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1
Cormac, Rory. "British “Black” Productions." Journal of Cold War Studies 24, no. 3 (2022): 4–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01087.
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Abstract Recently declassified archival materials reveal that the United Kingdom conducted a sustained program of so-called black propaganda at the height of the Cold War. This article examines roughly 350 operations in which the British government spread propaganda through forgeries and front groups. Placing the campaign in its broader global history, the article demonstrates that British black propaganda mainly targeted Soviet activity in Africa and Asia as part of the postcolonial battle for influence. The British government engaged in black propaganda far more often than has previously been kown, including aggressive operations seeking to disrupt, attack, and sow chaos as much as simply to expose lies. Although much of the content was broadly accurate, the fake sources deliberately deceived audiences in order to encourage a reaction, incite violence, or foment racial tensions.
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PECHATNOV, VLADIMIR O. "THE RISE AND FALL OF BRITANSKY SOYUZNIK: A CASE STUDY IN SOVIET RESPONSE TO BRITISH PROPAGANDA OF THE MID-1940s." Historical Journal 41, no. 1 (March 1998): 293–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x97007577.
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The newly available documentation from the Russian archives sheds new light upon many aspects of Soviet-British relationship during World War II and the early Cold War. One such relatively unexplored facet of this relationship is propaganda interaction between the two countries. While the organization and technique of both Soviet and British propaganda machines have been studied rather extensively, there has been very little documented analysis of an actual impact of British propaganda on the Soviet regime and society in the mid-1940s (although some internal estimates within the British government must have been made at the time). Now, with the opening of Agitprop (department of agitation and propaganda of the central committee of the CPSU) records it becomes possible to measure this impact, including Soviet steps to manage it. A good case study in this regard can be made out of Soviet internal reaction to the main mouthpieces of the British printed propaganda targeted on the Soviet audience in 1942–8 – a journal, Britansky Soyuznik (The British Ally) and its digest companion Britanskaia Khronika (The British Chronicle).
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Faucher, Charlotte. "Transnational Cultural Propaganda." French Politics, Culture & Society 37, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 48–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2019.370104.
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The Second World War challenged the well-established circulation of cultural practices between France and Britain. But it also gave individuals, communities, states, and aspiring governments opportunities to invent new forms of international cultural promotion that straddled the national boundaries that the war had disrupted. Although London became the capital city of the main external Resistance movement Free France, the latter struggled to establish its cultural agenda in Britain, owing, on the one hand, to the British Council’s control over French cultural policies and, on the other hand, to the activities of anti-Gaullist Resistance fighters based in London who ascribed different purposes to French arts. While the British Council and a few French individuals worked towards prolonging French cultural policies that had been in place since the interwar period, Free French promoted rather conservative and traditional images of France so as to reclaim French culture in the name of the Resistance.
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Venturinha, Nuno, and Jonathan Smith. "Wittgenstein on British Anti-Nazi Propaganda." Nordic Wittgenstein Review 7, no. 2 (December 20, 2018): 195. http://dx.doi.org/10.15845/nwr.v7i2.3518.
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This paper contains a historical introduction and an edition of a hitherto unpublished manuscript of Wittgenstein's that was found among G. H. von Wright's materials kept in Helsinki. The document concentrates on British anti-Nazi propaganda and was written in 1945. Wittgenstein's criticism of this kind of propaganda, such as that promoted by Robert Vansittart, is also present in other sources of this period belonging to both the Nachlass and the correspondence.
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Ploumidis, Spyridon. "British Propaganda towards Greece (1940–1944)." Southeast European and Black Sea Studies 6, no. 4 (December 2006): 407–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683850601016275.
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Bessant, Bob. "British imperial propaganda and the republic." Journal of Australian Studies 18, no. 42 (September 1994): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14443059409387181.
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Smith, Christopher. "Sherlock Holmes and the Nazis: Fifth Columnists and the People's War in Anglo-American Cinema, 1942–3." Journal of British Cinema and Television 15, no. 3 (July 2018): 308–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jbctv.2018.0425.
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During the Second World War Universal Pictures produced three key Sherlock Holmes films. In each of these pictures, released in 1942 and 1943, Holmes was appropriated for the war effort. The Great Detective was transposed into wartime London where, in effect, he became the ultimate counter-intelligence agent who foiled the plots of Nazi infiltrators and sympathisers. The films retooled Holmes from his detective origins and place him into the spy genre, as was required for maximum propaganda value. Three key propaganda themes emerged from the films: first, that Britain was engaged in a ‘People's War’ in which Holmes was able to emerge victorious thanks to the contributions and assistance of ordinary members of the British public; second, that the public needed to be vigilant against the threat posed by Nazi agents and fifth columnists; third, that the USA and Britain were bound together by mutual respect and cultural ties and that collaboration between the two powers would achieve victory. Each of these themes was key to the British propaganda effort and emerged as a staple trope in British media. The Holmes films had, however, been produced by an American studio in Hollywood. Nevertheless, the American film-makers were typically able to produce successful ‘British’ propaganda pieces, drawing upon British propaganda tropes, which succeeded on both sides of the Atlantic. That success did not necessarily lie in the films' artistic merits – in fact, they were regularly savaged by critics in that respect – but because their propaganda messages were sufficiently subtle that they were rarely noted upon at all.
