Academic literature on the topic 'British Union of Fascists History'
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Journal articles on the topic "British Union of Fascists History"
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Ridgway, Allison. "The British Union of Fascists: Newspapers and Secret Files, 1933‐1951." Charleston Advisor 24, no. 2 (October 1, 2022): 5–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.5260/chara.24.2.5.
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The British Union of Fascists: Newspapers and Secret Files, 1933‐1951 is a collection of primary source resources relating to the British Union of Fascists (BUF), an infamous fascist and anti-Semitic political party formed by Sir Oswald Mosley in 1932. The collection includes full runs of four BUF official publications (Action, The Blackshirt, The East London Pioneer, and Fascist Week), hundreds of scanned government and MI5 documents relating to the surveillance and eventual internment of Mosley and his wife, and personal writings by the Mosleys and other prominent BUF members. Scanned from the original documents housed in the National Archives and digitized into high-quality images, these documents offer important insights into the rise of fascism in Britain during and after World War II for scholars of political history and propaganda. Created by the British Online Archives (a primary source database owned by Microform Academic Publishers), the collection is well organized and easily navigable, with full-text search capabilities.
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Durham, Martin. "Gender and the British Union of Fascists." Journal of Contemporary History 27, no. 3 (July 1992): 513–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002200949202700307.
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Liburd, Liam J. "Beyond the Pale: Whiteness, Masculinity and Empire in the British Union of Fascists, 1932–1940." Fascism 7, no. 2 (October 17, 2018): 275–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00702006.
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This article seeks to intervene in the debate over the legacy of the British Empire, using the British Union of Fascists (BUF) as a case-study. It will argue that, during the interwar period, the BUF drew heavily on earlier constructions of racialized imperial masculinity in building their ‘new fascist man’. The BUF stand out in the period following the First World War, where hegemonic constructions of British masculinity were altogether more domesticated. At the same time, colonial policymakers were increasingly relying on concessions, rather than force, to outmanoeuvre nationalists out in the Empire. For the BUF, this all smacked of effeminacy and they responded with a ‘new man’ based on the masculine values of the idealized imperial frontier. By transplanting these values from colony to metropole, they hoped to achieve their fascist rebirth of Britain and its Empire. This article charts the BUF’s construction of this imperial ‘new fascist man’ out the legacy of earlier imperialists, the canon of stories of imperial heroism, and the gendered hierarchies of colonial racism.
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MANDLE, W. F. "The Leadership of the British Union of Fascists*." Australian Journal of Politics & History 12, no. 3 (April 7, 2008): 360–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1966.tb00895.x.
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Macklin, Graham. "‘Onward Blackshirts!’ Music and the British Union of Fascists." Patterns of Prejudice 47, no. 4-5 (September 2013): 430–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0031322x.2013.845447.
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CULLEN, STEPHEN M. "The Fasces and the Saltire: The Failure of the British Union of Fascists in Scotland, 1932–1940." Scottish Historical Review 87, no. 2 (October 2008): 306–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e0036924108000176.
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The history of Britain's main manifestation of inter-war fascism, Oswald Mosley's British Union of Fascists [BUF], continues to be a hotly contested field of study. A new biography of Mosley, work on gender and the BUF, and the incorporation of new models of generic fascism have made important contributions to the historiography of the BUF. However, until recently, almost no historical consideration of the BUF's career in Scotland had been attempted. But work by Tony Milligan and Henry Maitles has opened up the topic of fascism in Scotland between the wars. This article seeks to build on these contributions, and examines two groups of factors that led to the failure of fascism in Scotland. The inability of the BUF to find political space in Scotland, allied to internal organisational weaknesses, compounded by the indifference of the English fascist movement to the BUF in Scotland created flaws that characterised the Scottish BUF from the outset. These weaknesses were exacerbated by the failure of the BUF to understand the Scottish dimensions of politics, such as the cross-cutting appeal of Scottish nationalism, and religious tensions. Finally, anti-fascist opposition proved to be especially problematic for the Scottish BUF.
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Maitles, Henry. "Blackshirts Across The Border: The British Union Of Fascists In Scotland." Scottish Historical Review 82, no. 1 (April 2003): 92–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.2003.82.1.92.
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Lawrence, Jon. "Fascist violence and the politics of public order in inter-war Britain: the Olympia debate revisited*." Historical Research 76, no. 192 (March 27, 2003): 238–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2281.00174.
