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Journal articles on the topic 'British Union of Fascists History'

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Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 29 January 2023

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1

Ridgway, Allison. "The British Union of Fascists: Newspapers and Secret Files, 1933‐1951." Charleston Advisor 24, no. 2 (October 1, 2022): 5–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.5260/chara.24.2.5.

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The British Union of Fascists: Newspapers and Secret Files, 1933‐1951 is a collection of primary source resources relating to the British Union of Fascists (BUF), an infamous fascist and anti-Semitic political party formed by Sir Oswald Mosley in 1932. The collection includes full runs of four BUF official publications (Action, The Blackshirt, The East London Pioneer, and Fascist Week), hundreds of scanned government and MI5 documents relating to the surveillance and eventual internment of Mosley and his wife, and personal writings by the Mosleys and other prominent BUF members. Scanned from the original documents housed in the National Archives and digitized into high-quality images, these documents offer important insights into the rise of fascism in Britain during and after World War II for scholars of political history and propaganda. Created by the British Online Archives (a primary source database owned by Microform Academic Publishers), the collection is well organized and easily navigable, with full-text search capabilities.

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2

Durham, Martin. "Gender and the British Union of Fascists." Journal of Contemporary History 27, no. 3 (July 1992): 513–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002200949202700307.

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3

Liburd, Liam J. "Beyond the Pale: Whiteness, Masculinity and Empire in the British Union of Fascists, 1932–1940." Fascism 7, no. 2 (October 17, 2018): 275–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00702006.

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This article seeks to intervene in the debate over the legacy of the British Empire, using the British Union of Fascists (BUF) as a case-study. It will argue that, during the interwar period, the BUF drew heavily on earlier constructions of racialized imperial masculinity in building their ‘new fascist man’. The BUF stand out in the period following the First World War, where hegemonic constructions of British masculinity were altogether more domesticated. At the same time, colonial policymakers were increasingly relying on concessions, rather than force, to outmanoeuvre nationalists out in the Empire. For the BUF, this all smacked of effeminacy and they responded with a ‘new man’ based on the masculine values of the idealized imperial frontier. By transplanting these values from colony to metropole, they hoped to achieve their fascist rebirth of Britain and its Empire. This article charts the BUF’s construction of this imperial ‘new fascist man’ out the legacy of earlier imperialists, the canon of stories of imperial heroism, and the gendered hierarchies of colonial racism.

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4

MANDLE, W. F. "The Leadership of the British Union of Fascists*." Australian Journal of Politics & History 12, no. 3 (April 7, 2008): 360–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1966.tb00895.x.

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5

Macklin, Graham. "‘Onward Blackshirts!’ Music and the British Union of Fascists." Patterns of Prejudice 47, no. 4-5 (September 2013): 430–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0031322x.2013.845447.

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6

CULLEN, STEPHEN M. "The Fasces and the Saltire: The Failure of the British Union of Fascists in Scotland, 1932–1940." Scottish Historical Review 87, no. 2 (October 2008): 306–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e0036924108000176.

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The history of Britain's main manifestation of inter-war fascism, Oswald Mosley's British Union of Fascists [BUF], continues to be a hotly contested field of study. A new biography of Mosley, work on gender and the BUF, and the incorporation of new models of generic fascism have made important contributions to the historiography of the BUF. However, until recently, almost no historical consideration of the BUF's career in Scotland had been attempted. But work by Tony Milligan and Henry Maitles has opened up the topic of fascism in Scotland between the wars. This article seeks to build on these contributions, and examines two groups of factors that led to the failure of fascism in Scotland. The inability of the BUF to find political space in Scotland, allied to internal organisational weaknesses, compounded by the indifference of the English fascist movement to the BUF in Scotland created flaws that characterised the Scottish BUF from the outset. These weaknesses were exacerbated by the failure of the BUF to understand the Scottish dimensions of politics, such as the cross-cutting appeal of Scottish nationalism, and religious tensions. Finally, anti-fascist opposition proved to be especially problematic for the Scottish BUF.