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Kotelenets, Elena A., and Maria Yu Lavrenteva. "The British Weekly: a case study of British propaganda to the Soviet Union during World War II." RUDN Journal of Studies in Literature and Journalism 24, no. 3 (December 15, 2019): 486–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-9220-2019-24-3-486-498.
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The research investigates a publishing history of the Britansky Souyznik (British Ally) weekly (further - British Weekly) in Russian language, which was published in the Soviet Union by the UK Ministry of Information in the Second World War years and to 1950. This newspaper published reports from fronts where British troops fought against Nazi Germany and its allies, articles on British-Soviet military cooperation, materials about British science, industry, agriculture, and transport, reports on people’s life in the UK, historical background of British Commonwealth countries, cultural and literature reviews. British Weekly circulation in the USSR was 50,000 copies. The main method used for the research was the study of the newspaper’s materials, as well as the propaganda concepts of its editorial board and their influence on the audience. The researched materials are from archives of the Soviet Foreign Ministry as well as of the UK Ministry of Information and Political Warfare Executive (1940-1945), declassified by the British Government only in 2002, on the basis of which an independent analysis is conducted. The British Weekly played a bright role in the formation of techniques and methods of British foreign policy propaganda to Soviet public opinion in 1942-1945. Results of the research indicates that the British government launched foreign policy propaganda to the USSR immediately after breaking-out of World War II and used the experience of the British Weekly for psychological warfare in the Cold War years.
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Stachura, Natalia. "British Film Propaganda in the Netherlands: Its Preconditions and Missed Opportunities." Anglica. An International Journal of English Studies, no. 27/3 (September 17, 2018): 51–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.7311/0860-5734.27.3.04.
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British film propaganda directed at neutral countries was meant to strengthen the pro-British attitude or at least weaken pro-German sentiments in the neutral countries. Directed at the wide strata of neutral societies as well as at intellectual, military and economic elites, factual films from the battle lines were believed not only to counteract German propaganda but also to overshadow hostile actions taken by British government against economic and political freedoms of the neutrals. This article is an attempt at understanding the reasons for the eventual failure of British film propaganda in the Netherlands. While mentioning various conflict areas between the countries, it focuses on cultural entanglements and cultural networks that developed, though precariously, throughout the war. The neglect of existing connections between British and Dutch filmmakers and the hesitant if not hostile attitude of War Office Cinematograph Committee towards expensive adaptations of literary works, and feature films in general, might be perceived, the article argues, as one of the core reasons, along political and economic tensions, why Britain lost the battle for Dutch cinema audiences.
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Barnes, Amy Jane. "Chinese Propaganda Posters at the British Library." Visual Resources 36, no. 2 (April 2, 2020): 124–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01973762.2020.1746498.
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Cormac, Rory. "The Information Research Department, Unattributable Propaganda, and Northern Ireland, 1971–1973: Promising Salvation but Ending in Failure?*." English Historical Review 131, no. 552 (October 1, 2016): 1074–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cew342.
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Abstract This article examines the role of the Information Research Department (IRD) in Northern Ireland during the first half of the 1970s. After discussing British conceptualisations of propaganda, it offers a detailed account of IRD activity, including how a Foreign Office department came to be involved in operations on British soil; how IRD propaganda fitted into the broader British state apparatus in Northern Ireland; the activity in which the IRD was engaged—both in Northern Ireland and beyond; and some of the challenges it faced, which ultimately limited the campaign’s effectiveness. It argues that the IRD’s role was driven by decisions taken at the very top of government and took shape against a context of financial cuts, a deteriorating security situation in Northern Ireland, and a tradition of domestic propaganda in the UK. The IRD sought to advance four key themes: exploiting divisions within the IRA; undermining the IRA’s credibility amongst the population; linking the IRA to international terrorism; and portraying the IRA as communist.
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Purdon, James. "Rose Macaulay and Propaganda." Modernist Cultures 16, no. 4 (November 2021): 449–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/mod.2021.0347.
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The novelist Rose Macaulay (1881–1958) had direct professional experience of Britain's secret propaganda operation during the First World War. She was among the first British novelists to take propaganda seriously as a subject for fiction, and wrote insightfully about its methods and its social implications. Moreover, her long career illuminates both the continuity and the development of the British state's clandestine efforts to shape public opinion at home and abroad, from the beginnings of systematic, state-directed propaganda in the First World War to the more diffuse strategies of early Cold War anti-communism. Despite her close connections to propaganda in both world wars, however – and notwithstanding the interest her fiction very frequently takes in the worlds of official information, disinformation, and espionage – Macaulay has hardly figured in recent scholarship on the links between literature and national information systems. This article argues that Macaulay approached the challenge of reconciling propaganda and literature differently from many of her modernist contemporaries, refusing to abandon the idea of fiction as a persuasive and socially-engaged form of imaginative writing. If this position made her an outlier in the climate of reaction against propaganda which followed the First World War, it would, by the early years of the Cold War, seem much more tenable. In its first half, the article establishes Macaulay's bona fides as a participant in Britain's wartime propaganda establishment, and describes the impression this experience left on her early fiction. It then turns to Macaulay's final novel, The Towers of Trebizond, in which religious propaganda and anti-communist rhetoric combine, to great comic effect, in the febrile atmosphere of the Cold War middle east.