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Abstract This article uses press reports, pamphlet literature, politicians' diaries, parliamentary debates and Home Office/police papers at the Public Record Office to sustain two main arguments. Firstly, that contrary to recent revisionist accounts, revulsion at fascist violence played an important part in the failure of Mosley and British fascism. It is shown that the furore over blackshirt violence at Olympia in 1934 served to alienate Conservative opinion from fascist ‘extremism’ both in parliament and in the press, and also convinced both British Union of Fascists and communist leaders that they must dissociate themselves from responsibility for the organization of violence. Secondly, the article suggests that debates about Olympia highlighted profound disagreements over the legitimacy of dissent and protest in public politics, and over the proper role for the police and the law at indoor political meetings. Ultimately the reaction against fascist violence led to a significant increase in the state's role in this traditionally private sphere of political life.
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Cullen, Stephen M. "Political Violence: The Case of the British Union of Fascists." Journal of Contemporary History 28, no. 2 (April 1993): 245–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002200949302800203.
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Spurr, Michael. "‘Playing for fascism’: sportsmanship, antisemitism and the British Union of Fascists." Patterns of Prejudice 37, no. 4 (December 2003): 359–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0031322032000144465.
Full textDissertations / Theses on the topic "British Union of Fascists History"
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Kharazmi, Sam. "Svarta skjortor och svarta kjolar : En undersökning om fascistiska suffragetter och British Union of Fascists kvinnosyn." Thesis, Jönköping University, Högskolan för lärande och kommunikation, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-51772.
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Denna uppsats ämnar finna de faktorer som drev före detta suffragetter till att ansluta sig till den fascistiska organisationen British Union of Fascists (BUF), samt redogöra för organisationens syn på kvinnors och kvinnors roll i samhället. BUF grundades 1932 och var den största och mest framstående fascistiska gruppen i Storbritannien under mellankrigstiden. I samband med att organisationen nådde sin höjd i mitten av 1930-talet blev den ökänd för sina våldsamma möten och konfrontationer med politiska motståndare. De våldsamma metoderna som fascisterna använde skulle alienera dem från den breda brittiska politiken. När BUF proklamerade sitt stöd för Adolf Hitlers Nazityskland kom organisationen att fördömas av både den brittiska allmänheten och de etablerade partierna. British Union of Fascists skulle motsätta sig andra världskriget och uppmanade regeringen att förbjuda organisationen och arresterade många högtuppsatta medlemmar 1940. Fascismen var känd för att ha en patriarkal, traditionalistisk och reaktionär syn på kön och kvinnor. Men trots detta lyckades organisationen attrahera tidigare suffragetter. Så hur kunde de som tidigare kämpat för jämställdhet gå med i en rörelse som motsatte sig jämställdhet? Vilken syn hade BUF på kvinnan och kvinnorollen? För att svara på detta har jag studerat och analyserat ideologisk text skrivna av organisationens grundare och ledare Oswald Mosley samt andra fascistiska medlemmar. Jag har också använt mig av tillgänglig forskning från etablerade professorer och historiker för att nå en slutsats. Resultatet visar att British Union of Fascists hade en mycket traditionalistisk och reaktionär syn på kvinnan och kvinnorollen. Svaghet betraktades och beskrivs som feminint och manlighet betraktades och beskrivs som styrka. BUF ansåg att kvinnan rent naturligt föredrog hemmet framför arbete och att moderskapet var kvinnans högsta kallelse i livet. Fascisterna betraktade kvinnors framgångar i kampen för jämställdhet som samhällets degeneration och förfall. Resultaten visar även att det fanns många faktorer som drev de tidigare suffragetterna till British Union of Fascists. Vilka faktorer som var avgörande beror på suffragetten i fråga. I min forskning har jag hittat tre exempel på tidigare suffragetter som gick med i BUF. Dessa var Norah Dacre Fox, Mary Sophia Allen och Mary Richardson. De faktorer som fick Norah Dacre Fox att ansluta sig till BUF var primärt möjligheten för sig och sin partner att få politiska karriärer. Fox hävdade att BUF var suffragettrörelsens arvtagare men jag har inte hittat några bevis för att detta var en primär faktor som fick henne att gå med i organisationen. De faktorer som fick Mary Sophia Allen att gå med i BUF var sannolikt krigsutbrottet 1939. Allen var sedan tidigare en beundrare av Adolf Hitler vilket troligtvis fick henne att motsätta sig ett krig mot dennes regim. Hon tjänstgjorde även under första världskriget och var troligtvis väl medveten om krigets fasor, något