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7

Maitles, Henry. "Blackshirts Across The Border: The British Union Of Fascists In Scotland." Scottish Historical Review 82, no. 1 (April 2003): 92–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.2003.82.1.92.

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8

Lawrence, Jon. "Fascist violence and the politics of public order in inter-war Britain: the Olympia debate revisited*." Historical Research 76, no. 192 (March 27, 2003): 238–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2281.00174.

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Abstract This article uses press reports, pamphlet literature, politicians' diaries, parliamentary debates and Home Office/police papers at the Public Record Office to sustain two main arguments. Firstly, that contrary to recent revisionist accounts, revulsion at fascist violence played an important part in the failure of Mosley and British fascism. It is shown that the furore over blackshirt violence at Olympia in 1934 served to alienate Conservative opinion from fascist ‘extremism’ both in parliament and in the press, and also convinced both British Union of Fascists and communist leaders that they must dissociate themselves from responsibility for the organization of violence. Secondly, the article suggests that debates about Olympia highlighted profound disagreements over the legitimacy of dissent and protest in public politics, and over the proper role for the police and the law at indoor political meetings. Ultimately the reaction against fascist violence led to a significant increase in the state's role in this traditionally private sphere of political life.

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9

Cullen, Stephen M. "Political Violence: The Case of the British Union of Fascists." Journal of Contemporary History 28, no. 2 (April 1993): 245–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002200949302800203.

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10

Spurr, Michael. "‘Playing for fascism’: sportsmanship, antisemitism and the British Union of Fascists." Patterns of Prejudice 37, no. 4 (December 2003): 359–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0031322032000144465.

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11

Gottlieb, Julie V. "‘Motherly Hate’: Gendering Anti–Semitism in the British Union of Fascists." Gender & History 14, no. 2 (August 2002): 294–320. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-0424.00267.

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12

SPURR, MICHAEL A. "‘Living the Blackshirt Life’: Culture, Community and the British Union of Fascists, 1932–1940." Contemporary European History 12, no. 3 (August 2003): 305–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777303001231.

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The perennial struggle to fix the meaning of fascism has recently entered a phase which might best be described as, if I dare, palingenetic, one of rebirth after a period of crisis or decline. If there is any consensus to be reached from this debate, recently relaunched by Roger Griffin, it might be that fascism is more than simply a variety of political ideology or a category of state system. As recent scholarship has increasingly emphasised, not least Griffin himself, the cultural dimensions of fascist movements, in their many European manifestations, are as significant as their organizational development, their electoral successes and failures or their political programmes. Some have attributed this shift towards considering fascism as a cultural system to George Mosse's anthropologically informed interpretation of fascism. A closer reading of these ‘culturalist’ studies reveals that the euphemistically described ‘linguistic turn’ and social anthropologists, such as Victor Turner and Clifford Geertz, have played a far more significant role in reconceptualising the problem of fascism than has Mosse's work.

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13

WORLEY, MATTHEW. "Why Fascism? Sir Oswald Mosley and the Conception of the British Union of Fascists." History 96, no. 321 (December 22, 2010): 68–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-229x.2010.00507.x.

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14

Pugh, Martin. "The National Government, the British Union of Fascists and the Olympia debate." Historical Research 78, no. 200 (May 2005): 253–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2281.2005.00339.x.

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15

Collins, Tony. "Return to manhood: the cult of masculinity and the British union of fascists." International Journal of the History of Sport 16, no. 4 (December 1999): 145–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09523369908714103.

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16

Thompson, Gareth. "The propaganda of universal fascism: peace, empire and international co-operation in British Union of Fascists' publicity from 1932 to 1939." Corporate Communications: An International Journal 25, no. 4 (July 16, 2020): 577–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ccij-11-2019-0138.