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Baldoli, Claudia. "The ‘Northern Dominator’ and the Mare Nostrum: Fascist Italy's ‘Cultural War’ in Malta." Modern Italy 13, no. 1 (February 2008): 5–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940701765890.
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Within the wider attempt to transform Italian communities abroad into Fascist colonies, the Italian Fasci Abroad sought to build nationalist propaganda in the Mediterranean. The irredentist activities and the propaganda of the Fasci in Malta alarmed the British governors on the island, the British government and MI5. This article analyses the cultural conflict organised in Maltese schools, bookshops and universities by the Italian nationalists against the British protectorate–a conflict the British suspected could be followed by military activity, in particular when Italy began building its empire in Ethiopia. The nationalist offensive was supported in the 1920s and, more vigorously, in the 1930s by the Fasci, the Italian consulate on the island and, ultimately, the Italian government. Not even the Second World War and the bombing of Malta by the Italian air force concluded the conflict between Italian and British imperialism on the island.
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Coburn, Cassie. "I WANT YOU: Propaganda at The British Library." Lancet Oncology 14, no. 10 (September 2013): 931. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s1470-2045(13)70416-9.
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OSBORNE, MYLES. "‘THE ROOTING OUT OF MAU MAU FROM THE MINDS OF THE KIKUYU IS A FORMIDABLE TASK’: PROPAGANDA AND THE MAU MAU WAR." Journal of African History 56, no. 1 (January 30, 2015): 77–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002185371400067x.
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AbstractDespite the recent proliferation of scholarship on the Mau Mau rebellion, little attention has been paid to the ‘propaganda war’ it generated. The absence is especially striking given the importance that both the British and Mau Mau fighters attached to success in the battle for the ‘hearts and minds’ of Kenya's African population. This article analyzes the production of colonial propaganda – and its reception by Africans – in the ‘Emergency’, revealing how its themes and strategies changed over the course of the 1950s. Despite vast resources pumped into this effort, both African and British testimonies reveal that this propaganda had only limited success until government forces gained the upper hand in the military war against Mau Mau in late 1954. After that point, the increased level of control in Central Province enabled officials to finally best the efforts of skilled Mau Mau propagandists.
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Reisz, Todd. "Landscapes of Production: Filming Dubai and the Trucial States." Journal of Urban History 44, no. 2 (January 24, 2017): 298–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0096144216687739.
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Between 1957 and 1958, the British government wrote, financed, and produced a propaganda film about the city of Dubai and a shore of Arab sheikhdoms that would eventually be assembled into the United Arab Emirates. An analysis of government archives and the finished film reveals conscious manipulation of cultural symbols for creating political narratives that continue to influence the nation’s urbanization. Although eventually shelved, the film represents an attempt at encapsulating the motivations for the continuing British political and military presence in the region. Produced at a time when the British government was searching for a new means of engagement in the broader region, the resulting product recalls the historical legacy of wartime propaganda films and, more specifically, colonial films, which sought to maintain British colonial control in the postwar period. After consideration of the filmmakers’ intentions, the article concludes with postulation of why the film was permanently shelved.
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Wursten, Dick. "J.D. Domela Nieuwenhuis en de postume lotgevallen van Hauptmann Paul Ehrhardt (1914)." WT. Tijdschrift over de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging 73, no. 4 (December 3, 2014): 318–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/wt.v73i4.12129.
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Op 5 september 1914 wordt Paul Ehrhardt als Duits spion geëxecuteerd te Zwijndrecht. Zijn naam verschijnt later in de oorlog zowel in Duitsland als Groot-Brittanië in een propagandistische context. De wijze waarop ds. J.D. Domela Nieuwenhuis van de executie verslag heeft gedaan, wordt benut door de Duitse propagandamachine, terwijl een voor-oorlogse brief van Ehrhardt een cruciale rol speelt in de Britse propaganda. In dit opstel worden de omstandigheden van de executie zo goed mogelijk gereconstrueerd en vervolgens nagegaan hoe Ehrhardt postuum langs beide kanten van het front bij de propaganda-oorlog werd betrokken.________J.D. Domela Nieuwenhuis and the posthumous fortunes of Hauptman Paul Ehrhardt (1914)On 5 September 1914 Paul Ehrhardt is executed as a German spy in Zwijndrecht. Later in the war his name appears both in Germany and in Great Britain in a propagandist context. The German propaganda machine took advantage of the manner in which the execution was reported by the pastor J.D. Domela Nieuwenhuis while a pre-war letter written by Ehrhardt played a crucial role in the British propaganda. This article tries to reconstruct the circumstances of the execution as best as possible and then reviews how both sides of the front posthumously involved Ehrhardt in the propaganda war.
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Freeman-Maloy, Dan. "Remembering Balfour: empire, race and propaganda." Race & Class 59, no. 3 (October 6, 2017): 3–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306396817733877.
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To mark the centenary of the Balfour Declaration (November 1917), which paved the way towards the dispossession of the Palestinians, this article reflects on how imperial strategy, ideas about race, and institutionalised propaganda converged to shape Britain’s contribution to the ‘Palestine problem’. The author illustrates the imperial tradition that shaped British support for Zionism by tracing the trajectory of John Buchan’s career. Buchan was an influential novelist, best known as the author of adventure stories including The Thirty-Nine Steps. He wrote in the service of Empire. During the first world war, Buchan spearheaded propaganda for the Empire’s eastward expansion and directed the propaganda service as Palestine fell to British troops. He began his career in South Africa, mentored by Lord Milner, and worked as a literary spokesperson for the policy of white rule. He ended it in Canada, serving as the country’s Governor General. This article foregrounds Canada as a settler polity with a privileged place in Buchan’s philosophy, and where Buchan’s approach to supporting Zionism thrived. And it explores Buchan’s hostile construction both of a menacing Islam and of ‘the Jew’. Buchan was not the only Briton to disparage Jews ‘at home’ only to find a place for them on the frontier.
