Academic literature on the topic 'British propaganda'

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Journal articles on the topic "British propaganda"

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Cormac, Rory. "British “Black” Productions." Journal of Cold War Studies 24, no. 3 (2022): 4–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01087.

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Abstract Recently declassified archival materials reveal that the United Kingdom conducted a sustained program of so-called black propaganda at the height of the Cold War. This article examines roughly 350 operations in which the British government spread propaganda through forgeries and front groups. Placing the campaign in its broader global history, the article demonstrates that British black propaganda mainly targeted Soviet activity in Africa and Asia as part of the postcolonial battle for influence. The British government engaged in black propaganda far more often than has previously been kown, including aggressive operations seeking to disrupt, attack, and sow chaos as much as simply to expose lies. Although much of the content was broadly accurate, the fake sources deliberately deceived audiences in order to encourage a reaction, incite violence, or foment racial tensions.
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PECHATNOV, VLADIMIR O. "THE RISE AND FALL OF BRITANSKY SOYUZNIK: A CASE STUDY IN SOVIET RESPONSE TO BRITISH PROPAGANDA OF THE MID-1940s." Historical Journal 41, no. 1 (March 1998): 293–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x97007577.

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The newly available documentation from the Russian archives sheds new light upon many aspects of Soviet-British relationship during World War II and the early Cold War. One such relatively unexplored facet of this relationship is propaganda interaction between the two countries. While the organization and technique of both Soviet and British propaganda machines have been studied rather extensively, there has been very little documented analysis of an actual impact of British propaganda on the Soviet regime and society in the mid-1940s (although some internal estimates within the British government must have been made at the time). Now, with the opening of Agitprop (department of agitation and propaganda of the central committee of the CPSU) records it becomes possible to measure this impact, including Soviet steps to manage it. A good case study in this regard can be made out of Soviet internal reaction to the main mouthpieces of the British printed propaganda targeted on the Soviet audience in 1942–8 – a journal, Britansky Soyuznik (The British Ally) and its digest companion Britanskaia Khronika (The British Chronicle).
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Faucher, Charlotte. "Transnational Cultural Propaganda." French Politics, Culture & Society 37, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 48–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2019.370104.

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The Second World War challenged the well-established circulation of cultural practices between France and Britain. But it also gave individuals, communities, states, and aspiring governments opportunities to invent new forms of international cultural promotion that straddled the national boundaries that the war had disrupted. Although London became the capital city of the main external Resistance movement Free France, the latter struggled to establish its cultural agenda in Britain, owing, on the one hand, to the British Council’s control over French cultural policies and, on the other hand, to the activities of anti-Gaullist Resistance fighters based in London who ascribed different purposes to French arts. While the British Council and a few French individuals worked towards prolonging French cultural policies that had been in place since the interwar period, Free French promoted rather conservative and traditional images of France so as to reclaim French culture in the name of the Resistance.
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Venturinha, Nuno, and Jonathan Smith. "Wittgenstein on British Anti-Nazi Propaganda." Nordic Wittgenstein Review 7, no. 2 (December 20, 2018): 195. http://dx.doi.org/10.15845/nwr.v7i2.3518.

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This paper contains a historical introduction and an edition of a hitherto unpublished manuscript of Wittgenstein's that was found among G. H. von Wright's materials kept in Helsinki. The document concentrates on British anti-Nazi propaganda and was written in 1945. Wittgenstein's criticism of this kind of propaganda, such as that promoted by Robert Vansittart, is also present in other sources of this period belonging to both the Nachlass and the correspondence.
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Ploumidis, Spyridon. "British Propaganda towards Greece (1940–1944)." Southeast European and Black Sea Studies 6, no. 4 (December 2006): 407–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683850601016275.

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Bessant, Bob. "British imperial propaganda and the republic." Journal of Australian Studies 18, no. 42 (September 1994): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14443059409387181.