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PurposeThis article presents a historical investigation into the foreign policy messages of the British Union of Fascists' (BUF) publicity and propaganda from its foundation in 1932 until the outbreak of World War II in 1939, along with a discussion of the methods and institutional arrangements used to propagate its ideas of peace, empire and transnational co-operation.Design/methodology/approachThe historical investigation is based upon scrutiny of original BUF documents relating to the period 1932–1939 from various archives. After cataloguing of the relevant publicity and propaganda materials in time sequence and thematically, analysis was organised using a historical institutionalism approach.FindingsThe article explains the different phases of the BUF's message development and how publications, meetings and media were used to project its ideas. It also discussed the impact of support from Viscount Rothermere's newspapers and financial support from Benito Mussolini. Consideration of publicity materials alongside files from BUF headquarters enabled identification and investigation into the communicative actors who did the publicity work, including Director of Publicity, John Beckett.Social implicationsThe article reflects upon how the British Union of Fascists' publicity and propaganda relates to modern manifestations of the communication of authoritarian and nationalistic political propositions and the historical continuities that endure therein.Originality/valueThe project makes an original contribution to the history of British political propaganda and public relations through an inquiry based upon scrutiny of historical documents in UK archives relating to BUF publicity related to foreign policy.

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17

Coupland, P. M. "'Left-Wing Fascism' in Theory and Practice: The Case of the British Union of Fascists." Twentieth Century British History 13, no. 1 (January 1, 2002): 38–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/tcbh/13.1.38.

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18

Cohen, Paul. "The police, the home office and surveillance of the British Union of fascists." Intelligence and National Security 1, no. 3 (September 1986): 416–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02684528608431865.

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19

GOTTLIEB, JULIE. "Body Fascism in Britain: Building the Blackshirt in the Inter-War Period." Contemporary European History 20, no. 2 (April 8, 2011): 111–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777311000026.

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AbstractIn recent years scholars have devoted a great deal of attention and theorisation to the body in history, looking both at bodies as metaphors and as sites of intervention. These studies have tended to focus on the analysis of bodies in a national context, acting for and acted upon by the state, and similarly the ever-expanding study of masculinity continues to try to define hegemonic masculinities. But what if we direct our gaze to marginal bodies, in this case Blackshirt bodies who act against the state, and a political movement that commits assault on the body politic? This article examines the centrality of the body and distinctive gender codes in the self-representation, the performance and practice, and the culture of Britain's failed fascist movement during the 1930s. The term ‘body fascism’ has taken on different and much diluted meaning in the present day, but in the British Union of Fascists’ construction of the Blackshirted body, in the movement's emphasis on the embodiment of their political religion through sport, physical fitness and public display of offensive and defensive violence, and in their distinctive and racialised bodily aesthetic illustrated in their visual and graphic art production we come to understand Britain's fascist movement as a product of modernity and as one potent expression of the convergence between populist politics and body fixation.

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20

Moore-Colyer, Richard. "Towards ‘Mother Earth’: Jorian Jenks, Organicism, the Right and the British Union of Fascists." Journal of Contemporary History 39, no. 3 (July 2004): 353–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009404044445.

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21

Love, Gary. "`What's the Big Idea?': Oswald Mosley, the British Union of Fascists and Generic Fascism." Journal of Contemporary History 42, no. 3 (July 2007): 447–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009407078334.

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22

Reed, Adam. "Sympathy for Oswald Mosley: Politics of Reading and Historical Resemblance in the Moral Imagination of an English Literary Society." Comparative Studies in Society and History 64, no. 1 (January 2022): 63–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417521000396.

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AbstractThe mid-twentieth-century English novelist, Henry Williamson, wrote nature stories but also romantic and historical fiction, including a fifteen-volume saga that contains a largely favorable characterization of Oswald Mosley, the leader of the British Union of Fascists. This essay considers the challenge of such a fascist character through the prism of the literary imagination of Williamson readers, and more specifically through my longstanding ethnographic work with an English literary society constituted in the author’s name. I am centrally concerned with how literary society members deal with the positive depiction of the Mosley-based character through the stages of the reading process that they identify and describe. Do the immersive values commonly attached to their solitary reading culture, for instance, assist or further problematize that engagement? What role does their subsequent, shared practice of character evaluation play? As well as considering the treatment of characters as objects of sympathy, I explore the vital sympathies that for literary society members tie characters together with historical persons. Across the essay I dialogue with anthropological literature on exemplars, historical commentaries on the fascist cult of leadership, and finally with the philosophical claims that Nussbaum makes for the moral and political consequences of fiction reading.

