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Journal articles on the topic 'British economic history'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 31 January 2023

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1

FALKUS, MALCOLM. "Symposium on Economic History 1 British Economic History: The Tasks Ahead." Economic Record 65, no. 3 (September 1989): 279–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-4932.1989.tb00936.x.

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2

Tribe, Keith. "The Economic Journal and British economics, 1891-1940." History of the Human Sciences 5, no. 4 (November 1992): 33–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/095269519200500403.

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3

Mokyr, Joel. "Technological Inertia in Economic History." Journal of Economic History 52, no. 2 (June 1992): 325–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700010767.

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Technological progress depends for its success on a conducive social environment. The resistance to innovation is identified as a central element governing the success of new inventions. Such resistance usually takes the form of non-market processes. It consists of vested interests, whose assets are jeopardized by new techniques, as well as by intellectuals who are opposed to new technology on principle. The role of resistance in the British and French economies during the Industrial Revolution is assessed.

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4

Omand, David. "The authorised history of British defence economic intelligence." Intelligence and National Security 36, no. 1 (April 23, 2020): 141–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02684527.2020.1756628.

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5

Middleton, Roger. "Historical Statistics and British Economic History: The British Historical Statistics Project (BHSP)." Historical Methods: A Journal of Quantitative and Interdisciplinary History 45, no. 3 (July 2012): 103–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01615440.2012.662149.

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6

Collins, Michael, and B. W. E. Alford. "British Economic Performance, 1945-1975." Economic History Review 42, no. 3 (August 1989): 420. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2596458.

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7

Jeremy, David J., Bruce Collins, and Keith Robbins. "British Culture and Economic Decline." Economic History Review 44, no. 4 (November 1991): 743. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2597827.

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8

Singh, K. Gyanendra. "The Economic History of Manipur: Some Explorations." African and Asian Studies 15, no. 4 (December 21, 2016): 393–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692108-12341042.

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Manipur, an erstwhile princely state of northeastern India, suffered in the hands of Burmese during 1819-25 and again in the hands of British in 1891. Since 1891, the state had been under the control of the British government of India. With the change in hands of the seat of administration, the economy of the state underwent drastic changes.Following pure economic history approach, we analyse the salient features of the economy of Manipur during the feudal and colonial era. It was observed that the otherwise self-sufficient food economy of the feudal era was distorted during the colonial period. The colonial policy not only robbed the rice economy but also shunned the paths of industrialisation, thus preventing the natural transition of an economy. The policy of monetisation and commercialisation of agriculture led to export-led-retardation of the people and de-industrialisation of the economy with feeble trends towards tertiarisation of the economy.

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9

HOPPIT, JULIAN. "THE CONTEXTS AND CONTOURS OF BRITISH ECONOMIC LITERATURE, 1660–1760." Historical Journal 49, no. 1 (February 24, 2006): 79–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x05005066.

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This article explores some of the main bibliographical dimensions of economic literature at a time when there was much interest in economic matters but no discipline of economics. By looking at what was published in the round much economic literature is shown to be short, ephemeral, unacknowledged, polemical, and legislatively orientated. This fluidity is underscored by the uncertaintities about what constituted key works of economic literature and by the failure of attempts to make sense of that literature through dictionaries and histories. Economic literature in the period was, consequently, more unstable and uncertain than has often been acknowledged. It cannot, therefore, be simply characterized as either ‘mercantilist’ or nascent ‘political economy’.

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10

Church, R. A., Peter Mathias, and Stuart Bruchey. "British Economic History. An Eighteen-Volume Series of Theses." Economic History Review 40, no. 3 (August 1987): 474. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2596270.

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11

Glover, Ian. "British management and British history: Assessing the responsibility of individuals for economic difficulties." Contemporary British History 13, no. 3 (September 1999): 121–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13619469908581554.

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12

Jones, Kit. "Fifty Years of Economic Research: a Brief History of the National Institute of Economic and Social Research 1938-88." National Institute Economic Review 124 (May 1988): 36–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002795018812400104.