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Smith, Christopher. "Sherlock Holmes and the Nazis: Fifth Columnists and the People's War in Anglo-American Cinema, 1942–3." Journal of British Cinema and Television 15, no. 3 (July 2018): 308–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jbctv.2018.0425.

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During the Second World War Universal Pictures produced three key Sherlock Holmes films. In each of these pictures, released in 1942 and 1943, Holmes was appropriated for the war effort. The Great Detective was transposed into wartime London where, in effect, he became the ultimate counter-intelligence agent who foiled the plots of Nazi infiltrators and sympathisers. The films retooled Holmes from his detective origins and place him into the spy genre, as was required for maximum propaganda value. Three key propaganda themes emerged from the films: first, that Britain was engaged in a ‘People's War’ in which Holmes was able to emerge victorious thanks to the contributions and assistance of ordinary members of the British public; second, that the public needed to be vigilant against the threat posed by Nazi agents and fifth columnists; third, that the USA and Britain were bound together by mutual respect and cultural ties and that collaboration between the two powers would achieve victory. Each of these themes was key to the British propaganda effort and emerged as a staple trope in British media. The Holmes films had, however, been produced by an American studio in Hollywood. Nevertheless, the American film-makers were typically able to produce successful ‘British’ propaganda pieces, drawing upon British propaganda tropes, which succeeded on both sides of the Atlantic. That success did not necessarily lie in the films' artistic merits – in fact, they were regularly savaged by critics in that respect – but because their propaganda messages were sufficiently subtle that they were rarely noted upon at all.
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Kotelenets, Elena A., and Maria Yu Lavrenteva. "The British Weekly: a case study of British propaganda to the Soviet Union during World War II." RUDN Journal of Studies in Literature and Journalism 24, no. 3 (December 15, 2019): 486–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-9220-2019-24-3-486-498.

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The research investigates a publishing history of the Britansky Souyznik (British Ally) weekly (further - British Weekly) in Russian language, which was published in the Soviet Union by the UK Ministry of Information in the Second World War years and to 1950. This newspaper published reports from fronts where British troops fought against Nazi Germany and its allies, articles on British-Soviet military cooperation, materials about British science, industry, agriculture, and transport, reports on people’s life in the UK, historical background of British Commonwealth countries, cultural and literature reviews. British Weekly circulation in the USSR was 50,000 copies. The main method used for the research was the study of the newspaper’s materials, as well as the propaganda concepts of its editorial board and their influence on the audience. The researched materials are from archives of the Soviet Foreign Ministry as well as of the UK Ministry of Information and Political Warfare Executive (1940-1945), declassified by the British Government only in 2002, on the basis of which an independent analysis is conducted. The British Weekly played a bright role in the formation of techniques and methods of British foreign policy propaganda to Soviet public opinion in 1942-1945. Results of the research indicates that the British government launched foreign policy propaganda to the USSR immediately after breaking-out of World War II and used the experience of the British Weekly for psychological warfare in the Cold War years.
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Stachura, Natalia. "British Film Propaganda in the Netherlands: Its Preconditions and Missed Opportunities." Anglica. An International Journal of English Studies, no. 27/3 (September 17, 2018): 51–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.7311/0860-5734.27.3.04.

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British film propaganda directed at neutral countries was meant to strengthen the pro-British attitude or at least weaken pro-German sentiments in the neutral countries. Directed at the wide strata of neutral societies as well as at intellectual, military and economic elites, factual films from the battle lines were believed not only to counteract German propaganda but also to overshadow hostile actions taken by British government against economic and political freedoms of the neutrals. This article is an attempt at understanding the reasons for the eventual failure of British film propaganda in the Netherlands. While mentioning various conflict areas between the countries, it focuses on cultural entanglements and cultural networks that developed, though precariously, throughout the war. The neglect of existing connections between British and Dutch filmmakers and the hesitant if not hostile attitude of War Office Cinematograph Committee towards expensive adaptations of literary works, and feature films in general, might be perceived, the article argues, as one of the core reasons, along political and economic tensions, why Britain lost the battle for Dutch cinema audiences.
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Barnes, Amy Jane. "Chinese Propaganda Posters at the British Library." Visual Resources 36, no. 2 (April 2, 2020): 124–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01973762.2020.1746498.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "British propaganda"

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Hynes, Greg. "Propaganda, Perspective, and the British World: New Zealand’s First World War Propaganda and British Interactions, 1914-1918." Thesis, University of Canterbury. School of Humanities and Creative Arts, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/9126.