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23

Cullen, Stephen. "The Development of the Ideas and Policy of the British Union of Fascists, 1932-40." Journal of Contemporary History 22, no. 1 (January 1987): 115–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002200948702200107.

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24

Gottlieb, Julie. "The Marketing of Megalomania: Celebrity, Consumption and the Development of Political Technology in the British Union of Fascists." Journal of Contemporary History 41, no. 1 (January 2006): 35–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009406058671.

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25

Kelemen, Paul. "British Communists and the Palestine Conflict, 1929–1948." Holy Land Studies 5, no. 2 (November 2006): 131–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2007.0004.

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During the 1930s and 1940s, the Communist Party of Great Britain was a significant force in Britain on the left-wing of the labour movement and among intellectuals, despite its relatively small membership. The narrative it provided on developments in Palestine and on the Arab nationalist movements contested Zionist accounts. After the 1941 German attack on the Soviet Union, the party, to gain the support of the Jewish community for a broad anti-fascist alliance, toned down its criticism of Zionism and, in the immediate post-war period, to accord with the Soviet Union's strategic objectives in the Middle East, it reversed its earlier opposition to Zionism. During the 1948 war and for some years thereafter it largely ignored the plight of the Palestinians and their nationalist aspirations.

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26

Drabik, Jakub. "British Union of Fascists." Contemporary British History 30, no. 1 (May 12, 2015): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13619462.2015.1041279.

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27

Worley, M. "The British Union of Fascists: Newspapers and Secret Files." English Historical Review CXXVI, no. 522 (September 23, 2011): 1235–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cer252.

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28

Durham, Martin. "Women and the British union of fascists, 1932–1940." Immigrants & Minorities 8, no. 1-2 (March 1989): 2–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02619288.1989.9974703.

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29

PUGH, MARTIN. "THE BRITISH UNION OF FASCISTS AND THE OLYMPIA DEBATE." Historical Journal 41, no. 2 (June 1998): 529–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x98007857.

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The object of this article is to reassess received views about the significance of the 1934 rally at Olympia for the fortunes of the British Union of Fascists. It begins by analysing the debate in the House of Commons which is traditionally seen as reflecting a reaction against BUF methods, and shows the extent to which it actually revealed sympathy amongst National Government members. Then follows a discussion of reactions in the press. The article suggests that far from being purely negative, the effect of Olympia in some parts of the press was to attract more attention, and not necessarily of a hostile nature. Finally it examines the reasons for hesitation on the part of the government in using the law and the police to curtail BUF methods in the aftermath of Olympia. It shows how far Mosley continued to conduct large indoor meetings, partly because he was able to make use of the existing law. The article concludes that the British defence of free speech after 1934 was less firm than is usually supposed and that resistance to fascism by the authorities was of marginal significance.

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30

Milligan, Tony. "The British Union of Fascists' Policy in Relation to Scotland." Scottish Economic & Social History 19, no. 1 (May 1999): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/sesh.1999.19.1.1.

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Milligan, Tony. "The British Union of Fascists' Policy in Relation to Scotland." Scottish Economic & Social History 19, PART_1 (January 1999): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/sesh.1999.19.part_1.1.

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32

McMurray, Matthew. "Alexander Raven Thomson, Philosopher of the British Union of Fascists." European Legacy 17, no. 1 (February 2012): 33–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10848770.2011.640191.

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33

BARRETT, NEIL. "The Threat of the British Union of Fascists in Manchester." Jewish Culture and History 1, no. 2 (December 1998): 56–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1462169x.1998.10511908.

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34

Tilles, Daniel. "Bullies or Victims? A Study of British Union of Fascists Violence." Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions 7, no. 3 (August 3, 2006): 327–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14690760600819499.