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The National Institute was founded in 1938, after a first initiative by Sir Josiah Stamp in the early 1930s. Stamp, who was the President of the London Midland and Scottish railway, had been connected with a Rockefeller Foundation scheme to provide fellowships in the social sciences; he became convinced that a wider attack was needed on the problem of financing the social sciences in Britain and his objective became the development of a central unit, of British origin, with funds under its own control. This would supplement and replace the help given by the Rockefeller Foundation (then the main source of research funds in the British social sciences) and develop an increasingly large research effort in economics and related subjects. Stamp made known his views and with the support of a number of prominent academics, in particular William Beveridge, Director of the London School of Economics; Henry Clay, Economic Adviser to the Bank of England; and Hubert Henderson, Secretary of the Economic Advisory Panel, began to search for British financial support.

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13

Tomlinson, James. "Social Democracy and the Problem of Equality: Economic Analysis and Political Argument in the United Kingdom." History of Political Economy 52, no. 3 (June 1, 2020): 519–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182702-8304843.

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In the context of the recent spread of public and academic concern with economic inequality, this paper examines the evolution of British social democratic thinking about inequality, linking this evolution to the changing debates within economics on this issue. The discussion of the economics of inequality focusses upon the pivotal figure of Tony Atkinson, the most important British economic theorist of inequality, but also an important figure in policy debate since the 1970s.

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14

Harris, J. R., and Joel Mokyr. "The British Industrial Revolution: An Economic Perspective." Technology and Culture 37, no. 1 (January 1996): 180. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3107215.

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15

PEMBERTON, HUGH. "RELATIVE DECLINE AND BRITISH ECONOMIC POLICY IN THE 1960s." Historical Journal 47, no. 4 (November 29, 2004): 989–1013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x04004078.

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In explaining Britain's post-war relative economic decline, contemporary historians have concentrated upon ‘government failure’: not enough, too much, or too much of the wrong sort of government intervention. Implicitly, such explanations conceive the British state as both centralized and powerful. Recent developments in political science have questioned this traditional view. Using this insight to structure its historical analysis, this article examines the wide array of policy changes that flowed from the British government's adoption in the early 1960s of an explicit target for higher growth. It finds that the principal reasons for the failure of these policies can be found in the fragmentation and interdependence of Britain's economic institutions – the source of which lay in the particular historical development of Britain's polity. These issues of governance required new conceptions of both policy making and policy implementation able either to strengthen the power of the centre to impose change, or to promote consensus building. However, lacking a sufficient shock to the system, and imprisoned in a mindset in which the British state was conceived as both centralized and powerful, elites saw little need for fundamental institutional change.

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16

Wright, Gavin. "The Civil Rights Revolution as Economic History." Journal of Economic History 59, no. 2 (June 1999): 267–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002205070002283x.

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This address urges Americanists to take the post–World War II era on board as economic history, using the Civil Rights Revolution to set an example. The speed and sweepof the movement's success illustrates the dynamics of an “unanticipated revolution” as analyzed by Timur Kuran, to be grouped with famous historical surprises such as the triumph of British antislavery and the fall of Soviet communism. The evidence confirms that the breakthroughs of the 1960s constituted an economic as well as a political revolution, in many respects an economic revolution for the entire southern region, as well as for African-Americans.

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17

Lee, C. H., and Rex Pope. "Atlas of British Social and Economic History Since c.1700." Economic History Review 43, no. 1 (February 1990): 142. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2596524.

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18

Wise, M. J., and Rex Pope. "Atlas of British Social and Economic History Since c. 1700." Geographical Journal 156, no. 2 (July 1990): 229. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/635359.

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19

Daunton, M. "The Future Direction of British History: Thinking about Economic Cultures." History Workshop Journal 72, no. 1 (August 19, 2011): 222–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hwj/dbr028.

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20

Jarvie, Ian. "Contributions to the Social and Economic History of British Cinema." Historical Journal of Film, Radio and Television 26, no. 1 (March 2006): 111–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01439680500533730.

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21

Jones, Geoffrey. "Alfred Chandler and the Importance of Organization." Enterprise and Society 9, no. 03 (September 2008): 419–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1467222700007229.