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Despite the ubiquity of the First World War as a key moment in the development of New Zealand’s national identity in scholarship and public memory, key aspects remain under explored. This thesis addresses a particularly noticeable gap – the operation and contents of New Zealand’s official First World War propaganda campaign. Through this focus, this thesis particularly explores how such propaganda reflected New Zealand’s place within, and engagement with, the concept of the ‘British world’. Propaganda is an ideal window into the workings of the British world during the war, illustrating both the operation of the practical connections, and the ideological reflections of national, imperial, and ‘British’ identities in the British world. Therefore, New Zealand and Britain’s First World War propaganda demonstrates the nature of the British world, particularly through exploration of the ways that New Zealand’s official campaign connected to and interacted with Britain’s official wartime propaganda campaign. Specifically, the thesis argues that a gap existed between the rhetorical ‘British world’, as constructed in the content of New Zealand’s wartime propaganda, and the practical realities of how the British world operated and interacted during the war. While New Zealand was comfortable rhetorically identifying itself as ‘British’ and part of the British world, practical limitations of communication and interaction with Britain often inhibited this theoretical community. The concept of ‘Dominion perspective’ is crucial to this interpretation. New Zealand’s Dominion status was central to the operation of propaganda in and between New Zealand and Britain during the war, and to New Zealand’s identification of itself within its propaganda. This interpretation reflects a wider view of New Zealand’s experience of the British world. Though concepts of Dominion status and the British world were centrally important to New Zealand during the war, they were not unproblematic. These concepts were frequently reshaped both theoretically and practically. The First World War was crucial to this development, as the closer interaction and cooperation within the British world it demanded, laid bare both the practical shortcomings of the British world, and the contested nature of concepts of Dominion status and the British world itself. The operation of official wartime propaganda in the British world reflects this wider process, and its significance to New Zealand.
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Chapman, James. "Official British film propaganda during the Second World War." Thesis, Lancaster University, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.308985.

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Buvarp, Paul Magnus Hjertvik. "Rowland Kenney and British propaganda in Norway, 1916-1942." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/8647.

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Rowland Kenney was a British propaganda agent operating in Norway during both the First World War and the Second World War. He has been forgotten by history but the re-discovery of his private collection of materials allows for an analysis of his work. Kenney was deeply involved in the development of propaganda policy and practice. In the First World War, his work in Norway resulted in thousands of pro-British articles appearing in the Norwegian press as well as the realignment of the Norwegian national news agency. In the interwar years, in spite of severe medical difficulties, Kenney continued to work within the field of propaganda, becoming instrumental in the establishment of the British Council. At the start of the Second World War, he returned again to Norway, but was forced to flee during the German invasion of April 1940. During the Second World War, Kenney became the Director of the Northern Section of the Foreign Division in the Ministry of Information where he continued to affect policy-creation and the development of propaganda. There is no doubt that Kenney was a key figure in this development. His professional network and his varied roles within the propaganda bureaucracy speak to his level of involvement, and his documented accomplishments even more so. Finally discovering Kenney's story and his impact illustrates vividly a few aspects of how the practice of propaganda mutated and changed between 1916 and 1942.
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Morris, John Vincent. "Battle for music : music and British wartime propaganda 1935-1945." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10036/3260.