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35

Drábik, Jakub. "Spreading the faith: the propaganda of the British Union of Fascists." Journal of Contemporary European Studies 25, no. 2 (November 2, 2016): 211–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14782804.2016.1219846.

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36

Frommer, Alan M. "Un fascisme aux couleurs nationales." Res Publica 29, no. 4 (December 31, 1987): 601–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v29i4.18934.

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The British Union of Fascists dealt with the contradictions between its fascist ideology and certain institutions and values dominant in Britain in the 1930s. The economic and social conditions in Britain provided the back-cloth from which the BUF's ideology and policies emerged.While critical of Parliament as inadequate for coping with a modern economy, the BUF had to take account of the depth of public attachment to elections and democracy. Corporate state proposals were presented as expressing the British habit of teamwork, and popular control over fascist governments was envisaged via plebiscites. Unusually for fascists, the BUF distinguished between public obligations and private rights and this because of the dominance of individual liberty in the collective conscience.Finally, the specific co-existence of the modern and the archaic in the BUF's discours in terms of British social and historical factors has to be stressed.

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37

LINEHAN, THOMAS. "The British union of fascists as a Totalitarian Movement and political religion." Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions 5, no. 3 (January 2004): 397–418. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1469076042000312195.

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38

McCloud, Nedra. "Oswald Mosley and the British Union of Fascists: A Brief Historiographical Inquiry." History Compass 4, no. 4 (July 2006): 687–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1478-0542.2006.00334.x.

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39

Loughlin, James. "Northern Ireland and British fascism in the inter-war years." Irish Historical Studies 29, no. 116 (November 1995): 537–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002112140001227x.

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During the civil rights campaign of the late 1960s the perception of the Stormont government as fascist was widespread among nationalists—a perception expressed in Nazi salutes and the chant ‘S.S.—R.U.C.’ when confronting the police. The historical reference this perception embodied, however, was less than comprehensive. In particular, it obscured the attraction that fascism and movements inspired by fascism had for many people in Britain and Ireland in the inter-war years; and while fascism did not give rise to a movement of major importance in Northern Ireland, it nevertheless had a more significant presence there than has sometimes been thought. For instance, Robert Fisk's view that the only fascists in the north were Italian émigrés, grouped in Belfast and Derry, is inaccurate. In fact at various times in this period there existed branches of the British Fascists (B.F.), representatives of Sir Oswald Mosley's British Union of Fascists (B.U.F.), together with a brief but significant initiative on Northern Ireland by the leader of the Blueshirt movement in the Irish Free State, General Eoin O'Duffy. Unlike the local representatives of Italian fascism, who confined their activities chiefly to greeting visiting Italian dignitaries and maintaining links with the homeland, these groups were very much concerned with domestic politics. Fascism in Northern Ireland, however, has other claims to attention than those occasioned by their activities alone, for it also serves to illuminate the neglected area of B.U.F. attitudes to Ireland in general.

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Kreka, Alba. "REFLECTING ABOUT THE CIVIL WAR IN ALBANIA." KNOWLEDGE - International Journal 54, no. 5 (September 30, 2022): 867–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij5405867k.

