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1
Hynes, Greg. "Propaganda, Perspective, and the British World: New Zealand’s First World War Propaganda and British Interactions, 1914-1918." Thesis, University of Canterbury. School of Humanities and Creative Arts, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/9126.
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Despite the ubiquity of the First World War as a key moment in the development of New Zealand’s national identity in scholarship and public memory, key aspects remain under explored. This thesis addresses a particularly noticeable gap – the operation and contents of New Zealand’s official First World War propaganda campaign. Through this focus, this thesis particularly explores how such propaganda reflected New Zealand’s place within, and engagement with, the concept of the ‘British world’. Propaganda is an ideal window into the workings of the British world during the war, illustrating both the operation of the practical connections, and the ideological reflections of national, imperial, and ‘British’ identities in the British world. Therefore, New Zealand and Britain’s First World War propaganda demonstrates the nature of the British world, particularly through exploration of the ways that New Zealand’s official campaign connected to and interacted with Britain’s official wartime propaganda campaign. Specifically, the thesis argues that a gap existed between the rhetorical ‘British world’, as constructed in the content of New Zealand’s wartime propaganda, and the practical realities of how the British world operated and interacted during the war.
While New Zealand was comfortable rhetorically identifying itself as ‘British’ and part of the British world, practical limitations of communication and interaction with Britain often inhibited this theoretical community. The concept of ‘Dominion perspective’ is crucial to this interpretation. New Zealand’s Dominion status was central to the operation of propaganda in and between New Zealand and Britain during the war, and to New Zealand’s identification of itself within its propaganda. This interpretation reflects a wider view of New Zealand’s experience of the British world. Though concepts of Dominion status and the British world were centrally important to New Zealand during the war, they were not unproblematic. These concepts were frequently reshaped both theoretically and practically. The First World War was crucial to this development, as the closer interaction and cooperation within the British world it demanded, laid bare both the practical shortcomings of the British world, and the contested nature of concepts of Dominion status and the British world itself. The operation of official wartime propaganda in the British world reflects this wider process, and its significance to New Zealand.
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Chapman, James. "Official British film propaganda during the Second World War." Thesis, Lancaster University, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.308985.
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Buvarp, Paul Magnus Hjertvik. "Rowland Kenney and British propaganda in Norway, 1916-1942." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/8647.
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Rowland Kenney was a British propaganda agent operating in Norway during both the First World War and the Second World War. He has been forgotten by history but the re-discovery of his private collection of materials allows for an analysis of his work. Kenney was deeply involved in the development of propaganda policy and practice. In the First World War, his work in Norway resulted in thousands of pro-British articles appearing in the Norwegian press as well as the realignment of the Norwegian national news agency. In the interwar years, in spite of severe medical difficulties, Kenney continued to work within the field of propaganda, becoming instrumental in the establishment of the British Council. At the start of the Second World War, he returned again to Norway, but was forced to flee during the German invasion of April 1940. During the Second World War, Kenney became the Director of the Northern Section of the Foreign Division in the Ministry of Information where he continued to affect policy-creation and the development of propaganda. There is no doubt that Kenney was a key figure in this development. His professional network and his varied roles within the propaganda bureaucracy speak to his level of involvement, and his documented accomplishments even more so. Finally discovering Kenney's story and his impact illustrates vividly a few aspects of how the practice of propaganda mutated and changed between 1916 and 1942.
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Morris, John Vincent. "Battle for music : music and British wartime propaganda 1935-1945." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10036/3260.
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The use of classical music as a tool of propaganda in Britain during the War can be seen to have been an effective deployment both of the German masters and of a new spirit of England in the furtherance of British values and its point of view. Several distinctions were made between various forms of propaganda and institutions of government played complementary roles during the War. Propaganda took on various guises, including the need to boost morale on the Home Front in live performances. At the outset of the War, orchestras were under threat, with the experience of the London Philharmonic exemplifying the difficulties involved in maintaining a professional standard of performance. The activities of bodies such as the Council for the Encouragement of Music and the Arts played a role in encouraging music, as did the British Council’s Music Advisory Committee, which co-operated with the BBC and the government, activities including the commissioning of new music. The BBC’s policies towards music broadcasting were arrived at in reaction to public demand rather than from an ideological basis and were developed through the increasing monitoring of German broadcasts and a growing understanding of what was required for both home and overseas transmission. Beethoven’s Fifth Symphony became an important part of the Victory campaign and there was even an attempt at reviving the Handel Cult of the Nineteenth Century. German music was also used in feature film but pre-eminent composers such as William Walton and Ralph Vaughan Williams contributed to the War effort by writing film music too. The outstanding example is Vaughan Williams’ music for Powell and Pressburger’s Ministry of Information sponsored 49th Parallel, in which the relationship between music and politics is made in a reference to Thomas Mann’s The Magic Mountain. Vaughan Williams’ non-film output included the greatest British orchestral work to have come out of the War, his Fifth Symphony; a work that encapsulated all the values that the institutions of public life sought to promote.
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Shaw, Tony. "British government propaganda and persuasion during the 1956 Suez crisis." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.357385.