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Alfred D. Chandler entered my professional life incrementally rather than dramatically.As a student of economic history at CambridgeUniversity in Britain in the early 1970s, I barely encountered his name. British universities had their own long traditions in business and economic history, including a strong interest in entrepreneurship and in government policies toward industry. Most British scholars were not especially enthusiastic about ideas from across the Atlantic, whether the methodological approach of the new economic history of Robert Fogel, or Chandler's organizational synthesis. Cambridge was an especially closed academic world, with a strong assumption that little that happened outside its delightful campus could be really important. It was not until 1979, when I was recruited by the Business History Unit at the London School of Economics (LSE), headed by Chandler's (then) acolyte Leslie Hannah, that I read Strategy and Structure, nearly two decades after it was published.

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22

Tsokhas, Kosmas. "Dedominionization: the Anglo-Australian experience, 1939–1945." Historical Journal 37, no. 4 (December 1994): 861–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00015120.

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ABSTRACTThe role of decolonization in the decline of the British empire has received a great deal of attention. In comparison there has been little research or analysis of the process of dedominionization affecting Australia and the other dominions. During the Second World War economic ties were seriously weakened and there were substantial conflicts over economic policy between the British and Australian governments. Australia refused to reduce imports in order to conserve foreign exchange, thus contributing to the United Kingdom's debt burden. The Australian government insisted that the British guarantee Australia's sterling balances and refused to adopt the stringent fiscal policies requested by the Bank of England and the British treasury. Australia also took the opportunity to expand domestic manufacturing industry at the expense of British manufacturers. Economic separation and conflict were complemented by political and strategic differences. In particular, the Australian government realized that British military priorities made it impossible for the United Kingdom to defend Australia. This led the Australians towards a policy of cooperating with the British embargo on Japan, only to the extent that this would be unlikely to provoke Japanese military retaliation. In general, the Australians preferred a policy of compromise in the Far East to one of deterrence preferred by the British.

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23

Cole, W. A., and N. F. R. Crafts. "British Economic Growth during the Industrial Revolution." Economic History Review 39, no. 2 (May 1986): 300. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2596160.

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24

Tomlinson, Jim, and G. S. Peden. "Keynes, the Treasury and British Economic Policy." Economic History Review 42, no. 1 (February 1989): 147. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2597070.

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25

Wrigley, E. A., and Joel Mokyr. "The British Industrial Revolution: An Economic Perspective." Economic History Review 47, no. 2 (May 1994): 412. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2598096.

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26

Biagini, Eugenio F. "British Trade Unions and Popular Political Economy, 1860–1880." Historical Journal 30, no. 4 (December 1987): 811–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00022330.

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This paper is a study of the relationship between economic culture and trade union economic subculture during the years in which both the Victorian trade union movement and the classical economists' view of it reached their maturity. This period represented a turning point in the history of the movement, which achieved a full institutionalization and legitimation. The Webbs, and a historiographic tradition since them, maintained that these results were obtained at the price of a complete submission to the ideological hegemony of the bourgeoisie. In the 1960s R. V. Clements challenged this view and argued that such a subordination had never taken place, and that trade unionists had managed to keep their independent views – especially at the level of economic thought. Recent discussions have been content to stress the sound and ‘aseptic’ pragmatism of the working men, and the abstruse dogmatism of the economists. A footnote quoting Clements' article seems to be all that readers can reasonably ask for. The possibility of an alternative interpretation – namely, that classical economics could actually be useful to trade union strategies and interests – has not yet been sufficiently considered. The aim of this paper is to argue that there is much evidence in support of such an interpretation.

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27

Tuan Chik, Tuan Waheda, and Khairi Ariffin. "THE TOWN DEVELOPMENT IN TELUK ANSON DURING BRITISH COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION, 1874-1957." International Journal of Heritage, Art and Multimedia 3, no. 9 (June 15, 2020): 25–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.35631/ijham.39003.