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Thompson, Gareth. "The propaganda of universal fascism: peace, empire and international co-operation in British Union of Fascists' publicity from 1932 to 1939." Corporate Communications: An International Journal 25, no. 4 (July 16, 2020): 577–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ccij-11-2019-0138.
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PurposeThis article presents a historical investigation into the foreign policy messages of the British Union of Fascists' (BUF) publicity and propaganda from its foundation in 1932 until the outbreak of World War II in 1939, along with a discussion of the methods and institutional arrangements used to propagate its ideas of peace, empire and transnational co-operation.Design/methodology/approachThe historical investigation is based upon scrutiny of original BUF documents relating to the period 1932–1939 from various archives. After cataloguing of the relevant publicity and propaganda materials in time sequence and thematically, analysis was organised using a historical institutionalism approach.FindingsThe article explains the different phases of the BUF's message development and how publications, meetings and media were used to project its ideas. It also discussed the impact of support from Viscount Rothermere's newspapers and financial support from Benito Mussolini. Consideration of publicity materials alongside files from BUF headquarters enabled identification and investigation into the communicative actors who did the publicity work, including Director of Publicity, John Beckett.Social implicationsThe article reflects upon how the British Union of Fascists' publicity and propaganda relates to modern manifestations of the communication of authoritarian and nationalistic political propositions and the historical continuities that endure therein.Originality/valueThe project makes an original contribution to the history of British political propaganda and public relations through an inquiry based upon scrutiny of historical documents in UK archives relating to BUF publicity related to foreign policy.
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Tobias, Taylor. "British Performance on the International Stage: Theatre, Cultural Diplomacy, and the British Council's Early Years." Britain and the World 17, no. 1 (March 2024): 67–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2024.0413.
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In May of 1940, the British Council sent the Sadler's Wells Ballet Company on a tour of the Netherlands. This tour, which ended with the German invasion on May 10th, became one of the first events to bring international attention to the British Council and its activities in the realm of cultural propaganda. While most recent studies of the Council focus on the organization's operations in the postwar period and the Cold War, this article examines the Council's history during its formative years from 1934–1947. It traces the evolution of the Council during these years and the domestic and foreign political tensions that complicated their initial activities. Finally, in focusing on theatre and dance operations of the Council, this article shows how the success and continued operation of the British Council was owed not only to their forward-looking approach to cultural propaganda in the twentieth century, but also to their ability to co-opt and revitalise the institutions of traveling performance that had existed throughout Britain's imperial past.
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Easter, D. "British Intelligence and Propaganda during the 'Confrontation', 1963-1966." Intelligence and National Security 16, no. 2 (June 2001): 83–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/714002893.
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Cunningham, Peter. "Moving Images: Propaganda Film and British Education 1940‐45." Paedagogica Historica 36, no. 1 (January 2000): 389–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0030923000360118.
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Olmsted, Kathryn. "British and US Anticommunism Between the World Wars." Journal of Contemporary History 53, no. 1 (October 27, 2016): 89–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009416653458.
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This article examines the espionage and propaganda networks established by former professional spies and other anticommunist activists in the interwar period in the United States of America and the United Kingdom. In both countries, conservatives responded to the growing power of labor in politics by creating and funding private groups to coordinate spying operations on union activists and political radicals. These British and US spies drew upon the resources of the government while evading democratic controls. The anti-labor groups also spread anti-radical propaganda, but the counter-subversive texts in the UK tended to highlight the economic threats posed by radicalism, while those in the USA appealed to more visceral fears. The leaders of these anti-labur networks established a transnational alliance with their fellow anticommunists across the Atlantic decades before the beginning of the Cold War.
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Bhattacharya, Sanjoy. "British Military Information Management Techniques and the South Asian Soldier: Eastern India during the Second World War." Modern Asian Studies 34, no. 2 (April 2000): 483–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00003693.
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This article examines the dissemination of military propaganda and the operation of censorship structures within the Indian Army ‘units’—a term used in historically contemporary documentary sources to denote regiments, divisions or battalions—serving in the eastern provinces of the subcontinent during the Second World War. Instead of presenting propaganda as merely being misleading information, this work operates with Philip Taylor's interpretation of it being a combination of ‘facts, fiction, argument or suggestion’, and concentrates instead on unravelling its form and the intent behind its deployment. Moreover, the often artificial distinction between ‘propaganda’ and ‘counter-propaganda’ is avoided, since the many wartime British public relations projects in South Asia that were aimed at contradicting particular enemy claims were very frequently represented as having other concerns. Particular attention is devoted to describing the military's attitudes towards policies of propaganda and information between 1942 and 1945, as these years saw Eastern India, defined in wartime official documents as being comprised of Assam, Bengal, Bihar, Orissa, the eastern districts of the United Provinces and the sparsely populated frontier areas bordering Burma, develop into an important base of operations against the Japanese armies located in Southeast Asia.