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Brooks, Tim. "British propaganda to France, 1940-1944 : machinery, method and message." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.419579.
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Chapman, James. "The British at war : cinema, state and propaganda, 1939-1945 /." London ; New York : I.B. Tauris, 1998. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37100814d.
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Weigold, Auriol, and n/a. "The Case against India : British propaganda in the United States, 1942." University of Canberra. Communication, 1997. http://erl.canberra.edu.au./public/adt-AUC20050329.125041.
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British propaganda, delivered in the United States against immediate self-government for India in 1942, was efficiently and effectively organised. British propaganda was not adventitious. It was deliberate. The chief protagonists were Churchill and Roosevelt. Churchill's success in retaining control of government in India depended on convincing the President that there was no viable alternative.
This the Prime Minister did in two ways. Firstly, his propaganda organization targetted pro-British groups in America with access to
Roosevelt. Secondly, it discredited Indian nationalist leadership.
Churchill's success also depended on Sir Stafford Cripps' loyalty to Whitehall and to the Government of India after his Mission in March 1942 failed to reach agreement with the Indian leaders. Cripps tailored his account of the breakdown of negotiations to fit the British propaganda line. Convincing American public opinion and, through it the President, that colonial government should remain in British hands, also depended on the right mix of censorship and press freedom in India.
Britain's need to mount a propaganda campaign in the United States indicated its dual agenda: its war-related determination to maintain and increase American aid, and its longer term aim to
retain control of its empire.
Despite strong American support for isolationism, given legal status in the 1930s Neutrality Acts, Roosevelt was Britain's supportive friend and its ally. Britain, nonetheless, felt sufficiently threatened by the anti-imperial thrust of the Lend Lease Act and
the Atlantic Charter, to develop propaganda to persuade the American public and its President that granting Indian selfgovernment in 1942 was inappropriate.
The case for a propaganda campaign was made stronger by Roosevelt's constant pressure on Britaln from mid-1941 to reach a political settlement with India. Pressure was also brought to bear by the Congress Party as the price for its war-related cooperation, by China, and by the Labour Party in Britain. Japan's success in
Singapore and Burma made strategists briefly assess that India might be the next target. Stable and cooperative government there was as much in America's interest as Britain's.
The idea that Roosevelt might intervene in India to secure a measure of self-government there constantly worried Churchill. In turn this motivated the Foreign Office, the Ministry of Information, the India Office, the Government of India and the British Embassy in Washington to develop propaganda based, firstly, on the official explanation for the failure of the Cripps Mission and, secondly. on the elements of the August 1942 Quit India resolution which could
be presented as damaging to allied war aims.
The perceived danger to Britain's India-related agenda, however, did not end with substantive threats. The volatility of the American press and the President's susceptibility to it in framing policy were more unpredictable. Britain met both threats by targetting friends with access to Roosevelt, sympathetic broadcasters and pro-British sections of the press. Each had
shown support for Britain during the Lend Lease debates.
Britain, however, could never assume that it had won the propaganda battle or that Roosevelt would not intervene polltically on nationalist India's behalf. Roosevelt continued during 1942
and beyond to let Indian leaders know of his interest in their struggle, and information received from his Mission in New Delhi and from unofficial informants in India gave him a view of events there which differed markedly from the British account. Just as nationalist India was unsure about America's intentions, so was
Britain.
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Corse, Edward. "Cultural propaganda : the British Council's activities in neutral Europe 1939-1945." Thesis, University of Kent, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.544081.
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Sinclair, Gill. "Winston Churchill and the British public : propaganda and perception, 1939-1945." Thesis, University of Kent, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.405989.
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Gilbert, Mark. "Foreign policy and propaganda in the 'progressive' press 1936-45." Thesis, Swansea University, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.302873.
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Defty, A. "British anti-communist propaganda and cooperation with the United States, 1945-1951." Thesis, University of Salford, 2002. http://usir.salford.ac.uk/26637/.
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This thesis will argue that from early in the Cold War Britain developed a propaganda apparatus designed to fight the Cold War on an ideological front, and that in the period from 1945 to 1951 the role of propaganda grew from being an adjunct to foreign policy to become an integral part of British Cold War strategy. Britain was the first country to formulate a coordinated response to communist propaganda. In January 1948, the Government launched a new propaganda policy designed to 'oppose the inroads of Communism, by taking the offensive against it. ' The development of this anti-communist propaganda policy will be the main focus of this thesis. It will also be shown that from the earliest stages in the development of Britain's response to communist propaganda, the degree to which such activities could be coordinated with United States Government was a primary consideration. It will be shown that cooperation and eventually coordination of propaganda activities with the United States Government became a defining feature of Britain's anticommunist propaganda policy. This was particularly the case following the launch of the American 'Campaign of Truth' in 1950. Faced with a formidable and highly organised communist propaganda machine officials in both Britain and America came to realise the value of a unified response. As both nations developed their own policies for offensive anti-communist propaganda, cooperation became an increasingly important element, as Britain and America sought to 'shoot at the same target from different angles. ' The thesis is comprised of an introduction and conclusion and four chapters covering: the origins of British and American anticommunist propaganda policies, 1945-1947; launching Britain's new propaganda policy, 1948; building a concerted counter-offensive, cooperation with other powers, 1948-1950; 'Close and continuous liaison. ' British and American cooperation, 1950-1951.
