields: An Assessment of Brownfield Planning Policy in the City of Ottawa, Ontario." Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10012/7545.
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A brownfield is previously developed land which suffers from actual or perceived contamination due to past uses. The City of Ottawa, like many of Canada's municipalities, is faced with a significant inventory of brownfields. As the legacy of industrial activities in earlier times, these sites have become an environmental threat, blight to the community and economic loss for their owners and the City. Unlike many of Ontario's more highly industrialized municipalities, Ottawa has a less industrialized history and, as the Nation's Capital, faces unique brownfield challenges and development climate, requiring a policy approach that is tailored to the Ottawa development market. Ottawa's major brownfield sites are owned by different levels of governments and private firms, ranging from the National Capital Commission owned LeBreton Flats to the City of Ottawa owned Bayview Yards.
This thesis intends to examine current development trends for brownfields, impediments and opportunities for development, assess the efficacy of current policies and provide suggestions for the improvement of the existing brownfield development planning process in Ottawa, using an applied research method. This study is developed through interviews with key informants, a collective case study analysis, a literature review and site visits. This thesis intends to study current policy and provide recommendations to improve Ottawa's approach to brownfield development.
The City of Ottawa has developed a Brownfield Community Improvement Plan, featuring multiple grant programs which has proved to be successful in incentivizing the development of brownfield sites which otherwise would have remained idle. However, the creation and development of this policy was a challenging process, requiring review and improvement in light of ongoing development applications.
The findings of this paper indicate the policy has been successful due to its encouragement of brownfield projects which otherwise would not have occurred. In addition, case studies of Bayview Yards, CLC Rockcliffe Lands, Lansdowne Park, LeBreton Flats, 1357 Baseline Road and 300 West Hunt Club Road illustrate the pursuit of significant brownfield development projects in the City. However, despite its success, some challenges still exist which the City of Ottawa must endeavour to overcome. By tackling these challenges, the City could further aid in erasing brownfields from Ottawa's urban fabric and leave a legacy to its residents, characterized by a robust urban centre free from severe environmental contamination.
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Constantinou, Peter P. "Government Relations in the Post-secondary Education Sector in Ontario." Thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1807/24727.
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There has been little research on the government relations function within the post-secondary education sector in Ontario. This study explores this topic by reviewing the literature and collecting data from key informants in the college, university and government sector, and those who can speak about the sector associations. The study describes how the leaders of colleges and universities in Ontario perceive and conduct government relations, both as individual institutions and as a sector, and analyzes trends and potential implications. The study utilizes a pluralist model of interest group behaviour and applied the hollow-core theory to the policy community and the findings provide compelling evidence that this theory is a useful theoretical framework for understanding the nature of this policy community. This study also provides valuable insight into the hollow-core theory of pluralism. The leadership of individual colleges and universities shares a similar understanding of government relations and engage a similar approach. Individual colleges and universities work independently to lobby for capital funding and work together through their respective associations to lobby for system-wide funding and reforms. Although the presidents of individual institutions continue to lead the government relations function, the trend in the post-secondary education sector in Ontario is to invest additional resources and time in these activities. This study is the first of its kind in Ontario and makes an important contribution to our understanding of the way leaders in the post-secondary education sector in Ontario perceive and conduct government relations. Implications of the findings are considered and recommendations are made for further research.
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Coatsworth, Brook. "Wetland Conservation in Southern Ontario: Exploring a Modified Club Goods Approach." Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10214/5347.
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This thesis is an exploration of a modified club goods approach to wetland conservation in southern Ontario as an alternative to the current policy approach. As the regulatory framework for wetland conservation continues to develop, however, so does an emerging resistance to participate in government conservation programs by private rural landowners protesting regulatory erosion of citizen rights in private land ownership. The modified club goods approach was evaluated as a fair and effective conservation method through a multiple-case study that explored six non-governmental organizations applying a modified club goods conservation model. As non-governmental organizations broaden their economic base to increase their scope
of operations, they are susceptible to influence from changing sources of revenue. They must remain accountable and transparent to members and donors in order to receive their continued financial support, rather than depending on government funds which leads to an organization’s evolution away from the modified model.The intention of this thesis is not to suggest that the Ontario government should not take part in wetland conservation. On the contrary, it is there duty to be active stakeholders that ensure the province's wetlands are managed fairly and effectively. This thesis explores a modified club goods approach as an alternative approach which the government should support as mediator, not as leader nor as spectator. That said, provincial wetland policy should be developed as a tool for guiding best management and conservation practices of wetlands, and to enhance the provision of environmental goods and services from wetlands.
Ontario Ministry of Agriculture, Food and Rural Affairs and the University of Guelph Food, Agriculture and Resource Economics Department.