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Deery, Phillip. "The Terminology of Terrorism: Malaya, 1948-52." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 34, no. 2 (June 2003): 231–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463403000225.
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Although Cold War propaganda is now the subject of close scholarly scrutiny, the main method by which it was communicated – language – has been overlooked. The Malayan Emergency illustrates how the British government grappled with the issue of political terminology within the broader context of anti-communist propaganda. This article will analyse the use of political language; the change from ‘bandit’ to ‘communist terrorist’; and the problems of delineating the Malayan from the international audience.
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Fukamachi, Satoru. "When William Came: A Prophetic Propaganda War." Humanities 10, no. 1 (February 20, 2021): 32. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/h10010032.
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When William Came by Saki (H. H. Munro) is a unique novel in the genre of invasion literature. Starting after a fictional war between Britain and Germany, it depicts no scenes of invasion. Recently, there have been studies from the perspective of how Munro and other authors in the genre viewed Germany and Britain. Some studies also refer to Munro’s deliberate lack of depiction of the war. However, it seems that no studies have looked into the reasons why the war is not depicted. This paper argues that the story is not about showing British military unpreparedness but about how psychological weapons work. It could even be said that depictions of war would distract from the focus on propaganda and its effect on people. Considering this work as being about a British and German propaganda war opens up a new perspective that is different from previous studies. When William Came is a work that points out Britain’s unpreparedness for psychological war by imagining and detailing possible propaganda strategies. It has been said that the novel’s ending is unsatisfactory, as it only ends up showing the potential for youth resistance. However, if it is understood that this novel, from beginning to end, is about a propaganda battle, a war that is fought under the surface, then the final chapter can also be understood as a thrilling one.
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Dordanas, Stratos. "German propaganda in the Balkans during the First World War." Balcanica, no. 49 (2018): 69–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1849069d.
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Immediately after the outbreak of the First World War Germany mobilized hu?man resources from all fields and put up all the necessary funds to counter British and French propaganda. In a very short period of time, it was in a position to organize its own propaganda networks abroad, to a large extent, by using the respective commercial networks and the pre-war enterprises operating in various countries. It was the neutral countries around the world that were among the primary targets of German propaganda. In the Balkans particular effort was made to create a favourable climate for the Central Powers and prevail over the adverse British and French influence. With the assistance of commercial circles and the appropriation of large sums of money, newspapers, journalists and publishing groups were bought off, information offices set up, agents recruited, politi?cal parties and politicians bribed, and pro-German parties founded. The aim was to influ?ence public opinion, promote the German version of war developments, and manipulate political leaders to give up their stance of neutrality and make the decision for their coun?try to take part in the war on the side of Germany. However, even though Berlin focused its attention on the Balkans where the major propaganda networks were organized, the propaganda campaigns proved to be essentially ineffective. Following Bulgaria?s entry into the war on the side of the Central Powers and the destruction of Serbia, first Romania and then Greece joined the Entente, finding themselves on the winning side at the war?s end.
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SKINNER, KATE. "READING, WRITING AND RALLIES: THE POLITICS OF ‘FREEDOM’ IN SOUTHERN BRITISH TOGOLAND, 1953–1956." Journal of African History 48, no. 1 (March 2007): 123–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853706002519.
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Examples of chant, song and written propaganda from the mid-1950s are examined here in order to probe the debates and relationships which influenced the political future of the Ewe-speaking areas of southern British Togoland. While microstudies have been important in explaining sources of division between communities in these areas, propaganda provides a means of understanding the arguments, idioms and ideas about the state which brought many different people together behind the apparently peculiar project of Togoland reunification. The main source of tension within this political movement was not competing local or communal interests, but the unequal relationships that resulted from uneven provision of education. Written and oral propaganda texts, and the rallies where they were performed and exchanged, point to a surprisingly participatory and eclectic political culture, where distinctions between the lettered and unlettered remained fluid and open to challenge.
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Chervin, Reed. "“Cartographic Aggression”: Media Politics, Propaganda, and the Sino-Indian Border Dispute." Journal of Cold War Studies 22, no. 3 (August 2020): 225–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00911.
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The middle of the twentieth century witnessed a serious border dispute between China and India. This article explores how these countries used multiple media (e.g., historical documents and film) to support their respective territorial claims. The two countries pursued similar authoritarian approaches by expanding their archival holdings, banning books, and selectively redrawing maps. They regarded dissenting views not only as incorrect but as national security threats. China and India policed domestic media to legitimize government policies and to present their cases to the international community. The British government, for its part, demonstrated its support for India. Because British leaders sympathized with their former colony and because the borders of India were a product of the British Empire, leaders in the United Kingdom endorsed Indian propaganda. Nevertheless, democracy in India and the United Kingdom rendered complete control of the media difficult. The Sino-Indian conflict therefore represented a war over information as well as territory.
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Smyth, Graham. "Radio Caledonia: Scottish Nationalism and Nazi Radio Propaganda, 1940–1942." Journal of Scottish Historical Studies 44, no. 1 (May 2024): 47–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jshs.2024.0376.