som kan ha bidragit till att hon motsatte sig ett nytt krig. De faktorer som fick Mary Richardson att gå med BUF var att hon ansåg att organisation och fascismen som ideologi var det enda som kunde rädda landet från stagnation. Richardson såg också mycket i BUF som påminde henne om suffragettrörelsen, och som en militant suffragett i sin ungdom kan BUFs militarism och paramilitära aktioner ha varit attraktiva. Det är därför troligt att de faktorer som fick Richardson att gå med i fascisterna var en kombination mellan att tro på dem som en politisk kraft såväl som deras militanta tillvägagångssätt. Richardson lämnade organisationen efter interna bråk och kom att anklaga organisationen för att i själva verket motarbeta kvinnors rättigheter. Strävan efter jämlikhet kan därför mycket väl ha varit en bidragande faktor till att hon anslöt sig till fascisterna, men jag har inte hittat några bevis som uttryckligen pekar på detta.This essay revolves around the fascist organization British Union of Fascists (BUF) and their view on women and women’s role in society. It also examines former suffragettes who joined the organization, with the goal of establishing which factors contributed to them seeking membership in the organization. Founded in 1932, the BUF was the largest and most prominent fascist group in the United Kingdom during the interwar period. Reaching its peak in the mid-1930s, the organization would become infamous for violent rallies and clashes with political opponents. The violent methods of the fascists would alienate them from mainstream British politics. And the organization would be condemned by both the British political establishment and British public after pleading their allegiance to Adolf Hitlers Nazi Germany. The British Union of Fascists would oppose the second world war, prompting the government to ban the organization and arresting numerous high-ranking members in 1940. Fascism was known for having a patriarchal, traditionalist and reactionary view on gender and women. But despite this fact, the organization managed to attract former suffragettes. So how come that those who fought for equality between the sexes would join a movement that opposed the same? How did British Union of Fascists view women and the female role? To answer this, I have studied, and analysed ideological text written by the organizations founder and leader Oswald Mosley, alongside other fascist members. I have also used available research by established professors and historians to reach a valid conclusion. The result shows that the British Union of Fascists had a highly traditional and reactionary view on women. Weakness was viewed and described as feminine, while masculinity was viewed and described as strength. The group regarded the home as women’s natural habitat, and childbirth as their highest calling in life. The fascists viewed women’s recent achievements in the struggle for equality as the degeneration and downfall of society. The results also shows that there were numerous factors that drove the former suffragettes, each depending on the suffragette in question. In my research I have found three examples of former suffragettes who joined the BUF. These were Norah Dacre Fox, Mary Sophia Allen and Mary Richardson. The factors that made Norah Dacre Fox join the BUF was primarily the possibility of herself and her partner to gain political careers through the organization. Fox did argue that she viewed the BUF as successors to the suffragette movement, but I have not found any evidence that proves that this was a primary factor for her joining the BUF. The factors that made Mary Sophia Allen join the BUF were most likely the outbreak of the second world war. She was an admirer of Adolf Hitler which probably made her oppose a war against his regime. She also served during the first world war, something that might have contributed to her opposing a new war due the horrors of warfare. Mary Richardson joined the BUF because she believed that the organization and the ideology of fascism were needed to save to country from its downfall. Richardson also saw a lot in the BUF that remined her of the suffragette movement, and as a militant suffragette in her youth the BUFs militarism and paramilitary actions might have been attractive. It is therefore likely that the factors that made Richardson join the fascists were a combination between agreeing with their views on the degeneration of British society as well as their militant actions. Richardson did leave the organization after a falling-out with its leader, and she would accuse the group of working against women’s rights. The pursuit of equality might very well have been a contributing factor for joining, but I have not found any evidence that explicitly points to this.
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Tilles, Daniel. "'Jewish decay against British revolution' : the British Union of Fascists' antisemitism and Jewish responses to it." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 2012. http://repository.royalholloway.ac.uk/items/3f8d58cc-857b-44b3-5d27-f89d441c61cf/8/.