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Pike, Amy. "Provincial policy planning for municipal government restructuring in non-metropolitan areas, the contemporary cases of Alberta, Saskatchewan, Manitoba, Ontario and New Brunswick." 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1993/1049.
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Throughout Canada, the provincial governments are examining consolidation as a method of supporting the economic well-being of small municipalities. In some cases, the provinces are instituting policies that influence these local governments to amalgamate or consolidate with neighbouring municipalities. In the case of Ontario and Alberta, the governments are not only enabling and encouraging this process through new municipal legislation, but they are giving the small municipalities little choice but to consolidate because of radical cuts to transfer payments. In New Brunswick, the focus has been primarily on the municipalities surrounding larger metropolitan areas, but there is still a clear Province-led policy toward consolidation. Saskatchewan and Manitoba, the last of the five provinces studied in this paper, have experienced an opposite trend. These prairie provinces, with high levels of fragmentation, are seeing transfer payments maintained and even raised in what appears to be an effort by the provincial governments to support the status quo. Equally significant is the process of decentralization occurring in some provinces. In Alberta and Ontario this is particularly evident where the provincial governments are empowering municipalities to establish new revenue-generating capacities, and to essentially fend for themselves more and more in the face of transfer payment reductions. When the portion of grants that were unconditional increased, autonomy did not simply increase. Autonomy, and hence, decentralization, increases when revenue generating capacity is permitted, or when provincial income and the revenue from industrial tax bases are redistributed. This is primarily where Alberta and Ontario have begun to truly distinguish themselves from the other provinces studied. In Saskatchewan and Manitoba, the opposite is occurring. Municipalities in these provinces are being gently nudged to find better ways of saving money, but few new powers are being downloaded to local governments to enable them to generate money. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)
Books on the topic "Brownfields – Government policy – Ontario"
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Reisch, Mark E. Anthony. Superfund and the brownfields issue. [Washington, D.C.]: Library of Congress, Congressional Research Service, 2000.
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Finance, Ontario Ministry of. Budget '93: Government of Ontario. Toronto: Ministry of Finance, 1993.
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D, Kirshenberg Seth, International City/County Management Association, and Northeast-Midwest Institute (U.S.), eds. Brownfields redevelopment: A guidebook for local governments and communities. [Washington, DC]: The Association, 1997.
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Conservation, New York (State) Legislature Senate Committee on Environmental. Joint legislative public hearing on New York State's Brownfield Cleanup and Opportunity Area Programs. [Clifton Park, N.Y.]: Candyco Transcription Service, 2007.
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New York (State). Legislature. Senate. Committee on Environmental Conservation. Public hearing on New York State's Brownfield Cleanup and Opportunity Areas Programs. Cold Spring Harbor, NY: En-De Reporting, 2007.
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New York (State). Legislature. Senate. Committee on Environmental Conservation. A roundtable discussion on Brownfield remediation in New York State. Albany?: s.n., 2010.
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Brownfields: What will it take to turn lost opportunities into America's gain? : ninth report. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 2006.
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Ontario. Ministry of Treasury and Economics. Renewing Ontario: A plan for the economy. Toronto: Ministry of Treasury and Economics, 1992.
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United States. Environmental Protection Agency. Office of Brownfields Cleanup and Redevelopment. State brownfields and voluntary response programs: An update from the states. Washington, D.C.]: U.S. Environmental Protection Agency, Office of Solid Waste and Emergency Response, Office of Brownfields, 2005.
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United States. Congress. House. Committee on Government Reform. Subcommittee on Federalism and the Census. Brownfields and the 50 states: Are state incentive programs capable of solving America's brownfields problem? : hearing before the Subcommittee on Federalism and the Census of the Committee on Government Reform, House of Representatives, One Hundred Ninth Congress, first session, September 13, 2005. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 2006.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Brownfields – Government policy – Ontario"
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R.Weller, Geoffrey. "TWELVE. Politics and Policy in the North." In The Government and Politics of Ontario, edited by Graham White, 284–306. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/9781442670198-013.
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Boyd, Taylor. "Education Reform in Ontario: Building Capacity Through Collaboration." In Implementing Deeper Learning and 21st Education Reforms, 39–58. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-57039-2_2.