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Albania was considered "a wild province" by the British missions that served in the "land of the eagles"during the Second World War. First, the Italian occupation and then the German occupation created the ground forthe anti-fascist national liberation war, carried out by various political forces operating in the country at that time.This paper aims to analyze the approaches and controversies of the civil war in Albania through the lens of Britishmilitary missions’ (SOE) official documents, Albanian archival documentation as well as from the literature ofvarious authors. Referring to this documentation, the beginning of the civil war in Albania is related to thecapitulation of Italy in September 1943 and the arrival of the German army, which occupied Albania, Yugoslaviaand Greece in three weeks. Domestic political situation in Albania was strained because off encountered difficultiesin creating a common front by the nationalist forces. The main rivalry was between a part of National Front calledBalli Kombetar (BK) and Albanian Communist Party (ACP). BK was a republican, liberal and nationalist wingorganization with an anti-communist program. Meanwhile, ACP identified itself with the National Liberation Front.In the vortex of these events, in August 1943 it was organized a meeting called “Mukje Meeting” due to the name ofthe village where it was held. The two rival political forces concluded an agreement, which lasted only one month;the communists cancelled it under the directives of the Yugoslavs because it meant equal power for both politicalforces and territorial unification with Kosovo after the war. These and other decisions were officially announced atthe next conference organized by APC, called Labinot Conference II (September 1943). At the Central Archives ofAlbania it is found a circular - letter of October 1, year 1943 addressed to the APC Committees. Through it EnverHoxha, as the secretary of APC opposed the union of BK forces with National Front, describing them as enemies.From this moment and on began the civil war. The confrontations are confirmed by the reports of SOE addressed tothe British Foreign Ministry; it was reported that only 10% of the British weapons given to the communists wereused in the war against the Germans, while the rest, 90% of them were used to fight the opponents (BK). Communisthistoriography denied the existence of civil war by censoring the history learned by Albanians for 45 years. After thefall of the communist regime, it was a necessary reviewing and rewriting the history of Albania. Even today,historians share different opinions regarding the period of World War II and especially the (in)existence of the civilwar. The fact that Albania has had a civil war reflected in the struggle for power, just like the countries of the region,does not at all diminish the organization of a liberation war and its commitment to the Allies. To reflect about thisperiod of Albania's history, we will refer to historical facts, arguments and various sources, which prove theexistence of the civil war even after the liberation of the country. In January 1945, when the Germans had leftAlbania, it happen another confrontation, known as the Battle of Tamara. In the time when the victory of thecommunists was a fact and they were full of glory, this event is interpreted as the last step towards the power. Withthe coming of the communists in power, the civil war was replaced by the class war, which marked countlessvictims during the entire communist dictatorship.

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41

Novikov, Mikhail V. "Soviet Aid to the Spanish Republic in 1936–1939: Modern Conservative Versions." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, no. 464 (2021): 134–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/464/16.

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The subject of the study is some modern conservative versions of the history of the Soviet Union’s military assistance to the Spanish Republic in 1936–1939. The aim of the article is to attempt a critical analysis of the new and revived versions of the motives of Soviet intervention in the Spanish conflict, of the involvement of the Soviet leadership in large-scale terror against civilians in the republican zone, of the degree of influence of the Soviet leadership and Soviet representatives in Spain on the governmental structure of the Spanish Republic, of the anti-fascist character of the war. The study has established the inconsistency of the versions about Soviet aid as a means of promoting the world revolution in Spain and as an attempt to draw the democratic and fascist states into a major war between themselves through the Spanish conflict, about the possibilities of Stalin in 1936 to manipulate the great powers. It has been proved that conservative historians exaggerate the degree of influence of Stalin and Soviet political representatives in Spain on the military-political leadership of the republic. The impact of the so-called “instruments” of Soviet influence in the Spanish Republic is also exaggerated. The first of the instruments is considered to be the relocation of part of the gold reserve to Moscow, which, allegedly, allowed the Soviet control over the finances of the republic to be established. The second is the activities of Soviet military advisers; the third is the Communist Party of Spain, which was part of the Comintern, and was considered as an obedient tool in the hands of Moscow. It was and still is traditional to attribute responsibility for unleashing large-scale terror against civilians in the republican zone to Stalin, which does not correspond to reality as convincingly proved by the British historian P. Preston in his famous work The Spanish Holocaust. The scale of terror was exaggerated in the republican zone and, accordingly, understated in the Francoist zone. The study shows the failure of attempts to distort the anti-fascist nature of the war waged by the Spanish Republic relying on the support of the Soviet Union, Mexico, the progressive public of most civilized countries of that time, as well as attempts to present the regimes of Hitler, Mussolini and Franco in 1936–1939 as quite respectable. The new and updated critical versions of the Soviet aid to the Spanish Republic considered in the article are the result of the neoconservative wave in western historiography, which influenced representatives of both the classical historical school and the adherents of postmodernism.