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The use of classical music as a tool of propaganda in Britain during the War can be seen to have been an effective deployment both of the German masters and of a new spirit of England in the furtherance of British values and its point of view. Several distinctions were made between various forms of propaganda and institutions of government played complementary roles during the War. Propaganda took on various guises, including the need to boost morale on the Home Front in live performances. At the outset of the War, orchestras were under threat, with the experience of the London Philharmonic exemplifying the difficulties involved in maintaining a professional standard of performance. The activities of bodies such as the Council for the Encouragement of Music and the Arts played a role in encouraging music, as did the British Council’s Music Advisory Committee, which co-operated with the BBC and the government, activities including the commissioning of new music. The BBC’s policies towards music broadcasting were arrived at in reaction to public demand rather than from an ideological basis and were developed through the increasing monitoring of German broadcasts and a growing understanding of what was required for both home and overseas transmission. Beethoven’s Fifth Symphony became an important part of the Victory campaign and there was even an attempt at reviving the Handel Cult of the Nineteenth Century. German music was also used in feature film but pre-eminent composers such as William Walton and Ralph Vaughan Williams contributed to the War effort by writing film music too. The outstanding example is Vaughan Williams’ music for Powell and Pressburger’s Ministry of Information sponsored 49th Parallel, in which the relationship between music and politics is made in a reference to Thomas Mann’s The Magic Mountain. Vaughan Williams’ non-film output included the greatest British orchestral work to have come out of the War, his Fifth Symphony; a work that encapsulated all the values that the institutions of public life sought to promote.
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Shaw, Tony. "British government propaganda and persuasion during the 1956 Suez crisis." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.357385.

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Brooks, Tim. "British propaganda to France, 1940-1944 : machinery, method and message." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.419579.

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Chapman, James. "The British at war : cinema, state and propaganda, 1939-1945 /." London ; New York : I.B. Tauris, 1998. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37100814d.

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Weigold, Auriol, and n/a. "The Case against India : British propaganda in the United States, 1942." University of Canberra. Communication, 1997. http://erl.canberra.edu.au./public/adt-AUC20050329.125041.

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British propaganda, delivered in the United States against immediate self-government for India in 1942, was efficiently and effectively organised. British propaganda was not adventitious. It was deliberate. The chief protagonists were Churchill and Roosevelt. Churchill's success in retaining control of government in India depended on convincing the President that there was no viable alternative. This the Prime Minister did in two ways. Firstly, his propaganda organization targetted pro-British groups in America with access to Roosevelt. Secondly, it discredited Indian nationalist leadership. Churchill's success also depended on Sir Stafford Cripps' loyalty to Whitehall and to the Government of India after his Mission in March 1942 failed to reach agreement with the Indian leaders. Cripps tailored his account of the breakdown of negotiations to fit the British propaganda line. Convincing American public opinion and, through it the President, that colonial government should remain in British hands, also depended on the right mix of censorship and press freedom in India. Britain's need to mount a propaganda campaign in the United States indicated its dual agenda: its war-related determination to maintain and increase American aid, and its longer term aim to retain control of its empire. Despite strong American support for isolationism, given legal status in the 1930s Neutrality Acts, Roosevelt was Britain's supportive friend and its ally. Britain, nonetheless, felt sufficiently threatened by the anti-imperial thrust of the Lend Lease Act and the Atlantic Charter, to develop propaganda to persuade the American public and its President that granting Indian selfgovernment in 1942 was inappropriate. The case for a propaganda campaign was made stronger by Roosevelt's constant pressure on Britaln from mid-1941 to reach a political settlement with India. Pressure was also brought to bear by the Congress Party as the price for its war-related cooperation, by China, and by the Labour Party in Britain. Japan's success in Singapore and Burma made strategists briefly assess that India might be the next target. Stable and cooperative government there was as much in America's interest as Britain's. The idea that Roosevelt might intervene in India to secure a measure of self-government there constantly worried Churchill. In turn this motivated the Foreign Office, the Ministry of Information, the India Office, the Government of India and the British Embassy in Washington to develop propaganda based, firstly, on the official explanation for the failure of the Cripps Mission and, secondly. on the elements of the August 1942 Quit India resolution which could be presented as damaging to allied war aims. The perceived danger to Britain's India-related agenda, however, did not end with substantive threats. The volatility of the American press and the President's susceptibility to it in framing policy were more unpredictable. Britain met both threats by targetting friends with access to Roosevelt, sympathetic broadcasters and pro-British sections of the press. Each had shown support for Britain during the Lend Lease debates. Britain, however, could never assume that it had won the propaganda battle or that Roosevelt would not intervene polltically on nationalist India's behalf. Roosevelt continued during 1942 and beyond to let Indian leaders know of his interest in their struggle, and information received from his Mission in New Delhi and from unofficial informants in India gave him a view of events there which differed markedly from the British account. Just as nationalist India was unsure about America's intentions, so was Britain.
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Corse, Edward. "Cultural propaganda : the British Council's activities in neutral Europe 1939-1945." Thesis, University of Kent, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.544081.