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O'Gorman, Aoife Siobhán. "Wissenschaft at war : British and German academic propaganda and the Great War." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:0fd95e59-568d-48e4-8b72-302757436f84.
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This thesis explores academic propaganda in the first two years of the First World War, examining the activity of the university men in Britain and Germany who were left behind when their students went to the Front. Using pamphlets and manifestoes, it seeks to highlight the way the War split the international academic community and the creation of a debate which examined not only the causes of the War, but the reasons for which the nations were fighting. By exploring the propaganda organisations of both countries, as well as the academic milieu in which the subjects of this thesis worked, it hopes to provide the context within which this propaganda was created, before turning to an examination of the content of the propaganda - an aspect which has often been overlooked in propaganda studies. The investigation of the content looks first at the outbreak of war and the reaction of the academic community to a shock which shook their community. It then turns to the arguments expounded on culpability for the War, and the ideals for which each side felt they were fighting, illustrating the shift in emphasis from a political war to an ideological conflict between two opposing world views. Finally, the thesis considers perceptions of the War in the early years of the conflict, and the way in which it was seen both as a panacea to overcome social divisions and a catharsis which would lead the way to a new world - ideas which would provide the foundation for later war aims. In taking this comparative approach, the aim is to provide new insights into a fascinating and relatively little-known aspect of the history of the First World War.
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Penich, Jacqueline. "Conservative Propaganda in the Shakespearean Gothic of James Boaden." Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/23334.
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The plays of James Boaden, an author all too often forgotten in the pages of theatre history, are usually dismissed by scholars as mercenary adaptations of popular Gothic novels for the stage. Boaden’s plays of the 1790s—Fontainville Forest (1794), The Secret Tribunal (1796), The Italian Monk (1797), Cambro-Britons (1798) and Aurelio and Miranda (1799)—were certainly popular successes in their own time, but this should not discount them from serious consideration as aesthetic and ideological objects. In fact, these plays are intelligently wrought, using popular Gothic conventions to further a conservative ideology that was not originally associated with this genre. This fact has gone unrecognized by scholars partly because these plays have not been previously analysed for their dramaturgical structure as adaptations: Boaden borrows conventions from the Gothic, to be sure, but he also borrows dramaturgical techniques from Shakespeare. In so doing, Boaden harnesses both popular appeal and theatrical legitimacy to write Tory propaganda at a time when the stage was a key tool in the ideological war against France and French sympathizers in Britain. Political threats, both domestic and foreign, were of ongoing concern in Britain in the years following the French Revolution. Immediately after 1789, the Gothic was ideologically charged in ways that promoted revolutionary thinking. Boaden’s adaptation of the Gothic form responds to the revolution and the Reign of Terror by replacing the genre’s iconoclasm with a strongly nationalist orientation, drawn, in part, from eighteenth-century Shakespeare reception, itself often strongly nationalist in tone. Boaden’s plays are reactionary in that they comment on the current political situation, using allegory to play on the audience’s emotions. In his first phase, Boaden depicts the demise of a villainous usurper, a scapegoat figure, but his second phase reintegrates the villain into domestic and social harmony. In so doing, Boaden serves as a case study in the shifting attitude towards Britain’s revolutionary sympathizers, the Jacobins, and illustrates the important use of the Gothic mode for conservative purposes. Boaden emerges, in this study, as a figure whose relevance to theatre history in this fraught period requires reassessment.
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Anderson, Patrick. "The Algerian conflict (1954-1962) and the Northern Ireland conflict (1968-1974) in the British liberal press : a comparative analysis." Thesis, University of Ulster, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.365395.
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Leadingham, Norma Compton. "Propaganda and Poetry during the Great War." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2008. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/1966.
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During the Great War, poetry played a more significant role in the war effort than articles and pamphlets. A campaign of extraordinary language filled with abstract and spiritualized words and phrases concealed the realities of the War. Archaic language and lofty phrases hid the horrible truth of modern mechanical warfare. The majority and most recognized and admired poets, including those who served on the front and knew firsthand the horrors of trench warfare, not only supported the war effort, but also encouraged its continuation. For the majority of the poets, the rejection of the war was a postwar phenomenon. From the trenches, leading Great War poets; Owen, Sassoon, Graves, Sitwell, and others, learned that the War was neither Agincourt, nor the playing fields of ancient public schools, nor the supreme test of valor but, instead, the modern industrial world in miniature, surely, the modern world at its most horrifying.
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Fisher, Stephanie Jane. "The Blitz and the bomber offensive : a case study in British home propaganda, 1939-45." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/19745.