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This study is about the emergence and development of the town of Teluk Anson or is now known by the name of Teluk Intan located in the Lower Perak district from 1874 to 1957 during the British colonial administration. Urban development was booming during the British administration due to colonial economic and political activities. This has led to several areas of economic activity in Perak emerging and expanding to a city while establishing a western-oriented urban concept. In terms of development, it had a positive impact on the urban development and socio-economic of society in Teluk Anson. Therefore, the study was fully carried out by using qualitative methods through document analysis approaches such as the Perak Secretariat and Perak Annual Report obtained from the National Archives of Malaysia. The use of secondary sources such as books and writings of studies on the economics and history of the town during the British colonial era was also used to reinforce the findings. The findings show that a number of economic activities had contributed to the development and transformation of the Teluk Anson urban landscape such as trading activities at the main wharf and commercial agriculture. This indirectly contributed to the development of the Teluk Anson urbanization network. Overall, the British administration policy in the state of Perak has driven the emergence and development of the Teluk Anson town and this was driven by the trade at the wharf and commercial agriculture. Thus, the Teluk Anson town was one of the major cities of trade during the British colonial era.

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28

Pamuk, Şevket. "Economic History, Institutions, and Institutional Change." International Journal of Middle East Studies 44, no. 3 (July 26, 2012): 532–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743812000475.

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Until recently the discipline of economic history was concerned mostly with the Industrial Revolution and the period since. A large majority of the research and writing focused on Great Britain, western Europe, and the United States. There has been a striking change in the last three decades. Economic historians today are much more interested in the earlier periods: the early modern and medieval eras and even the ancient economies of the Old World. They have been gathering empirical materials and employing various theories to make sense of the evolution of these economies. Equally important, there has been a resurgence in the studies of developing regions of the world. Global economic history, focusing on all regions of the world and their interconnectedness since ancient times, is on its way to becoming a major field of study. Even the Industrial Revolution, the most central event of economic history, is being studied and reinterpreted today not as a British or even western European event but as a breakthrough resulting from many centuries of interaction between Europe and the rest of the world.

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29

Turner, Ian. "Great Britain and the Post-War German Currency Reform." Historical Journal 30, no. 3 (September 1987): 685–708. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x0002094x.

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British policy towards Germany during the period of occupation aimed at preventing a resurgence of German military might in the future, whilst ensuring stable economic conditions in the short term. By mid 1946, however, the scale of the economic problems confronting the occupying powers in Germany had already manifested itself in the reduction of food rations and the consequent falling off in the output of Ruhr coal. The fragile economy was to suffer an even greater setback during the cruel winter of 1946/7. The immediate restoration of economic activity became imperative, not least because the dollar cost of sustaining the British Zone with imported grain weighed heavily on the British exchequer.

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30

Boianovsky, Mauro. "THE DEVELOPMENT ECONOMIST AS HISTORIAN OF ECONOMICS: THE CASE OF WILLIAM J. BARBER." Journal of the History of Economic Thought 41, no. 03 (July 24, 2019): 325–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1053837219000178.

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The paper shows how William Barber’s background as a development economist influenced his research agenda in the history of economic thought, in terms of the questions he asked and the way he approached them. The links between the history of economic theory and of policy-making are highlighted, as well as Barber’s investigation of the engagement of British economists with India’s economic matters throughout the time span of the British East India Company.

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31

Pollard, Sidney, and Alec Cairncross. "Years of Recovery: British Economic Policy, 1945-51." American Historical Review 91, no. 4 (October 1986): 931. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1873391.

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32

KUMEKAWA, IAN. "MEAT AND ECONOMIC EXPERTISE IN THE BRITISH IMPERIAL STATE DURING THE FIRST WORLD WAR." Historical Journal 62, no. 1 (December 26, 2017): 171–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x17000462.