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In June 1940, from somewhere in Scotland, a radio station named Radio Caledonia began to broadcast Scottish nationalist, anti-government and anti-war propaganda to Britain, on behalf of an organisation called the Scottish Peace Front. Its objective was to bring about Scotland's exit from the war, an end to the capitalist system, and the creation of an independent, socialist Scotland. The speaker and scriptwriter behind Radio Caledonia was Donald Grant, a Scot, since dubbed Scotland's Lord Haw-Haw. But Radio Caledonia was only superficially a Scottish nationalist station. In reality, the Scottish Peace Front was an entirely fictitious group, and Radio Caledonia's programmes were made in and broadcast from Berlin under the direction of Joseph Goebbels, as one element of his propaganda campaign against Britain. Radio Caledonia, like other similar ‘secret stations’ commissioned by Goebbels, was conceived of by the Nazi Propaganda Ministry, and its broadcasts written and produced by British renegades. This paper looks at Grant's background and political beliefs, the Nazi propaganda organisation within which he worked in Berlin, and the broadcast output of Radio Caledonia. It concludes that far from being an authentically nationalist or socialist enterprise, Radio Caledonia was devised by German Nazis and British fascists as a tool to achieve their shared aim of bringing about an end to Britain's involvement in the war.
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Azmi, Muhammad Aslah Akmal, and Mohd Samsudin. "Propaganda British di Tanah Melayu pada Zaman Perang Dunia Pertama (1914-1916) (British Propaganda in Malaya during The World War One (1914-1916))." Jurnal Komunikasi: Malaysian Journal of Communication 34, no. 4 (December 31, 2018): 19–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.17576/jkmjc-2018-3404-02.
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Wilkin, Bernard, and Maude Williams. "German Wartime Anglophobic Propaganda in France, 1914–1945." War in History 24, no. 1 (January 2017): 28–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0968344515602916.
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This article explores Anglophobia as a topic in German wartime propaganda aimed at military and civilian communities of France. Anti-British topics were at the centre of a large campaign of propaganda designed to undermine French morale during the two world wars. This study will investigate the goals, the content, and the effects of Anglophobia in France to determine the relation between these two campaigns of psychological warfare. It will be argued that the Nazis and the Vichy regime almost entirely replicated the original production of Anglophobic propaganda in the occupied territories of France during the First World War. This article will also show that Anglophobia almost invariably failed to convince the French population.
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Meron, Theodor. "Shakespeare: A Dove, a Hawk, or Simply a Humanist?" American Journal of International Law 111, no. 4 (October 2017): 936–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ajil.2017.85.
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For readers whose first introduction to Shakespeare was through the widely seen film Henry V by Laurence Olivier, it is not surprising that Shakespeare was regarded as a patriotic, nationalistic and militaristic, rather pro-war playwright. Olivier's Henry V, as Ton Hoenselaars points out in his “Out-Ranting the Enemy Leader”: Henry V and/as World War II Propaganda, was entrenched in the British propaganda effort even before the thought of the film version of the war epic had occurred. Indeed, the film resulted from an invitation to produce it for the Churchill government. According to William Shaw, Olivier's film produced uplifting, patriotic propaganda for a war-weary England. It was the first Shakespeare play produced in Technicolor.
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Farwell, James P. "What Hitler, Trump and Putin Teach Us about Communication." Defence Strategic Communications 14 (June 3, 2024): 135–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.30966/2018.riga.14.7.
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British journalist Peter Pomerantsev ranks among the most interesting journalists covering Russian politics and media. His Nothing Is True and Everything Is Possible splendidly described the surreal political and media dynamics of Vladimir Putin’s Russia. This Is Not Propaganda: Adventures in the War against Reality (Public Affairs Press, 2019) examined the use of digital media to disrupt politics from Russia to the Philippines to the Brexit referendum. He unpacked uses of propaganda and enlightened readers about the broad, deep scope of its impact.
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Suvakovic, Uros. "Efficiency of ‘the fourth estate’ in propaganda war - about the scope of one analysis." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 175 (2020): 329–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn2075329s.
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Analysis of political-propaganda actions of Western media during the Yugoslav crisis with the role in breaking the second Yugoslav state is performed in the paper, on basis of the previously theoretically determined idea of propaganda and political propaganda. By character, it was ?propaganda of war? and in certain intervals it was ?war propaganda?, while the subject of stigmatization were the Serbs, therefore it was decidedly anti-Serbian by the character. Direct occasion for this analysis were scientific researches of Dr. Slobodan Vukovic regarding the Yugoslav crisis, the role of foreign (Austrian, German, British and American) print media in the development of anti-Serbian propaganda as the basis for the breakage of Yugoslavia and the war against the Serbian people and Serbia. In his works (in the period 2000-2018), especially in the last two-volume compound Serbs in the Narrative of the West: ?Humanitarian? NATO Intervention, Vukovic successfully arguments the thesis about the centennial continuous anti-Serbian propaganda and the policy of the West based on it regarding the Serbs, which is the consequence in the greatest extent of the German revanchism for the lost two world wars, but also the result of other interests of the Western forces.
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Iqbal, Masud, and Thameem Ushama. "Chattogram Hill Tracts Under the Alleged Threat: An Overview." Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal 9, no. 11 (November 14, 2022): 105–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.911.13349.