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Research into the British Union of Fascists (BUF) has treated antisemitism largely as an artificial addition to the party's programme, forced upon it by various circumstances. Scholars have thus focused almost exclusively on its causes and implications, rather than the antisemitism itself: the forms that it took, the ways in which it was expressed, and its relationship to the party's ideology. Through comprehensive analysis of the BUF's discourse, as well as of the discussions that took place within the party, this thesis reveals that anti-Jewish sentiment was, in fact, openly expressed at the very highest levels of the movement from the outset and, moreover, that it formed an integral and authentic aspect of its doctrine. This reflected its central position in the fascist philosophy of the BUF's founder and leader, Oswald Mosley, who was not, as is often argued, a reluctant antisemite. In fact, he played the principal role in the formulation and promulgation of this aspect of policy. More broadly, Mosley's antisemitism is shown to be indicative of ‘generic' fascism's exclusionary ultranationalism, which dictates intolerance of distinctive out-groups deemed incompatible with the fascist vision of a pure, homogenous society, and whose removal is regarded as a necessary prerequisite to bring about national rebirth. This did not, however, mean that the BUF's position on the Jewish question was at all imitative, and this study will demonstrate the extent to which it was founded upon longstanding native traditions of anti-Jewish thought. With regard to the second subject of this thesis, Jewish responses to the BUF, historical accounts have tended to focus only on the most visible forms of activity, and above all the type of confrontational anti-fascism that was favoured by many young, working-class Jews, particularly in London's East End. By exploring a much wider range of Jewish analyses and actions, this study presents a more nuanced and variegated picture. In doing so, it demonstrates that, rather than exacerbating divisions within Britain's heterogeneous Jewish community, the threat of fascism actually drew it closer together in its defence, bringing to the surface a shared sense of Anglo-Jewish identity. Finally, although revealing the breadth and effectiveness of Jewish opposition to British fascism, this study refutes the widely held notion that Jewish actions played any part in pushing the BUF and Mosley towards an antisemitic position.
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Guichard-Sempéré, Pascale. "L'antisémitisme de la British Union of Fascists à travers ses écrits programmatiques et propagandistes (1932-septembre 1939) : Etude diachronique et thématique." Paris 4, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2001PA040202.
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Sir Oswald Mosley créa la British Union of Fascists à l'automne de l'année 1932, et publia en même temps The Greater Britain, ouvrage qui constitua le programme de son mouvement. Rapidement, la propagande de la BUF évolua vers un antisémitisme ouvert, qui pouvait sembler de prime abord constituer une rupture par rapport à son programme, dans la mesure où celui-ci ne désignait nullement les Juifs à la vindicte populaire. Or, cet hiatus chronologique ne fut pas une solution de continuité idéologique. Le premier but de cette étude est de mettre en évidence les origines thématiques, sub-structurelles et activistes de l'antisémitisme du mouvement, en se fondant essentiellement sur les implications de son caractère profondément fasciste et totalitaire. Le second but vise à dessiner une image diachronique et thématique de ce que fut l'antisémitisme de la BUF, en étudiant systématiquement ses deux hebdomadaires, Blackshirt et Action, ses pamphlets et les autres publications de son élite : l'attention exclusive portée aux écrits du mouvement permet d'éviter une approche explicative interactionniste, et la vision synthétique obtenue doit permettre de définir quelles furent la nature et les fonctions de l'antisémitisme dans son économie propagandiste. Pour l'antisémitisme comme pour le fascisme, les outils d'analyse utilisés ont été empruntés à l'anthropologie, à la sociologie, à la philosophie et à l'histoire des idées, et sont présentés dans une première partieIn late 1932, Sir Oswald Mosley launched the British Union of Fascists and published the political manifesto of his new movement, The Greater Britain. Soon afterwards, the BUF propaganda evolved towards anti-Semitism. The move is often considered as a complete break from what was explicitly stated in the movement manifesto, for such a feature as Jew-baiting was definitely absent from its pages. The first purpose of this study is to show that the chronological hiatus is in no way an ideological solution of continuity. The very nature of its ideology will be explored through a close reading of The Greater Britain to bring into relief the thematic, sub-structural et activist roots of the anti-Semitism of the movement. The second part of the study aims at focusing on the BUF propaganda literature, to break away from interactionist approaches, widen the scope of the functionalist explanations of the phenomenon and present a global, diachronic and thematic vision of its nature. The resources of anthropology, sociology, philosophy and political sciences have been extensively drawn upon and the theoretical bases of the analysis are expounded in the first part of the dissertation
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Tucci, John. "THE INTELLECTUAL HISTORY OF INTER-WAR BRITISH FASCISTS." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2005. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/3794.
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Between World Wars I and II, allied forces girded themselves to quash yet another enemy bent on world conquest: fascism. In England, however, the British fascists set about to save what they saw as a dying empire. In an effort to restore Britain's greatness, British fascism held to fascist principles and doctrine to stem the flow of immigration, which fascists saw as darkening the pure British culture. While many of the British fascists strongly admired Nazi Germany's version of fascism, they were unique in that they forged their solutions from social ills that were distinctly British. British fascists were unabashedly anti-Semitic. They feared a Jewish threat to Britain's economy and culture and sought to counter it on every front. History, according to the British fascists, was rife with conspiracies which threatened the established "order of things." Unfortunately, their fears of conspiracy were so fantastic that their rationale was at times clouded and to their detriment. Foremost in the thinking of British fascists, Britain itself and all things British stood paramount to the exclusion of all else. Only an enormous resurgence of British nationalism would serve to regain Britain's proud heritage and future. Widely held principles of British fascism included direct representation in government for all occupations. All Britons would work in the interest of Britain, placing individual interests secondary to the whole of British culture. British fascism called for all Britons to actively involve themselves in the organic body of the British fascist state. Honor, duty, and loyalty would guide all Britons to a heightened sense of nationalism which would enable the individual to flourish within the fascist state. British fascism offered a sense of greatness to the British people. When all Britons embraced the nationalism of British fascism, pride of country, strength of family, honor of the individual, and the greatness of the British Empire all would be restored.M.A.