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AbstractDuring the First World War, the British imperial state deployed economic expertise on a new scale. This article examines how such expertise was involved in the management of the supply and distribution of red meat, a key commodity because of its caloric and symbolic value. Meat was managed not through a centralized bureaucracy, but through the often contradictory policies and initiatives of several government departments. These departments, particularly the Board of Trade and the Ministry of Food, had vastly different ideological commitments about the proper economic role of the state and the importance of market liberalism. They also had highly distinct bureaucratic agendas related to the war. But all departments shared an interest in deploying economic expertise to pursue better their policy and political goals. Economics thus became both a real and a rhetorical tool. This article explores how economic information on meat was collected, analysed, and deployed by Whitehall offices during the First World War. In so doing, it contends that the variegation and ideological divergence of the departments helped integrate economic expertise into the fabric of the administrative state, thereby increasing the power both of the economic discipline and the state itself.

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33

Perveen, Sajeela, Dr Sohail Akhtar, and Dilshad Noor. "Socio-Economic development in Tehsil Alipur." International Research Journal of Management and Social Sciences 2, no. 2 (September 20, 2021): 233–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.53575/irjmss.v2.2(21)20.233-245.

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According to modern concept of philosophy of history presented by the historian like Voltaire and Marx that history is the study of human progress. This progress might be observed in different region as per the availability of economic sources. Economic development is considered very important for socio-political stability of the country. This is a micro level study of a region which presents a picture for the state. Many economic developments can be seen during British era. The economy of the Tehsil depends upon agriculture which is based on riverine system. New British Government introduced many agricultural reforms and new methods of cultivation and irrigation, hence total production of land was increased. They introduced new sources of communication, transportation. They made new settlements through them Government revenue had increased. This Paper primarily deals to explore the condition of the economic development in the Tehsil Alipur from (1929 to 1971).

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34

Bottomore, Tom, and W. D. Rubinstein. "Elites and the Wealthy in Modern British History: Essays in Social and Economic History." Contemporary Sociology 18, no. 1 (January 1989): 42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2071922.

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35

Rose, Mary B., and W. D. Rubinstein. "Elites and the Wealthy in Modern British History: Essays in Social and Economic History." American Historical Review 95, no. 1 (February 1990): 167. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2163013.

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36

Waterman, A. M. C. "The 'Sussex School' and the history of economic thought: British Intellectual History, 1750-1950." European Journal of the History of Economic Thought 9, no. 3 (September 2002): 452–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09672560210149251.

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37

Tribe, Keith, and A. W. Coats. "On the History of Economic Thought, I: British and American Essays." Economic History Review 47, no. 4 (November 1994): 842. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2597750.

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38

O’Brien, Patrick. "Was the British industrial revolution a conjuncture in global economic history?" Journal of Global History 17, no. 1 (November 22, 2021): 128–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022821000127.

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39

Pedersen, Joyce Senders, Francois Crouzet, Bernard Elbaum, William Lazonick, Neil McKendrick, R. B. Outhwaite, Samuel Smiles, and George Bull. "The Entrepreneur and Cultural Values: Recent Work in British Economic History." Rocky Mountain Review of Language and Literature 42, no. 4 (1988): 231. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1346975.

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40

Booth, Alan. "Economic Advice at the Centre of British Government, 1939–1941." Historical Journal 29, no. 3 (September 1986): 655–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00018951.

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Like other advanced countries in the twentieth century, Britain has witnessed a remarkable expansion in the size and functions of government. Increasing public intervention has necessarily been accompanied by a vigorous expansion in the number of specialists and professionals employed in the public service. In recent times there has been increasing academic interest in the role of one particular category of specialist, the economist. We have the definitive account by Howson and Winch of the economic advisory council and its committee on economic information, the purely advisory bodies of academic economists and representatives of producer interest groups which encouraged officials and ministers to take a longer, broader look at trends in the national and international economies in the thirties. From the post-1945 period we have a number of studies of specific departments and a growing collection of memoirs written by disenchanted or self-justifying economists on leaving government service. For the crucial period of the second world war, however, when administrators and politicians seemed to accept the need for professional economic advice from within the bureaucracy, comparatively little systematic research has been undertaken. There are memoirs, but many have been written long after the event and tend to be discursive and occasionally unreliable as to detail. Fortunately the state papers relating to the war are available and should be a reliable source from which to make judgements about the work and effectiveness of economic advisers in this crucial period.