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This article describes the plots of Christian missionaries and NGOs in Chattagram Hill Tracts. Some selected methods of NGOs are highlighted by mentioning international propaganda. The activities of Christian missionaries have been analysed since before the British colonial rule. The relationship of the missionaries with the British rulers is brought out in the light of the analysis. It reveals the deep conspiracy behind the evangelism of Christian missionaries and the human services of NGOs. The secret missions of intelligence agencies are highlighted. The Chittagong Hill Tracts-related nefarious scheme and propaganda have been exposed. The political step of the Christian mission is also brought to light. The conspiracies collaborating with some tribal groups and intelligence agencies are discussed. It also unveils the incitement of anti-Islamic movements among the Christian missionaries and NGOs among the tribal people of CHT.
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Mukherjee, Debashree. "Media wars: Remaking the logics of propaganda in India’s wartime cine-ecologies." Modern Asian Studies 57, no. 5 (September 2023): 1585–614. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x22000427.
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AbstractRecent Second World War historiography has rightly highlighted the forgotten contributions of South Asia in the Allied war effort, and the everyday meanings of the war in South Asia. The role of cinema here, however, remains largely overlooked. This article focuses on British efforts to produce war propaganda in India with the help of Indian filmmakers, through varying tactics of incentivization and coercion. Between 1940 and 1945, the British colonial administration attempted several strategies to build a local film propaganda apparatus in India but, as I demonstrate, each stage was met with differentiated forms of cooperation, reluctance, and outright refusal, finally leading to the adoption of the unlikely genre of the full-length fiction film as the main mode of war propaganda in India. Derided as frivolous and half-hearted by critics at the time, the Indian-language ‘war effort’ film is more generatively framed as a form of ‘useless cinema’ that defied the logics of propaganda and privileged ideological ambivalence. This article brings together media history, film analysis, industrial debates about supply chains and licence regimes, aesthetic concerns about subtlety, and political differences about the ideological meanings of the war to situate the Second World War within the complex cine-ecologies of India. I read films and film industrial negotiations together to add to the multi-sited story of India’s experience of the Second World War that this special issue develops.
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Vellacott, Jo, and Gary S. Messinger. "British Propaganda and the State in the First World War." American Historical Review 99, no. 2 (April 1994): 569. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2167361.
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Roessel, David. "‘This is not a political book’:Bitter Lemonsas British propaganda." Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 24, no. 1 (January 2000): 235–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/byz.2000.24.1.235.
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Caserio, R. L. "Modernism, Media, and Propaganda: British Narrative from 1900 to 1945." Modern Language Quarterly 70, no. 2 (January 1, 2009): 278–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00267929-2008-043.
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Marshall, P. J. "Persuasion and Propaganda: Monuments and the Eighteenth-Century British Empire." English Historical Review CXXIII, no. 503 (August 1, 2008): 1050–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cen203.
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Porter, Vincent, and James Chapman. "The British at War: Cinema, State, and Propaganda, 1939-1945." Albion: A Quarterly Journal Concerned with British Studies 31, no. 2 (1999): 349. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4052797.
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Curley, Stephen, and James Chapman. "The British at War: Cinema, State, and Propaganda, 1939-1945." Journal of Military History 64, no. 1 (January 2000): 232. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/120832.
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Doherty, M. A. "Kevin Barry and the Anglo-Irish propaganda war." Irish Historical Studies 32, no. 126 (November 2000): 217–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400014851.
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Most Irish people, when asked what they know of the life and death of Kevin Barry, will pause for a moment while they recall the words of a famously maudlin ballad. A few points will emerge: ‘a lad of eighteen summers’ … ‘British soldiers tortured Barry’ … ‘refused to turn informer’ … ‘hanged him like a dog’ … ‘another martyr for old Ireland, another murder for the crown’. That they know anything at all about Kevin Barry is testimony, among other things, to the power of popular music for the making of political propaganda. Along with Father Murphy, Seán South and Fergal O’Hanlon, Kevin Barry figures in the pantheon of nationalist Ireland’s popular historical heroes, largely because somebody happened to write a good song about him. In many ways this is unfortunate, for Barry and the rest were once living people, and the process of iconographifying them in popular balladry, like all forms of political propaganda, serves not to clarify their roles in the historical events in which they played a part, but rather to obscure and distort them. So it is worth reconsidering the story of Kevin Barry, for a number of reasons. To begin with, his short life reached its climax at a vital moment in the long struggle for Irish self-government, a moment when the violence unleashed in 1916 burst forth again with renewed savagery on both British and Irish sides, involving in the Barry case the deaths of four young men aged between fifteen and twenty.
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Graham, Kirk Robert. "Germany on the Couch: Psychology and the Development of British Subversive Propaganda to Nazi Germany." Journal of Contemporary History 54, no. 3 (January 12, 2018): 487–507. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009417739365.
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New developments in social psychology proliferated in Britain and the USA throughout the 1930s. With the advent of war, psychology promised insight into the Nazi mind. Some war departments were particularly enthusiastic about these intellectual developments. The USA’s OSS can claim credit for bringing Frankfurt School neo-Freudianism onto the public stage. In Britain meanwhile, the Ministry of Information turned to behaviourism in order to better understand the British public. But the propagandists of the Political Warfare Executive (PWE), charged with the subversion of enemy morale, were wary of new perspectives. Psychology was valuable only so long as it was practical. For PWE, this meant that psychopathological orientations, which emphasized ahistorical German distinction, were for much of the war favoured over behaviourism or neo-Freudianism. This article examines the role that psychology played in British subversive propaganda directed at Nazi Germany during the Second World War. Did psychology offer any answers to the ‘German problem'? And what made PWE distinct from contemporary propaganda organizations? PWE's particular engagement with psychology demonstrates the diverse and often culturally contingent ways in which psychology transitioned from the academy to the public sphere, and offers new insight into British wartime perspectives on Nazi Germany.