Department of History
Arts and Sciences
History
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Keeley, Thomas Norman. "Blackshirts torn, inside the British Union of Fascists, 1932-1940." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape17/PQDD_0026/MQ37564.pdf.
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Morgan, Craig. "The British Union of Fascists in the Midlands, 1932-1940." Thesis, University of Wolverhampton, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2436/41779.
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This thesis provides an examination of the emergence and development of Sir Oswald Mosley’s British Union of Fascists in the Midlands between 1932 and 1940. It charts the fascist presence in four major cities: Birmingham, Stoke-on-Trent, Coventry and Leicester. The BUF is the largest and most important fascist movement to have ever existed in Britain. Mosleyite fascism in the Midlands as a region has never before been investigated and represents a significant gap in the historiography of British fascist studies. Alongside affording valuable insight into Mosleyite fascism at the regional level, the study will illuminate further understanding of the BUF nationally. The fascist experience in the Midlands is used to test and contribute to arguments about the national movement in the secondary literature relating to three themes: (a) the social class composition of BUF membership; (b) the strength of BUF membership; and (c) the focus of BUF propaganda. Finally, four main areas generally recognised as the reasons for national failure are discussed to explain the long-term marginalisation of the BUF in the Midlands.
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Mitchell, Andrew Martin. "Fascism in East Anglia : the British Union of Fascists in Norfolk, Suffolk and Essex, 1933-1940." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 1999. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/3071/.
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This thesis examines five key issues relating to the emergence and development of the British Union of Fascists in Norfolk, Suffolk and Essex between 1933 and 1940. Firstly, it provides an analytical account of the B. U. F.'s involvement in the East Anglian `tithe war' during 1933-1934, which pays particular attention to fascist motivation, the extent of Blackshirt anti-tithe activism, and the various constraints limiting the impact of the Mosleyite interventionist strategy. Secondly, the B. U. F. 's anti-war policy and the government's implementation of Defence Regulation 18B (IA) are discussed in a regional context. Evidence from the three counties is used to give qualified endorsement to revisionist arguments, which maintain that the Blackshirt Peace Campaign boosted recruitment and attracted disaffected pro-appeasement middle class Tories. Reasons are also put forward to explain why the 18B round-up of B. U. F. adherents in eastern England proceeded in such an inconsistent manner. Thirdly, the size and social characteristics of the local Blackshirt support base are investigated. Approximate recruitment levels for active and non-active members in Norfolk, Suffolk and provincial Essex between 1934 and late 1938 are calculated, and detailed analysis of a sample of 230 Mosleyites from the area affords a valuable insight into the social class and occupational structure of the local movement. Fourthly, this thesis considers the protean nature of the B. U. F. 's appeal from both a `regional ' and `national' perspective by consulting the oral and written testimonies of 22 `East Anglian' and 75 other Blackshirt adherents. Finally, the various external and internal factors hampering the B. U. F. 's progress in the three counties are discussed within the framework of a conjunctural model of fascist political success. A number of key constraints, including unfavourable socio-economic conditions, a lack of `political space', internal deficiencies and state management of domestic fascism, marginalised the local Blackshirt movement.
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Channing, Iain Christopher Edward. "Blackshirts and white wigs : reflections on public order law and the political activism of the British Union of Fascists." Thesis, University of Plymouth, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/2897.
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While domestic fascism within the United Kingdom has never critically challenged Parliamentary sovereignty, it has decisively disrupted public order since its roots were established in the inter-war political scene. The violence provoked by Sir Oswald Mosley’s British Union of Fascists (BUF) was one of the stimulating factors behind the enactment of the Public Order Act 1936. This Act significantly strengthened the powers of the police to regulate or proscribe varies forms of political activism. This thesis analyses the legal responses of Parliament, the police and the judiciary to interwar British fascism. In addition, by analysing the legal responses to public disorder from before and after the 1930s, it positions the BUF within their wider historical context which enables this thesis to assess and evaluate consistencies and discrepancies within the application of the law. By enhancing the historical contextualisation of the period with a critical legal lens, the principal forms of fascist propaganda are evaluated, including public processions, public meetings and the wearing of political uniform. It is argued that the application of a historico-legal methodology challenges the perception that the authorities were inherently politically biased. This thesis explores alternative factors which explain why the responses of the legal authorities appeared inconsistent in their approach to the far-Right and the far-Left. In order to critically analyse the police’s decision making process when monitoring political activism, the limitations of public order law and the nature of police discretion itself become fundamental components which offer a more balanced explanation for the appearance of political partiality within the police force.