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42

Haxha, Elsa. "American Misions in Albania during World War II." Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 8, no. 1 (January 26, 2017): 322–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.5901/mjss.2017.v8n1p322.

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Abstract As is known historically, part of the World Anti-Fascist Grand Coalition was also another great ally, United States. Even the allies had issued the Declaration of December 1942, for recognition of the anti-fascist resistance of the Albanian people, as well as Great Britain and the Soviet Union, making it part of the International Coalition and part of his war against the common enemies nazi and fascists. Nevertheless, beyond the lack of these interests, the Americans under the World Anti-Fascist Grand Coalition few months after the british began in the tiny Balkan military missions, although few toward British ally.

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Mayall, David. "Rescued from the shadows of exile: Nellie driver, autobiography and the British union of fascists." Immigrants & Minorities 8, no. 1-2 (March 1989): 19–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02619288.1989.9974704.

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Smith, Evan. "The pivot of empire: Australia and the imperial fascism of the British Union of Fascists." History Australia 14, no. 3 (July 3, 2017): 378–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14490854.2017.1359092.

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Pocock, J. G. A. "THE UNION IN BRITISH HISTORY." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 10 (December 2000): 181–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0080440100000098.

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Abstract‘BRITISH history’, or ‘the new British history’ – a field which the present writer is over-generously credited with inventing some twenty-five years ago – seems to have reached a point of takeoff. At least two symposia have appeared in which the method and practice of this approach are intensively considered, and there are monographs as well as multi-author volumes – though the latter still preponderate – in which it is developed and applied to a variety of questions and periods. Its methodology remains controversial, and it may be in its nature that this should continue to be the case; for, in positing that ‘the British isles’ or ‘the Atlantic archipelago’ are and have been inhabited by several peoples with several histories, it proposes to study these histories both as they have been shaped by interacting with one another, and as they appear when contextualised by one another. There must be tensions between such a history of interaction and the several ‘national’ histories that have come to claim autonomy, and it is probable that these tensions must be re-stated each time a ‘British history’ is to be presented – as is the case in the present paper.

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Cacciatore, Nicola. "Missed connection: relations between Italian anti-fascist emigration and British forces in Egypt (1940–1944)." Modern Italy 24, no. 3 (February 14, 2019): 265–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2019.3.

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Italian anti-fascists started to emigrate from the moment that Mussolini seized power. These émigrés, or fuorusciti, tried to organise themselves to put an end to Mussolini’s regime, but found themselves confronting a number of unexpected difficulties in their host countries. Among them, Giustiza e Libertà (GL) was one of the most active organisations. One of the problems they had to face was the issue of how best to deal with their hosts without compromising their integrity as Italians, and as patriots. The case of Paolo Vittorelli (Raffaele Battino), who is the subject of this article, presents a clear case study of this issue and shows how close collaboration between Italian anti-fascists and western democracies (in this case, the United Kingdom) was hindered by ideological problems. The study of such episodes helps us to shed light not only on the mentality of the GL émigrés, but also on the way the Italian Resistance would later approach the issue of working together with the Allies during the Italian campaign of 1943–1945.

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Young, Lewis. "Fascism for the British Audience." Fascism 3, no. 2 (October 27, 2014): 93–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00302002.

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A key player in the campaigns against fascism, the Communist Party of Great Britain (cpgb) has been subject of much attention by historians of anti-fascism. The Party’s approach to anti-fascism, through various campaigns such as the ‘united front from below’ and the Popular Front have been well documented, however its own analysis of fascism has been subjected to much less scrutiny. It has generally been accepted that the cpgb faithfully followed the interpretation of the Communist International. While this is true, this article will argue that the cpgb’s analysis of fascism was often adapted to suit the British political climate. By examining the cpgb’s approaches to ‘social fascism’, democracy and the British Union of Fascists (buf), this article will show that the cpgb’s analysis of fascism was much more fluid. Moreover it will suggest that the Party only adhered to the strictest of Comintern analyses at times of increased attention from Moscow. Finally this article will show that the cpgb’s analysis of fascism as an antithesis to all things ‘British’ survived, and indeed was strengthened, by the end of the Second World War. By 1945 its analysis of fascism was much more generic, following an economic and ideological reading as per the Stalinist interpretation, but with a strong focus on patriotism, and the empirical evidence of the destructive and murderous qualities of fascism as shown by the Holocaust.