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Shaw, Tony. "Martyrs, Miracles, and Martians: Religion and Cold War Cinematic Propaganda in the 1950s." Journal of Cold War Studies 4, no. 2 (April 2002): 3–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/152039702753649629.
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This article examines Cold War film propaganda in the 1950s, when the cin-ema was enjoying its last period as the dominant visual mass entertainment form in both the West and the East. I concentrates on the role that religion played as a theme of propaganda primarily in British and American movies, as well as some of the Soviet films released during the decade. The article ex-plores the relationship between film output and state propagandists to show how religious themes were incorporated into films dealing with Cold War is-sues, and considers how audiences received the messages contained within these films. The article therefore builds on recent scholarship that highlights the importance of ideas and culture during the Cold War by looking at the adoption and adaptation of religion as a tool of propaganda.
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Kovalev, Boris N., and Sergey V. Kulik. "Иранская проблема в нацистской пропаганде на оккупированной территории Северо-Запада России (1942–1943 гг.)." Oriental studies 15, no. 2 (July 15, 2022): 280–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2619-0990-2022-60-2-280-291.
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Introduction. The article analyzes the coverage of the Iranian problem in the collaborationist newspapers Za rodinu (‘For Motherland’) and Novyi put’ (‘New Way’). These periodicals were published and circulated both in the Baltic and Northwest Russia during the Nazi occupation (1941–1944). The publications have never been subject to scientific inquiry before. The period witnessed a subtle diplomatic game on the ‘Iranian front’ played by Nazi Germany and aimed at winning over both Iran and Soviet peoples (including those from Transcaucasia) to its side. That policy proved so active that it was implemented even in a very remote region — Northwest Russia. Materials and methods. The work analyzes articles of the collaborationist newspapers dealing with Iranian affairs. In Russian and foreign historiography examining various aspects of Nazi propaganda during World War II this aspect has not been considered properly yet. The guiding research principles include those of objectivity, comprehensive analysis, historicism, and source criticism. Results. The article scrutinizes into Nazi Germany’s propaganda policy on Iran as a factor in the strategic struggle against the Soviet Union and Great Britain. Particular attention is paid to the propaganda affirmations used by Germany after the arrival of Soviet and British troops in Iran. Geographically, special emphasis is laid on the Near East. Nazi Russian-language propaganda in the occupied territories of Russia made significant efforts to prove depravity of the Allies of World War II. Iran and its people were treated as victims of the Soviet-British occupation and potential allies of the Third Reich.
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Bradley, Patricia. "The Boston Gazette and Slavery as Revolutionary Propaganda." Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 72, no. 3 (September 1995): 581–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107769909507200309.
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Boston Gazette content in the six years prior to the Declaration of Independence revealed the slavery issue was used to unite patriot fervor under a proslavery position. Specifically, the Gazette misguided readers regarding the 1772 decision in which the American slave James Somerset was freed by a British court, chose not to reflect the debate on slavery under way in other colonial newspapers, selected items that promoted Southern patriarchy, and appropriated the word “slavery” as a metaphor representing colonial America vis-à-vis Great Britain. The author concludes such use was deliberate as part of the propagandistic mission of the Gazette.
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Matin, A. Michael. "Gauging the Propagandist’s Talents." Critical Survey 32, no. 1-2 (June 1, 2020): 79–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/cs.2019.112604.
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Shortly after the outbreak of World War One, Charles Masterman was appointed by Prime Minister Asquith to oversee a covert literary propaganda campaign in support of the British war effort. Although William Le Queux had been one of the most prominent British anti-German writers during the prewar years, he was not recruited for this governmental endeavour that included many of the nation’s best-known writers. Nonetheless, he continued on his own to publish anti-German propaganda throughout the war. These two articles assess Le Queux’s national security-oriented writings within that broader context, and they offer a methodology for gauging the potential efficacy of such texts based on recent developments in the field of risk-perception studies. Part One provides a historical and methodological foundation for both articles and assesses a number of Le Queux’s pre-1914 works. Part Two (published in Part II of this issue) examines Le Queux’s career and writings from 1914 through to his death in 1927.
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Matin, A. Michael. "Gauging the Propagandist’s Talents." Critical Survey 32, no. 1-2 (June 1, 2020): 193–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/cs.2020.32010209.
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Shortly after the outbreak of World War One, Charles Masterman was appointed by Prime Minister Asquith to oversee a covert literary propaganda campaign in support of the British war effort. Although William Le Queux had been one of the most prominent British anti-German writers during the prewar years, he was not recruited for this governmental endeavour that included many of the nation’s best-known writers. Nonetheless, he continued on his own to publish anti-German propaganda throughout the war. These two articles assess Le Queux’s national security-oriented writings within that broader context, and they offer a methodology for gauging the potential efficacy of such texts based on recent developments in the field of risk-perception studies. Part One (published in Part I of this issue) provides a historical and methodological foundation for both articles and assesses a number of Le Queux’s pre-1914 works. Part Two examines Le Queux’s career and writings from 1914 through to his death in 1927.