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Dack, Janet E. "In from the cold? : British fascism and the mainstream press 1925-39." Thesis, Teesside University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10149/117890.
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For a more complete understanding of the significance of fascism in inter-war Britain, it is important to consider the extent to which fascist views were an expression or extension of existing mainstream views. This thesis uses original research to examine how far the promotion of fascist views converged with mainstream opinion and identifies the issues on which British fascists went beyond the acceptable boundaries of mainstream society. Examining attitudes to antisemitism, refugees, the left, continental dictatorship and appeasement, culture, and, finally, the response of the mainstream press to the British Union of Fascists (BUF) and their reaction to what they perceived as a conspiracy against them, the thesis explores the possibility that there is a sufficient area of discursive overlap to locate British fascists within the mainstream. Significantly, comparison of the British fascist press and mainstream newspapers reveals that, while there were considerable areas of overlapping discourse, nonetheless, the underlying motivations of the fascists and the mainstream clearly differed. With one notable yet brief exception, the majority of the mainstream press regarded British fascists as belonging to the political margins and, increasingly, British fascism and the BUF in particular, defined itself in counter-cultural opposition to the mainstream.
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Burrows, Mark. "The left-wing road to fascism : an investigation of the influence of 'socialist' ideas upon the political ideology of the British Union of Fascists." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 1998. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/3054/.
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The primary conclusion drawn by the thesis is that the political ideology of the BUF clearly exhibited a left-wing strand which is described as the BUF's brand of fascist 'socialism'. This strand (whilst a travestic and heretical form of socialism) considered the BUF to be more radical and virile than the Labour movement and, alone amongst political movements, capable of bringing about a national revolution which would contain a socio-economic reorientation of the country along classic socialist lines - an end to poverty, the building of houses and job creation - with Trade Unions taking a central role, within the framework of the Corporate State, in the industrial decision making process. It is not suggested that this strand was a self-contained concept within the BUF. The thesis has simply taken the heuristic step of grouping together these ideas in order to highlight the presence of an identifiable strand within the BUF's political ideology. The thesis supports the school of academic thought which believes that fascism must be taken seriously as a genuine political ideology if it is to be understood. Fascism is viewed as an eclectic political ideology containing a clear potential (although one not necessarily realised) to exhibit a strand of thought which was at base a fascistic revision of socialism. In regards to the methodology adopted by the thesis, the generic theories of fascism devised by Griffin, Sternhell, Eatwell and Payne, it was concluded that in tile context of this thesis all proved capable of predicting the potential inherent in fascist ideology to grow from left-wing roots and exhibit a brand of fascist 'socialism'. In terms of the theories' use as research tools it is Griffin's which stands out, due to its combination of profundity and lucidity, which gives his theory an operational simplicity, flexibility and heuristic quality.
Books on the topic "British Union of Fascists History"
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Biancani, Luca. Il fascismo britannico (1920-1945). Roma: Aracne, 2008.
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Il fascismo britannico (1920-1945). Roma: Aracne, 2008.
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College, Ruskin, ed. Red shirts and black: Fascists and anti-fascists in Oxford in the 1930s. Oxford): Ruskin College Library, 1996.
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Hamm, Jeffrey. The evil good men do: A study in decline. London: Sanctuary Press, 1988.
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Blackshirt: Sir Oswald Mosley and British fascism. London: Viking, 2006.
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Illusions of grandeur: Mosley, fascism, and British society, 1931-81. Manchester [Greater Manchester]: Manchester University Press, 1987.
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Illusions of grandeur: Mosley, fascism, and British society, 1931-81. Manchester [Greater Manchester]: Manchester University Press, 1987.
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Worley, Matthew. Oswald Mosley and the new party. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010.
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Prokopov, A. I͡U, and А. Ю. Прокопов. Fashisty Britanii: Soi͡uz Osvalʹda Mosli : ideologi i politika 1932-1940 gg. Sankt-Peterburg: "Aleteĭi͡a", 2001.