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Jackson, Clare. "McGinnis and Williamson (eds.), British Union." Scottish Historical Review 83, no. 1 (April 2004): 98–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.2004.83.1.98.

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Raeburn, Fraser. "The ‘Premature Anti-fascists’? International Brigade Veterans’ Participation in the British War Effort, 1939–45." War in History 27, no. 3 (October 1, 2018): 408–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0968344518778315.

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After fighting in the International Brigades during the Spanish Civil War of 1936–9, hundreds of Britons returned home to an uncertain future. While the anti-fascist left saw them as heroes, their Communist Party links met with official suspicion, complicated further by the advent of war in September 1939. Popular and scholarly narratives alike have concurred that International Brigade veterans were barred en masse from the armed forces, despite their experience and demonstrable hatred for fascism. This article complicates these narratives, exploring the extent and causes of discrimination, and placing these within the context of wartime anti-communist policy.

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Shlapentokh, Dmitry. "The Anti-Semitism of History: The Case of the Russian Neo-Pagans." European Review 20, no. 2 (March 30, 2012): 264–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798711000482.

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Almost a generation has gone by since the end of the Cold War, a time that has brought many changes. It has become steadily clearer that not the affirmation of the centrality of the democratic West – as asserted by Francis Fukuyama in his famous essay – but the opposite has occurred. There has been continuous erosion of the power of the West. First, the economic and geopolitical balance has increasingly shifted to Southeast Asia, where quite a few states have authoritarian, even totalitarian, socioeconomic arrangements. China is, of course, the best-known example. Second, the demographic and cultural tides have changed. In the past, Europe sent waves of émigrés all over the world. Now the West has become the destination of millions from non-European countries. The pattern of cultural adaptation has also undergone dramatic changes. A considerable number of non-Europeans have no desire to assimilate, or at least they wish to preserve their heritage. All these processes – especially as they relate to the fact that the West is losing its economic competitiveness – cause a response that often leads to racism and neo-fascism. Those who study European neo-fascists almost instinctively compare them with pre-Second World War fascists and Nazis. This temptation is reinforced by the fact that these neo-fascists often use Nazi symbols and trappings. However, a close look at these European neo-fascists/neo-Nazis and their prewar counterparts indicates that their similarities are usually deceptive and they actually belong to quite different species. Present-day neo-fascists/neo-Nazis are not imperialists, as were the German Nazis who dreamed about a worldwide empire. Current European right-wingers are parochial isolationists. They want not an empire but the cleansing of their state from newcomers, especially those of non-European origin. Many are even suspicious of European unity; they see the European Union as the key that opens the gates of their countries, not just to Asians/Africans but to East Europeans, seen as almost an alien race. Second, their view of Jews is different from that of the Nazis. They may be anti-Semitic, but their dislike of Jews is hardly the central element of their worldview. Moreover, they are similar to many of the general public who differentiate between ‘their’ native Jews – against whom they have no grudges – and newcomers from, say, Eastern Europe, whom they consider parasitic aliens. Furthermore, they have problems with the church. Some may be neo-pagans; in this they are also quite different from the Nazis, who had a tense relationship with the church but did not openly oppose it. Russian rightists in many ways follow the model of the European far right. This is due not only to direct ideological borrowing but also to similar conditions. Russia's heartland, for example, is also a major destination for non-European migrants. Still, the Russian far right's views unquestionably have elements arising from the country's specific conditions. As a result, they have developed several peculiar ideological characteristics. They are often pagan and quite hostile to the Orthodox Church. They also see Jews as part of an unholy cabal of Asiatics set on Russia's destruction.

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