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Sinclair, Gill. "Winston Churchill and the British public : propaganda and perception, 1939-1945." Thesis, University of Kent, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.405989.

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Books on the topic "British propaganda"

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Auckland, R. G. British 'black' propaganda to Germany, 1941-1945. 2nd ed. [s.l.]: Psywar Society, 1989.

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Corporation, British Broadcasting, and Films for the Humanities (Firm), eds. Propaganda. Princeton, N.J: Films for the Humanities & Sciences, 2004.

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Kirchner, Klaus. Handbuch der Flugblattkunde: Feindflugblätter aus England, aus den USA für Deutsche in Westeuropa 1939-1945 zentrale Serien = Handbook of leaflets : propaganda leaflets from England and the USA in Western Europe to the Germans 1939-1945 central series. 2nd ed. Erlangen: Verlag D+C, 2002.

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Brewer, Susan A. To win the peace: British propaganda in the United States during World War II. Ithaca, N.Y: Cornell University Press, 1997.

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Graham, Kirk Robert. British Subversive Propaganda during the Second World War. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-71664-6.

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Avşar, Servet. Birinci Dünya Savaşı'nda İngiliz propagandası. Kızılay, Ankara: Kim Yayınları, 2004.

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Robert, Lucas. Die Briefe des Gefreiten Hirnschal: BBC-Radio-Satiren, 1940-1945. Wien: Verlag für Gesellschaftskritik, 1994.

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Stephenson, William Samuel, Sir, 1896-, ed. British security coordination: The secret history of British intelligence in the Americas, 1940-1945. New York: Fromm International, 1999.

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Hickman, Tom. What did you do in the war, auntie? London: BBC Books, 1995.

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Buitenhuis, Peter. The great war of words: British, American, and Canadian propaganda and fiction, 1914-1933. Vancouver: Univeristy of British Columbia Press, 1987.

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Book chapters on the topic "British propaganda"

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Low, Rachael. "Political Propaganda." In The History of British Film (Volume 6), 166–96. London: Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781032613680-6.

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Robb, George. "Propaganda and Censorship." In British Culture and the First World War, 96–128. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-04056-5_5.

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Robb, George. "Propaganda and Censorship." In British Culture & the First World War, 119–53. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-30751-4_6.

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Mawby, Spencer. "Counterinsurgency, Intelligence and Propaganda." In The Transformation and Decline of the British Empire, 92–118. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-38751-6_5.

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Graham, Kirk Robert. "The Logic of Subversive Propaganda." In British Subversive Propaganda during the Second World War, 227–76. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-71664-6_7.

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Shaw, Tony. "British Feature Films and the Early Cold War." In Cold-War Propaganda in the 1950s, 125–43. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-27082-8_8.

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Rawlinson, Francis. "National Identity, the British Media, and Press Propaganda." In How Press Propaganda Paved the Way to Brexit, 55–106. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-27765-9_3.

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Seidenfaden, Emil Eiby. "Mobilized for Propaganda: Danish Journalists in British Exile, 1940–1945." In Nordic Media Histories of Propaganda and Persuasion, 141–58. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-05171-5_7.