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Renton, Dave. Fascism, anti-fascism and Britain in the 1940s. Basingstoke: Macmillan, 2000.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "British Union of Fascists History"
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Thurlow, Richard. "State Management of the British Union of Fascists in the 1930s." In The Failure of British Fascism, 29–52. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24758-5_3.
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Yeom, Woonok. "Between Fascism and Feminism: Women Activists of the British Union of Fascists." In Gender Politics and Mass Dictatorship, 107–24. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230283275_6.
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Murdoch, Alexander. "The Union of England and Scotland and the Development of the Hanoverian State." In British History 1660–1832, 48–61. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-27235-8_4.
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Musson, A. E. "British Trade Unions, 1800–1875." In British Trade Union and Labour History A Compendium, 1–70. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-10939-5_1.
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Stafford, James. "The Scottish Enlightenment and the British-Irish Union of 1801." In Four Nations Approaches to Modern 'British' History, 111–34. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-60142-1_5.
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Drábik, Jakub. "“We’re of their blood and spirit of their spirit”: Ex-servicemen and the British Union of Fascists." In New Political Ideas in the Aftermath of the Great War, 151–74. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-38915-8_8.
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Roberts, Elizabeth. "Women’s Work 1840–1940." In British Trade Union and Labour History A Compendium, 209–80. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-10939-5_4.
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Macinnes, Allan I. "Anglo-Scottish Union and the War of the Spanish Succession." In The Primacy of Foreign Policy in British History, 1660–2000, 49–64. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230289628_4.
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Bew, John. "Debating the Union on Foreign Fields: Ulster Unionism and the Importance of Britain’s ‘Place in the World’, c. 1830-c. 1870." In The Primacy of Foreign Policy in British History, 1660–2000, 137–53. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230289628_9.
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"The British Union of Fascists." In British Fascism 1918-39. Manchester University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.7765/9781526162205.00010.
Full textConference papers on the topic "British Union of Fascists History"
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Wang, Jianran, Xiaofang Liu, Haifeng Zhang, Qi Luo, Shihong Jiang, and Haifeng Hong. "Study of Carbody Structure Design Under Different Standards." In ASME 2021 International Mechanical Engineering Congress and Exposition. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/imece2021-67822.
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Abstract Under the background of economic globalization, more and more car-builders not only supply railway vehicles to domestic market, but also actively bidding international projects and deliver products all over the world. The railway vehicle design standards are significantly different throughout the world. Using carbody system as example, the popular standards include European standard system (EN), British standard GM/RT 2100, International Union of Railways (UIC) standard system, US standard system (AAR/APTA/ASME) and Japanese standard system (JIS). In addition, some country’s standard might have special requirement based on local conditions and culture. These various standards will inevitably present different carbody design requirements. Among the above standards, EN and US standards are applicable to Europe, China, and America, which are largest railway vehicle markets in the world. This paper will introduce the history and characteristics of the mainstream rail vehicle standards worldwide and analyze the relationship between standard and vehicle design. Light Rail Vehicle (LRV), subway and commuter rail vehicle (multi-level vehicle) are selected as typical examples for the interpretation and application of US standard and EN standard separately. The 3 major requirements of carbody design, including static strength, fatigue strength and crashworthiness, are compared between US and EN standards to specify the general difference as well as the influence on the carbody design, such as material distribution, structure development, which could provide valuable reference for researchers and engineers in the rail vehicle industry to define and design new products more efficiently across different country’s rail standards.
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Kucuk, Ezgi, and Ayşe Sema Kubat. "Rethinking Urban Design Problems through Morphological Regions: Case of Beyazıt Square." In 24th ISUF 2017 - City and Territory in the Globalization Age. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica València, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/isuf2017.2017.6179.