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The thesis is a case study of British home front propaganda in the period 1939-45, with particular reference to film propaganda; newsreels, official films, and feature films. It examines propaganda about German bombing raids against Britain during the Blitz and about RAF bombing raids against Germany in the Bomber Offensive. Chapter One sets out the aims and objectives of the thesis and gives some details about the primary sources used. Chapter Two deals briefly with pre-war planning for a propaganda Ministry and the basic structure of the wartime Ministry of Information (MOI). It also discusses in detail the way in which the MOI planned to shape propaganda about the Blitz in the period before the Blitz began. Chapter Three gives a detailed examination of propaganda about the Blitz during the period when it was taking place, and the way in which the RAF's raids against Germany were dealt with in this early phase of the war. The main emphasis is on film propaganda but some comparative data is given covering press and radio presentations. Chapter Four examines the period May 1941 to May 1942 and looks at the way in which propaganda policies for presenting the Blitz and Bomber Offensive were restructured to take account of changing circumstances: the need for increased aircraft production to support Britain's war effort; and the Alliance with the Soviet Union and America. Chapter Five deals with propaganda output about the Blitz and Bomber Offensive for the period covered by Chapter Four. Chapter Six discusses the development of Britain's bombing policy against Germany during the period 1940 to 1945. This chapter sets the context for a detailed study of propaganda about the latter stages of the Bomber Offensive.
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Maglio, Manuela. "The clandestine struggle for the Eastern Mediterranean and the Middle East : Italian subversion, Arab nationalism and British counter-intelligence, 1935-1940." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.366449.
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Buckley, Ariel. "Writing the kitchen front: food rationing and propaganda in British fiction of the Second World War." Thesis, McGill University, 2010. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=95227.
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This thesis explores ways in which Second World War food shortages, rationing, and propaganda affected midcentury British fiction. Arguing that food imagery offers a useful barometer of the domestic war climate, the thesis is divided into two main sections: the first focusing on the representation and regulation of food by the government, and the second analyzing the depiction of food in contemporary fiction as a response both to the government's martialization of food and to the shortages themselves. Taking novels by Barbara Pym and Elizabeth Taylor as examples, it discusses ways in which the official food narratives defined in the first chapter were acknowledged and transformed in contemporary fiction.Cette thèse explore les façons dont les pénuries alimentaires, le rationnement de la nourriture et la propagande gouvernementale de la deuxième guerre mondiale ont touché la littérature britannique de l'époque. Soutenant que l'imagerie des aliments offre un baromètre utile du climat domestique de la guerre, la thèse est divisée en deux sections principales : la première se concentrant sur la représentation et la règlementation de la nourriture par le gouvernement, et la deuxième analysant la représentation de la nourriture dans la fiction contemporaine comme réponse à la fois à la « martialisation » de la nourriture par le gouvernement et aux pénuries alimentaires eux-mêmes. Prenant des romans par Barbara Pym et Elizabeth Taylor à titres d'exemples, elle traite de la façon dont les récits officiels des denrées alimentaires définis dans le premier chapitre ont été reconnus et transformés dans la littérature contemporaine.
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Maguire, Thomas Joseph. "British and American intelligence and anti-communist propaganda in early Cold War Southeast Asia, 1948-1961." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2016. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/283981.
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Jain, Anurag. "The relationship between Ford, Kipling, Conan Doyle, Wells and British propaganda of the First World War." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2009. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/1528.
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This thesis resituates the war-writing of Ford Madox Ford, Rudyard Kipling, Arthur Conan Doyle and H.G. Wells in relation to official British propaganda produced during the First World War. Examining these authors' institutional connections with propaganda that was authorised by the British government locates some of their texts within a network of materials that were deployed to justify Britain's involvenlent in the war. The British government, via the War Propaganda Bureau, approached major literary figures to assist in its plan to compete vigorously with Germany to win American support. Positioning Ford's condemnation of Prussian culture within this institutional context reveals that his officially commissioned books functioned as a part of the larger yet-covert government project to influence American intellectual opinion. Although wary that Kipling's chauvinism might offend some readers, the British government reprinted and distributed his denunciations of the 'Hun'. Kipling was given access to censored letters from Indian soldiers in order to assist him in depicting the Imperial forces as united. The result, The Eyes of Asia (1918), was a set of fictional texts by Indian soldiers celebrating French and English civilisation in contrast to German barbarism. In addition to official propaganda, these authors produced pro-war stories, poems, and articles independent of direct government commission. Conan Doyle's formal call for men to volunteer to defend their country, and his public denunciations of German atrocities, were followed by his recruitment of Sherlock Holmes to repel a possible German invasion ("His Last Bow" (1917)). Adding to his support for the war in his journalism and war-time fiction, Wells was appointed the Head of Enemy Propaganda for the newly formed Ministry of Information. He resigned almost immediately following disagreements over government strategy. This project situates historically and examines critically these authors' differing roles in relation to British propaganda efforts during the First World War.
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Lewis, Rebecca Mary. "The planning, design and reception of British home front propaganda posters of the Second World War." Thesis, University of Winchester, 2004. http://e-space.mmu.ac.uk/618883/.