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Abstract The education system of the province of Ontario, Canada ranks among the best in the world and has been touted as a model of excellence for other countries seeking to improve their education system. In a system-wide reform, leaders used a political and professional perspective to improve student performance on basic academic skills. The school system rose to renown after this reform which moved Ontario from a “good” system in 2000 to a “great” one between 2003 and 2010 (Mourshed M, Chijioke C, Barber M. How the world’s most improved school systems keep getting better, a report McKinsey & Company. Retrieved from https://www.mckinsey.com/industries/social-sector/our-insights/how-the-worlds-most-improved-school-systems-keep-getting-better, (2010)). Premier Dalton McGuinty arrived in office in 2003 with education as his priority and was dubbed the “Education Premier” because of this mandate. His plan for reform had two primary goals: to improve student literacy and numeracy, and to increase secondary school graduation rates. McGuinty also wanted to rebuild public trust that had been damaged under the previous administration. The essential element of Ontario’s approach to education reform was allowing educators to develop their own plans for improvement. Giving responsibility and freedom to educators was critical in improving professional norms and accountability among teachers (Mourshed M, Chijioke C, Barber M. How the world’s most improved school systems keep getting better, a report McKinsey & Company. Retrieved from https://www.mckinsey.com/industries/social-sector/our-insights/how-the-worlds-most-improved-school-systems-keep-getting-better, (2010)) and the sustained political leadership throughout the entire reform concluding in 2013 provided an extended trajectory for implementing and adjusting learning initiatives. The Ministry of Education’s Student Achievement Division, which was responsible for designing and implementing strategies for student success, took a flexible “learning as we go” attitude in which the reform strategy adapted and improved over time (Directions Evidence and Policy Research Group. The Ontario student achievement division student success strategy evidence of improvement study. Retrieved from http://www.edu.gov.on.ca/eng/research/EvidenceOfImprovementStudy.pdf, (2014)). This chapter will discuss influences on the reform design and key components of strategies to support student and teacher development and build a relationship of accountability and trust among teachers, the government and the public. The successes and shortcomings of this reform will be discussed in the context of their role in creating a foundation for the province’s next steps towards fostering twenty-first century competencies in classrooms.
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Winfield, Mark S., and Abdeali Saherwala. "Phasing Out Coal-Fired Electricity in Ontario." In Policy Success in Canada, 372–92. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192897046.003.0019.
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Abstract The phase-out of coal-fired electricity production in the Canadian Province of Ontario has been widely described as one of the most significant measures taken by any government in the world to reduce greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions. The phase-out of coal, which in the early 2000s constituted a quarter of the province’s electricity supply, was completed in 2014. The phase-out was associated with dramatic improvements in air quality in the southern part of province. At the same time, Ontario’s approach to the phase-out involved a series of significant environmental, economic, and political trade-offs, the benefits of which continue to be debated, and whose consequences have affected the province’s politics profoundly. The chapter examines the evolution of the role of coal-fired electricity in Ontario, the emergence of the concept of a phase-out, and the factors that contributed to its ultimate implementation. Within McConnell’s (2010) framework for assessing policy outcomes around programmatic results, policy processes, and politics, the chapter concludes that outcomes of the coal phase-out process range from a resilient and political success in terms of the phase-out itself, to a political failure with respect to the McGuinty (2003–2013) and Wynne (2013–2018) governments’ overall handling of electricity policy.
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Lewinberg, Adam. "8. Black Insiders, the Black Polity, and the Ontario NDP Government, 1990-1995." In Ethnicity, Politics, and Public Policy, edited by Harold Troper and Morton Weinfeld. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/9781442674677-009.
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"12. Government Science and Policy Advice: Evidence-based Policymaking at the Ontario Ministry of Natural Resources and Its Implications for the Practice of Policy Analysis." In Policy Work in Canada, 207–23. University of Toronto Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/9781442668034-014.
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Lewis, John. "Métis older adults and the negotiation of nativeness." In Aging People, Aging Places, 223–40. Policy Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447352563.003.0020.
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This chapter refers to community planners and local government decision makers that are acutely aware of the changing demographic character of North American communities. It examines the retirement of the baby boomer generation, which is projected that 20 percent of the North American population will be 65 years or older. It also recounts how the Age-Friendly Communities (AFC) movement acquired considerable policy and research traction since its launch by the World Health Organization (WHO) in 2007. The chapter discusses that the province of Ontario has made several incremental efforts to expand its AFC policy efforts based on three linked strategic policies and investments. It includes the launch of the Finding the Right Fit Age-Friendly Communities Planning Guide, the Ontario AFC Planning Grants Program, and funding for an AFC Outreach and Community Support Program.
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Bauder, Harald. "Farmfare." In Labor Movement. Oxford University Press, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195180879.003.0020.