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AbstractThis chapter sketches the activities of Danish journalists in British exile, 1940–1945 with a particular emphasis on their engagement with “propaganda”. Drawing on Danish private archives, and British official records, it analyses how these journalists were constantly obliged to negotiate contradictory legitimacies. Their professional identity as journalists became challenged by their obligation to serve British war propaganda and, conversely, to assist in the Danish exile community’s efforts to salvage Denmark’s international standing following the Danish “policy of negotiation” with Germany. It argues that due to a combination of the creativity of the journalists and the development of the war, they were able, during its last phase (1944–1945), to take on new roles as facilitators of a news and intelligence flow between London, Stockholm and Copenhagen.
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Graham, Kirk Robert. "Introduction: British Propagandists and the German Problem." In British Subversive Propaganda during the Second World War, 1–27. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-71664-6_1.

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Bell, Christopher M. "‘Something Very Sordid’: Naval Propaganda and the British Public." In The Royal Navy, Seapower and Strategy between the Wars, 162–79. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230599239_8.

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Conference papers on the topic "British propaganda"

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Lima do Nascimento, Tuany Mariah, Laura Emmanuella Alves dos Santos Santana, and Márjory Da Costa Abreu. "Fake News on the Covid-19 outbreak: a new metadata-based dataset for the analysis of Brazilian and British Twitter posts." In Simpósio Brasileiro de Segurança da Informação e de Sistemas Computacionais. Sociedade Brasileira de Computação - SBC, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5753/sbseg.2021.17332.

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The dissemination of fake news is a problem that has already been addressed but by no means is solved. After the manipulation made by Cambridge Analytica which was based on classifying users by their political views and targeting specific political propaganda on the Brexit campaign, the Trump election and the Bolsonaro election, there is no doubt this issue can have a real impact on society in ‘normal times’. During a pandemic, any type of fake news can be the difference between life and death when the data shared can directly hurt the people who are believing in it. Moreover, there is also a new trend of using artificial robots to disseminate such news with a special target on Twitter which can be linked with political campaigns. Thus, it is essential that we identify and understand what kind of news is selected to be 'dressed' as fake and how it is disseminated. This paper aims to investigate the dissemination of fake news related with Covid-19 in the UK and Brazil in order to understand the impact of fake news on public sector actions, social isolation and quarantine imposition. Those two case studies are well versed on the fake news dissemination. Our initial dataset of Twitter posts have focused on posts from four different cities (Natal, São Paulo, Sheffield and London) and have shown interesting pointers that will be discussed.
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Lima do Nascimento, Tuany Mariah, Laura Emmanuella Alves dos Santos Santana, and Márjory Da Costa Abreu. "Fake News on the Covid-19 outbreak: a new metadata-based dataset for the analysis of Brazilian and British Twitter posts." In Simpósio Brasileiro de Segurança da Informação e de Sistemas Computacionais. Sociedade Brasileira de Computação - SBC, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5753/sbseg.2021.17332.

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The dissemination of fake news is a problem that has already been addressed but by no means is solved. After the manipulation made by Cambridge Analytica which was based on classifying users by their political views and targeting specific political propaganda on the Brexit campaign, the Trump election and the Bolsonaro election, there is no doubt this issue can have a real impact on society in ‘normal times’. During a pandemic, any type of fake news can be the difference between life and death when the data shared can directly hurt the people who are believing in it. Moreover, there is also a new trend of using artificial robots to disseminate such news with a special target on Twitter which can be linked with political campaigns. Thus, it is essential that we identify and understand what kind of news is selected to be 'dressed' as fake and how it is disseminated. This paper aims to investigate the dissemination of fake news related with Covid-19 in the UK and Brazil in order to understand the impact of fake news on public sector actions, social isolation and quarantine imposition. Those two case studies are well versed on the fake news dissemination. Our initial dataset of Twitter posts have focused on posts from four different cities (Natal, São Paulo, Sheffield and London) and have shown interesting pointers that will be discussed.
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