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This project focuses on propaganda posters produced during the Second World War (1939 to 1945), primarily by the British government, aimed chiefly at their civilian population. The project uses Foucauldian discourse analysis and content analysis to investigate the images and their context, and identify key themes across a wide range of posters, over a long time-frame. This thesis contributes to an historical understanding of the British popular propaganda experience, largely ignored in previous historical research. Drawing on material from several archives, including the Imperial War Museum (IWM), the Public Record Office (PRO) and Mass-Observation (M-0), the project also uses questionnairest o elicit memorieso f the posters,a nd a poster databaset o collect together material which would otherwise remain dispersed. The thesis sets the posters against a background of contextual material, it identifies key propaganda theories, discerns relevant poster styles and recognises British poster style as one of pragmatic functionalism. The thesis outlines the poster production and distribution processeso f the Ministry of Information (MOI) and considers the first (highly criticised) posters before concentrating on four case studies, each of which is structured in three sections: the planning (context), the design, and the reception of the posters. The first case study examines what people were fighting for, and identifies their `imagined community', by considering urban and rural representations of the UK in the posters. The secondc ases tudy considersi ndustrial propaganda,e mphasisesth e idea of the island nation, and identifies those involved in the industrial effort. The third case study looks at the `enemy within', and examines who was excluded from, or was considered damaging to, the war effort. The fourth case study explores in detail who was compromising the war effort through their sexual behaviour, putting themselves at risk of venereal disease. The thesis argues that the posters drew heavily on longer term discourses emanating from new and established institutions, although there was often a clear distinction between those that drew on the past and tradition, and those that pushed forward to the future
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Morgan, Craig. "The British Union of Fascists in the Midlands, 1932-1940." Thesis, University of Wolverhampton, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2436/41779.
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This thesis provides an examination of the emergence and development of Sir Oswald Mosley’s British Union of Fascists in the Midlands between 1932 and 1940. It charts the fascist presence in four major cities: Birmingham, Stoke-on-Trent, Coventry and Leicester. The BUF is the largest and most important fascist movement to have ever existed in Britain. Mosleyite fascism in the Midlands as a region has never before been investigated and represents a significant gap in the historiography of British fascist studies. Alongside affording valuable insight into Mosleyite fascism at the regional level, the study will illuminate further understanding of the BUF nationally. The fascist experience in the Midlands is used to test and contribute to arguments about the national movement in the secondary literature relating to three themes: (a) the social class composition of BUF membership; (b) the strength of BUF membership; and (c) the focus of BUF propaganda. Finally, four main areas generally recognised as the reasons for national failure are discussed to explain the long-term marginalisation of the BUF in the Midlands.
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Stewart, John Patrick. "MOBILIZING MANLINESS: MASCULINITY AND NATIONALISM ON BRITISH RECRUITMENT POSTERS, 1914-1915." OpenSIUC, 2012. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/theses/898.
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Historically, nationalism has been most apparent during times of conflict and struggle. During the First World War, every nation involved attempted to mobilize both industry and manpower towards the war effort. Unlike the other Belligerent Powers, Britain was encumbered by a tradition of voluntary enlistment until the introduction of conscription in 1916. This meant that the government had to convince the men of their nation to join the military. Many scholars have studied the role of recruitment posters in this historical endeavor as well as the role played by society in persuading young men to join the military. This Thesis couples both lines of historiography in order to better understand how the British government targeted a man's masculinity in order to recruit him. Victorian middle-class gendered concepts of public service, private/public spheres, fraternal obligations and ethnicity were all depicted on the surfaces of British recruitment posters. Thus this Thesis argues that the presence of these masculine markers within British recruitment propaganda suggests the British government attempted to mobilize masculinity towards winning the First World War. It also presses for a gendered view of nationalism in the historiography concerned with understanding British nationalist sentiment during the early twentieth-century. By integrating gender and nationalism into a visual analysis of various British war posters, it offers a new perspective on the government's recruitment strategies employed during the first two years of the First World War.
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Gassert, Imogen L. "Collaborators and dissidents : aspects of British literary publishing in the First World War, 1914-1919." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.391071.
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Mahony, Ben David, and University of Lethbridge Faculty of Arts and Science. ""Disinformation and smear" : the use of state propaganda and mulitary force to suppress aboriginal title at the 1995 Gustafsen Lake standoff." Thesis, Lethbridge, Alta. : University of Lethbridge, Faculty of Arts and Science, 2001, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10133/189.
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In the summer of 1995, eighteen protesters came into armed conflict with over 400 RCMP officers and soldiers in central British Columbia. The conflict escalated into one of the costliest police operations in Canadian history. Many accounts of Aboriginal aggression provided by the RCMP are not consistent with evidence disclosed at the trial of the protesters. Moreover, the substance of the legal arguments at the heart of the Ts' Peten Defenders' resistance received little attention or serous analysis by state officials, police or the media. The RCMP constructed the Ts' Peten Defenders as terrorists and downplayed the use of state force that included military weaponry, land explosives and police snipers, who received orders to shoot to kill. Serious questions remain about the role of the RCMP, who acted as the enforement arm of state policies designed to constrain the effort to internationalize the Aboriginal title question.iii, 225, [44] leaves : ill. ; 28 cm.