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In the summer of 1999, the provincial government of Ontario proposed to make Canadian welfare recipients work as seasonal labor in the horticulture sector. This idea came to be known as farmfare. Farmfare was not an entirely new idea. In 1971, Canada’s Parliament debated this topic under the rubric “Manpower: Use of Unemployed and Students Instead of West Indians to Pick Fruit.” Pierre Elliot Trudeau, then prime minister of Canada, defended the offshore program as necessary to fill jobs “which the unemployed and the students refuse to do” (quoted in Sharma 2001: 432). In August 1999, with neoliberalism at the top of the provincial policy agendas, the idea was floated again by a conservative member of the provincial parliament, Toni Skarica. This time, farmfare was not presented as an employment opportunity for desperate workers but as a disincentive to sign up for welfare. Ontario premier Mike Harris added momentum to the debate by raising the issue to reporters. Harris suggested that manual labor on Ontario’s farms could change the supposedly negative attitudes toward work among welfare recipients: “Getting up in the morning, getting regular, managing your time, getting out and doing things, feeling good about producing something, doing some work, they are all important . . . to help break that cycle of dependency” (quoted in Ibbitson 1999: A12). He also suggested that farmfare could help Ontario’s agricultural industries to deal with seasonal labor shortages (Gray 1999). In September 1999, Ontario’s Social Service Department confirmed that farmfare could be justified under Ontario’s workfare requirement that “able-bodied” welfare recipients should either train or work or lose their benefits. These were harsh words and tough measures proposed by the provincial government. Little wonder that farmfare generated fierce debate over the merits and potential consequences of such a program. Social advocacy groups, such as the Ontario Coalition Against Poverty, labor unions, and churches, including the United Church of Canada, mobilized opposition against farmfare. The United Farm Workers initiated a petition against the implementation of farmfare, which opposition politicians presented on several occasions to the Legislative Assembly of Ontario.
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Semus, Aerin. "Responding to the Modern Culture of Education." In Advances in Educational Marketing, Administration, and Leadership, 24–40. IGI Global, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-2430-5.ch002.
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A study conducted by Dr. Alan King in the early 2000s exposed low secondary school graduation rates and a variety of indicators of a student's likelihood of success in graduating. Premier Dalton McGuinty's Liberal government responded with a reform aimed at changing educational practices through the Student Success/Learning to 18 Strategy (SS/L18) in 2003 and Policy/Program Memorandum No. 137 in 2005. This drove a province-wide effort to support students ‘in-risk' of not graduating with a multitude of new resources and policies. Ontario's secondary school graduation rates have since increased to 82 percent, however, a variety of barriers to student success remain both socially and culturally in Ontario schools. The absence of student social and cultural capital can diminish educational opportunities for students which is problematic for an equitable system. This chapter explores the history of Student Success initiatives, the unique role played by Student Success Teachers and L.E.A.D. teacher candidates, and further areas of need to be addressed in closing the gap in education.
Conference papers on the topic "Brownfields – Government policy – Ontario"
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Bhanji, Alisha. "Educational Leadership Practices for Student Success Policy Making in the Government of Ontario." In 2021 AERA Annual Meeting. Washington DC: AERA, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.3102/1687802.
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McCauley, Dave, Douglas Metcalfe, Marcia Blanchette, and Tom Calvert. "The Government of Canada’s Programs for Radioactive Waste Cleanup and Long-Term Management." In ASME 2009 12th International Conference on Environmental Remediation and Radioactive Waste Management. ASMEDC, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icem2009-16133.
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The Government of Canada’s 1996 Policy Framework for Radioactive Waste Management establishes that waste owners are responsible for the management of their radioactive wastes. This includes the planning, funding, and implementation of long-term waste management initiatives. Within this context, the Government has established three separate programs aimed at addressing the long-term management of radioactive waste for which it has accepted responsibility. The largest of these programs is the Nuclear Legacy Liabilities Program (NLLP). The objective of the NLLP is to address radioactive waste and decommissioning liabilities resulting from 60 years of nuclear research and development at Atomic Energy of Canada Limited (AECL) sites in Canada. In 2005, the Government increased the value of this liability in its Public Accounts based on a new, 70-year long-term strategy and, in 2006, it implemented a $520 million 5-year work plan to initiate the strategy. The cost of implementing the full strategy is estimated at about $7 billion (current-day dollars). Canada’s Historic Waste Program is a second program that is designed to address low-level radioactive wastes across Canada that are not managed in an appropriate manner for the long-term and for which the current owner can not reasonably be held responsible. These wastes mainly emanate from the refining and use of radium in the 1930s and the very early days of the nuclear industry in Canada when radioactive ores were mined and transported long distances for processing. While the Historic Waste Program has been in place since 1982, the Government of Canada launched the Port Hope Area Initiative in 2001 to deal with the bulk of the waste. Finally, the Government of Canada has entered into two agreements with Canadian provincial governments on roles and responsibilities relating to the decommissioning of uranium mine and mill tailings sites. These agreements, one with the Province of Ontario and one with the Province of Saskatchewan, establish the responsibilities of each level of government to address circumstances where further decommissioning work is required and the producer can no longer be held responsible. The paper will provide an overview of these environmental remediation programs for radioactive waste and will describe recent progress and future challenges.