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Rethinking Urban Design Problems through Morphological Regions Ezgi Küçük¹, Ayşe Sema Kubat² ¹Urban Planning Coordinator, Marmara Municipalities Union ²Prof., Dr., Istanbul Technical Univercity, Faculty of Architecture, Department of City and Regional Planning E-mail: ezgikucuk89@gmail.com, kubat@itu.edu.tr Keywords: the Historical Peninsula, morphological regions, urban blocks, urban design, Beyazıt Square Conference topics and scale: Urban form and social use of space The concept of urban square is a debated issue in the context of urban design practices in Islamic cities. Recognizing the relation between urban morphology and urban design studies in city planning and urban design practices is highly vital. Beyazıt Square, which is the center of the city of Istanbul, could not be integrated to the other parts of the city either configurationally or socially although many design projects have been previously planned and discussed. In this study, the Historical Peninsula of Istanbul is observed as an essential unit of the traditional path reflecting each civilization, namely Roman, Byzantium, Ottoman and Republic of Turkey that have been settled in the region. Transformations in urban blocks in Beyazıt region are elaborated through a series of morphological analyses based on the Conzenian approach of urban morphology. Morphological regions of the Historical Peninsula are identified and Beyazıt region is addressed in detail in terms of the transformations in urban block components, that are; street, plot and buildings. The effects of surrounding units which are the mosque, university buildings, booksellers and Grandbazaar on Beyazıt Square are discussed according to the morphological analyses that are applied to the region. Previous design practices and the existing plan of the area are observed through the analyses including town plan, building block, and land use and ownership patterns. It is revealed that existing design problems in Beyazıt Square come from the absence of urban morphological analyses in all planning and design practices. Through morphological regions as well as the conservation plans, urban design projects can be reconsidered. References Baş, Y. (2010) ‘Production of Urbanism as the Reproduction of Property Relations: Morphologenesis of Yenişehir-Ankara’, PhD thesis, Middle East Technical University. Barret, H.J. (1996) ‘Townscape changes and local planning management in city conservation areas: the example of Birmingham and Bristol’, PhD thesis, University of Birmingham. Bienstman, H. (2007) ‘Morphological Concepts and Landscape Management: The Cases of Alkmaar and Bromsgrove’, PhD thesis, University of Birmingham. Conzen, M.R.G. (1960) Alnwick Northumberland: a study in town-plan analysis, Institute of British Geographers, London. Conzen, M.R.G. (2004) Thinking About Urban Form: papers on urban morphology 1932-1998, Peter Lang, Bern. Çelik, Z. (1993) The Remaking of Istanbul: Portrait of an Ottoman City in the Nineteenth Century, University of California Press, Berkeley. Günay, B. (1999) Property Relations and Urban Space, METU Faculty of Architecture Press, Ankara. Kubat, A.S. (1999) ‘The morphological history of Istanbul’, Urban Morphology 3.1, 28-41. Noziet, H. (2008) ‘Fabrique urbaine: a new concept in urban history and morphology’, Urban Morphology, 13.1, 55-56. Panerai, P., Castex, J., Depaule, J. C. and Samuels, I. (2004) Urban Forms: The Death and Life of the Urban Block, Architectural Press, Oxford. Tekeli, İ. (2010) Türkiye’nin Kent Planlama ve Kent Araştırmaları Tarihi Yazıları, (Articles of Turkey’s History of Urban Planning and Urban Studies), Tarih Vakfı Yurt Yayınları, Istanbul. Whitehand, J.W.R. (2001) ‘British urban morphology: the Conzenian tradition’, Urban Morphology 5.2, 3-10. Whitehand, J.W.R. (2009) ‘The structure of urban landscapes: strengthening research and practice’, Urban Morphology 13.1, 5-22.
Reports on the topic "British Union of Fascists History"
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Tymoshyk, Mykola. LONDON MAGAZINE «LIBERATION WAY» AND ITS PLACE IN THE HISTORY OF UKRAINIAN JOURNALISM ABROAD. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, February 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.49.11057.
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One of the leading Western Ukrainian diaspora journals – London «Liberation Way», founded in January 1949, has become the subject of the study for the first time in journalism. Archival documents and materials of the Ukrainian Publishing Union in London and the British National Library (British Library) were also observed. The peculiarities of the magazine’s formation and the specifics of the editorial policy, founders and publishers are clarified. A group of OUN members who survived Hitler’s concentration camps and ended up in Great Britain after the end of World War II initiated the foundation of the magazine. Until April 1951, including issue 42, the Board of Foreign Parts of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists were the publishers of the magazine. From 1951 to the beginning of 2000 it was a socio-political monthly of the Ukrainian Publishing Union. From the mid-60’s of the twentieth century – a socio-political and scientific-literary monthly. In analyzing the programmatic principles of the magazine, the most acute issues of the Ukrainian national liberation movement, which have long separated the forces of Ukrainian emigration and from which the founders and publishers of the magazine from the beginning had clearly defined positions, namely: ideology of Ukrainian nationalism, the idea of unity of Ukraine and Ukrainians, internal inter-party struggle among Ukrainian emigrants have been singled out. The review and systematization of the thematic palette of the magazine’s publications makes it possible to distinguish the following main semantic accents: the formation of the nationalist movement in exile; historical Ukrainian themes; the situation in sub-Soviet Ukraine; the problem of the unity of Ukrainians in the Western diaspora; mission and tasks of Ukrainian emigration in the context of its responsibilities to the Motherland. It also particularizes the peculiarities of the formation of the author’s assets of the magazine and its place in the history of Ukrainian national journalism.