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L'Etang, Jacqueline Yvonne. "The professionalisation of British public relations in the twentieth century : a history." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/2403.
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The thesis presents a first account of the development of British public relations in the twentieth century. The focus is on the whether British public relations has managed to 'professionalise'. To a large degree, the story is one of failure, despite the exponential growth of the field. The history of this puzzling contradiction is explored in detail, drawing on previously untapped archives and extensive oral history interviews. The thesis argues that this apparent paradox is explained by the inability of the would-be professional body to establish control over public relations practice. Thus, one of the key features of the thesis is its presentation of a counter-history of the Institute of Public Relations to that body's own selfunderstanding. Turning to the overall development and growth of the occupation, the thesis argues that one of the most significant features of British developments, especially in the first half of the twentieth century, was the large role played by local and central governments and the relatively small contribution of the private sector. Key aspects of British government propaganda in both wartime and peacetime are highlighted and also include activities focused on policies of de-colonisation and economic intervention. The contribution of the British Film Documentary Movement and the collaboration between its leader, John Grierson, and the Secretary of the Empire Marketing Board (EMB), Sir Stephen Tallents, is presented as being of considerable significance, particularly in terms of the development of public relations ideology. The discourse and actions of key figures within the public relations industry are also foregrounded in the overall analysis. Themes include relationships between the public relations industry, the media and politics, ethics, and the ultimately vain attempts of the industry to establish the widespread legitimacy necessary for professional status.
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Page, Caroline. "The strategic manipulation of American official propaganda during the Vietnam War, 1965-1966, and British opinion on the war." Thesis, University of Reading, 1989. http://openaccess.city.ac.uk/8296/.
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This thesis examines the American official propaganda campaign on the Vietnam war, and its impact on both the British Government, America's main non-combatant ally, and British public opinion, from the time of the escalation of the war, in February 1965, to mid-1966. Concentrating on Administration statements, the study assesses the Administration's knowledge of events in South Vietnam and its secret planning on the war, compares this knowledge and planning with its propaganda, and evaluates the truth and accuracy of Administration propaganda. An assessment is also made of U.S. propaganda techniques and the utility of American official propaganda themes. The thesis then examines the information on the war that was available to the British public on a daily basis in the British press. The role of the press during the war is assessed both as an information medium, and as an audience for American official propaganda - an audience which then disseminated its own analyses of the war and U.S. propaganda. The British Labour Government's reaction and opinion on the war is traced in relation to its own policy of support for its U.S. ally, and the domestic political difficulties that this policy caused. British public opinion on the war during this period is evaluated through public opinion polls, and press accounts of opposition to the war, including accounts of demonstrations. The theme of this thesis is that when the war began escalating in February 1965, the British Government, the public, and much of the press, supported 135. involvement in Vietnam. But by mid-1966, the British Government had dissociated from the U.S. bombing of North Vietnam's oil storage depots, henceforth offering qualified support to its ally; the British public no longer supported U.S. action in Vietnam; and sections of the British press opposed U.S. involvement. The British Government's dissociation was a blow to the U.S. Administration, and thus the American official propaganda campaign had failed to retain the desired degree of support from its British ally.
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Willcox, David R. "Propaganda, the British press and contemporary war : a comparative study of the Gulf War 1990-1991 and Kosovo conflict 1999." Thesis, University of Kent, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.410598.
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Milne-Walasek, Nicholas. "The History/Literature Problem in First World War Studies." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/35162.
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In a cultural context, the First World War has come to occupy an unusual existential point half-way between history and art. Modris Eksteins has described it as being “more a matter of art than of history;” Samuel Hynes calls it “a gap in history;” Paul Fussell has exclaimed “Oh what a literary war!” and placed it outside of the bounds of conventional history. The primary artistic mode through which the war continues to be encountered and remembered is that of literature—and yet the war is also a fact of history, an event, a happening. Because of this complex and often confounding mixture of history and literature, the joint roles of historiography and literary scholarship in understanding both the war and the literature it occasioned demand to be acknowledged. Novels, poems, and memoirs may be understood as engagements with and accounts of history as much as they may be understood as literary artifacts; the war and its culture have in turn generated an idiosyncratic poetics.
It has conventionally been argued that the dawn of the war's modern literary scholarship and historiography can be traced back to the late 1960s and early 1970s—a period which the cultural historian Jay Winter has described as the “Vietnam Generation” of scholarship. This period was marked by an emphatic turn away from the records of cultural elites and towards an oral history preserved and delivered by those who fought the war “on the ground,” so to speak. Adrian Gregory has affirmed this period's status as the originating point for the war's modern historiography, while James Campbell similarly has placed the origins of the war's literary scholarship around the same time.
I argue instead that this “turn” to the oral and the subaltern is in fact somewhat overstated, and that the fully recognizable origins of what we would consider a “modern” approach to the war can be found being developed both during the war and in its aftermath. Authors writing on the home front developed an effective language of “war writing” that then inspired the reaction of the “War Books Boom” of 1922-1939, and this boom in turn provided the tropes and concerns that have so animated modern scholarship. Through it all, from 1914 to the current era, there has been a consistent recognition of both the literariness of the war's history and the historiographical quality of its literature; this has helped shape an unbroken line of scholarship—and of literary production—from the war's earliest days to the present day.
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Dudas, Timea <1990>. "The Representation of Women in British First World War Propaganda and Fiction: Identities of women in Non-Combatants and Others by Rose Macaulay and Testament of Youth by Vera Brittain." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/9116.
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In recent years, the revolution in communication and mass media had a significant impact on war operations. However, many don’t realize that the history of propaganda goes way back to the First World War staging the first organized official propaganda campaign to shape public opinion. In my thesis I intend to discuss the events and beliefs that led to the outbreak of the war, to the extensive use of propaganda and most importantly the representation of women reflected in propaganda. In the second chapter I will attempt to define war motivation and focus on the meaning and the operation of propaganda based on the theories of Walter Lippmann and Harold Lasswell, as well as the different propaganda techniques and their functions, while I will mediate upon the importance of feminism and gender identity during the First World War. Analyzing articles from The War on Land and Water and various propaganda posters I will examine how the propaganda agencies used the different techniques to manipulate the masses with regards to portraying women, while drawing upon Rose Macaulay’s Noncombatants and Others and Vera Brittain’s Testament of Youth as my major source, I will delineate the various representations of women. Finally, I will argue that during the First World War the representations of women in fiction mirror the various stereotypes that were reinforced by propaganda, although the idea of the “new woman” is introduced.
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Bayer, Karen. ""How dead is Hitler?" der britische Starreporter Sefton Delmer und die Deutschen." Mainz von Zabern, 2005. http://d-nb.info/989476626/04.
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Alvar, Blomgren. "”By the iron hand of oppression" : The performance of the parliamentary election contest in Nottingham and Middlesex 1802-1803." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Historiska institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-143964.
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The aim of this thesis is to investigate how politics was done at the level of the parliamentary constituencies at the time of the treaty of Amiens 1802-1803. This is achieved through two case studies of the elections in Middlesex and Nottingham, which are investigated as social practices. This thesis argues that understandings of masculinity and national identity, as well as questions about the nature of the constitution and citizen rights were central to participants in the extraparliamentary political process. Collective emotions were also highly important in the process of mobilising political support, and this thesis emphasises that participation in these elections was a collective effort; men and women from all levels of society were significant political actors. Moreover, this thesis demonstrates the importance of competences such as knowledge about the organisation of crowds and political violence in the performance of the election.
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Drábik, Jakub. "Propaganda Britské únie fašistů." Doctoral thesis, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-338045.
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Disertační práce: Propaganda Britské unie fašistů Mgr. Jakub Drábik Ústav světových dějin Abstract The dissertation deals with the propaganda of the largest and only relevant British fascist party, the British Union of Fascists, founded in 1932 by Sir Oswald Mosley. The aim of the dissertation is to look at the BUF propaganda in the light of the "new consensus" that has emerged in fascist studies in recent years. Based on the official BUF party press, publications, pamphlets, propaganda posters, speeches and public appearances of the movement's leading figures and other forms of propaganda, this work analyses the propaganda of the BUF not just in the terms of crude "brainwashing" or "social control," but also as a form of social engineering - in other words, as a serious attempt to realize the ideas of an alternative modernity and of a political, economic, social and cultural revolution. In spite of widely held view that the BUF was only a group of crude anti-Semites, thugs, bullies or even opportunists with materialistic goals, this work argues that the "propagation of faith" or "the dissemination of political beliefs" was one of the motives of BUF propagandists.
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TOGNARINI, Niccolò. "The race for the Arabian audience : Italian and British propaganda in the Mediterranean in 1930s : a trans-national perspective." Doctoral thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10423.
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Defence date: 9 January 2009Examining Board: Prof. Peter Becker (European University Institute and University of Linz, Supervisor); Prof. David Ellwood (University of Bologna); Prof. Heinz-Gerhard Haupt (European University Institute); Prof. Philip Taylor (University of Leeds)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
No abstract available
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"An Analysis of Two World War II Propaganda Films: The German Feuertaufe and the Polish-British This is Poland." Master's thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2286/R.I.24908.
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abstract: At the beginning of the 20th century, the introduction of the motion picture as a medium changed the way people disseminate information between each other and to the masses. The magnitude of this change was supplemented and amplified first by, the addition of sound, then color, and finally (possibly most importantly) the invention of the technology to send and receive motion picture signals along with their corresponding sound tracks. This would eventually all be combined in the production of the first television sets. Some of the most stunning illustrations of the power brought about by this medium can be observed in the way that Germany was able to utilize film during (and before) World War II. The idea of using cinema as a propaganda tool led to the creation of UFA during WWI (1914-1918). Propaganda Minister Joseph Goebbels' fascination with film and its propaganda potential led to the development of many successful public communication techniques and numerous tactics used to influence the people's thoughts and actions. This thesis provides background information pertaining to the outbreak of World War II including the German propaganda machine, and examines the role that motion pictures played in the distribution of anti-Polish messages before and during the early stages of the war. It focuses specifically on the film Feuertaufe as an example illustrating six major tenants of Nazi film propaganda namely: oversimplification, appeal to emotions, harnessing the power of the visual image, intentional blurring of lines between entertainment and facts, repetition, and the use of graphics combined with music. Next, this essay explores how each of the abovementioned characteristics were used by the Poles and the British in their pro-Polish film This is Poland in order to sway public opinion and spread messages aligned with their political views respectively. This thesis concludes by stressing the importance of being aware of these techniques so that one may be able to separate fact from hype, and by looking at the possible utilization of the six tenants in the years to come as smart mobile-devices usher in yet another metamorphosis of the art of information distribution.Dissertation/Thesis
M.A. German 2014
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Bajerová, Adéla. "Mediální obraz Československa v britském tisku 1918 - 1922." Master's thesis, 2019. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-393509.
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This diploma thesis deals with the reception of the newly established Czechoslovakia by the British press from 1918 to 1922. My task was to find out how often and in what context did Czechoslovakia appear in the press and what was the difference between the image of the republic in each newspaper. Secondarily, my task was to evaluate the success of the Czechoslovak propaganda in Britain. The thesis consists of two parts. The first part presents the context of the emergence of Czechoslovakia, Czechoslovak-British diplomacy aims and cultural propaganda in the given period. One chapter is dedicated to the history of the British press and includes profiles of the journals examined. The practical part incorporates both quantitative and qualitative analysis. Four broadsheets in total were analysed; The Times, The Manchester Guardian, The Daily Telegraph and a Sunday newspaper The Observer. Quantitative content analysis of The Times was used to determine the frequency, the length and the interest of the mentions of Czechoslovakia as well as the theme of the articles. Based on the quantitative analysis, sample time periods were selected for the qualitative section. The qualitative analysis further deepens the quantitative part and presents the explicit and implicit attributes that Czechoslovakia was...
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Considine, Kerri Ann. "An Implacable Force: Caryl Churchill and the “Theater of Cruelty”." 2011. http://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_gradthes/866.
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Churchill’s plays incorporate intensity, complexity, and imagination to create a theatrical landscape that is rich in danger and possibility. Examining her plays through the theoretical lens of Antonin Artaud’s “theater of cruelty” allows an open investigation into the way that violence, transgression, and theatricality function in her work to create powerful and thought-provoking pieces of theatre. By creating her own contemporary “theater of cruelty,” Churchill creates plays that actively and violently transgress physical, social, and political boundaries.
This paper examines three of Churchill’s plays spanning over thirty years of her career to investigate the different ways Churchill has used concepts of Artaudian cruelty to layer and complicate the theatrical experience, and each offers a different vision of a modern “theater of cruelty.” A Mouthful of Birds provides a starting point for exploring Artaudian concepts in connection to her work and uses physical, embodied cruelty as a catalyst through which the characters must come to terms with their subjectivity in a system which has allocated their rightful “place” in society. Hotel incorporates the same magnitude of cruelty into everyday rituals and mundane actions, and an Artaudian reading reveals the way in which an ‘invisible’ cruelty acts on both the characters and the audience as a form of erasure through which the “vanished” characters “signal through the flames” in an attempt to re-assert their subjectivity. In Seven Jewish Children, Churchill inverts the cruelty and re-enacts onstage the Artaudian ‘double’ of the terror occurring during the Gaza conflict in order to force the characters and audience into a direct relationship with the cruelty. Using Artaud as a framework through which to investigate Churchill’s work foregrounds the way in which the interplay of cruelty rips apart the commonly accepted cultural norms on which our understanding of the world is based and opens complex and multi-faceted possibilities of interpretation and understanding that are absolutely necessary for investigating the intensity of the theatrical experience in her plays.
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Snidal, Michelle. "Rape in Revolutionary America, 1760-1815." Thesis, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/13336.
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Rape had an indelible effect on the American Revolutionary era. Using trial testimonies and depositions, newspapers, and literary sources, this thesis argues that there was a level of continuity between peacetime and wartime rape characterized by the assaulters’ modus operandi and rape’s ideological exploitation. Eighteenth-century Anglo-American society dictated that rape, or “carnal knowledge of a woman forcibly against her will,” was only a crime against virtuous white women. The gendered and racialized ways pre-revolutionary society identified and prosecuted rape influenced how rapists conducted their assaults. Women had to prove their sexual morality, that penile penetration and male ejaculation occurred, and that they sought help immediately after the assault to prosecute their attackers. During the war, rape became an important metaphor. Wartime publishers and propagandists used reports and victim testimonies as evidence of British immorality and to justify political independence. The rape of America subsumed individual atrocities. The nationalization of women’s sexual virtue continued into the new Republic. Artists and writers memorialized the Revolution through explicitly sexualized narratives and sentimental novels that emphasized female sexual morality. Women’s sexual virtue was linked with the stability of the Republic. This thesis utilizes a diverse historiography to highlight the intersectional correlations between rape and eighteenth-century patriarchal power in America.Graduate
2022-08-26