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41

Daunton, Martin. "BRITAIN AND GLOBALISATION SINCE 1850: III. CREATING THE WORLD OF BRETTON WOODS, 1939–1958." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 18 (November 10, 2008): 1–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0080440108000649.

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ABSTRACTDuring the Second World War, attention turned to reconstructing the world economy by moving away from competitive devaluations, protectionism and economic nationalism that had marred the 1930s. The Americans had considerable economic and political power, and they wished to restore multilateral trade, fixed exchanges and convertibility of currencies. The British government was in a difficult position, for it faced a serious balance of payments deficit and large accumulations of sterling in the Commonwealth and other countries. Multilateralism and convertibility posed serious difficulties. This address considers whether the American government had economic and financial hegemony after the war, or whether it was constrained; and asks how the British government was able to manoeuvre between America, Europe and the sterling area. The result was a new trade-off between international monetary policy, free trade, capital controls and domestic economic policy that was somewhat different from the ambitions of the American government and from British commitments made during and at the end of the war.

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42

Capie, Forrest, and Alec Cairncross. "Years of Recovery: British Economic Policy, 1945-51." Economic History Review 39, no. 1 (February 1986): 145. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2596126.

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43

Booth, Alan, Michael Kitson, and Solomos Solomou. "Protectionism and Economic Revival: The British Interwar Economy." Economic History Review 45, no. 1 (February 1992): 196. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2598345.

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44

Roy, Tirthankar. "Economic History and Modern India: Redefining the Link." Journal of Economic Perspectives 16, no. 3 (August 1, 2002): 109–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/089533002760278749.

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This paper argues that to restore the link between economic history and modern India, a different narrative of Indian economic history is needed. An exclusive focus on colonialism as the driver of India's economic history misses those continuities that arise from economic structure or local conditions. In fact, market-oriented British imperial policies did initiate a process of economic growth based on the production of goods intensive in labor and natural resources. However, productive capacity per worker was constrained by low rates of private and public investment in infrastructure, excessively low rates of schooling, social inequalities based on caste and gender and a delayed demographic transition to lower birthrates and the resultant heavy demographic burden placed on physical capital and natural resources.

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45

Soyer, Daniel. "Jewish Immigrant Entrepreneurship in New York and London, 1880–1914: Enterprise and Culture. By Andrew Godley. Basingstoke, England, and New York: Palgrave, 2001. Pp. xii, 187. $60.00." Journal of Economic History 63, no. 1 (March 2003): 302–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002205070359180x.

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In this imaginative and readable book, Andrew Godley argues that culture matters in economics, and that some cultural traits encourage entrepreneurship, and therefore material prosperity, more than others. More specifically, he joins debates among British historians over the causes for Britain's relative economic decline around the turn of the twentieth century. He argues that British culture was in fact anti-entrepreneurial and concludes that this was likely to have had a negative impact on the country's economic fortunes. This is, therefore, really a book about Britain and its economic culture. Though it certainly has interesting insights into Jewish history as well; the author uses the Jews primarily as a “control group” in his historical “experiment.”

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46

Levin, John S. "Two British Columbia University Colleges and the Process of Economic Globalization." Canadian Journal of Higher Education 33, no. 1 (April 30, 2003): 59–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.47678/cjhe.v33i1.183428.

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This qualitative investigation identifies a condition of frenetic change experienced by organizational members at two university col- leges in British Columbia, Canada, during the past decade. Prominent outcomes of the formal designation of five former community colleges as university colleges included curricular change and the evolution of a new institutional mission. The brief history of the university colleges of British Columbia parallels the process of economic globalization in the province of British Columbia, and the responses of managers and faculty at university colleges indicate that globalization influenced the formation and functioning of these institutions.

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47

Barton, Gregory A., and Brett M. Bennett. "Decolonizing Informal Empire." Pacific Historical Review 90, no. 2 (2021): 211–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2021.90.2.211.

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This article traces the decolonization of Britain’s informal empire over the teak trade in Thailand in the mid-twentieth century. It argues that British influence over the teak industry, which dated to the second half of the nineteenth century, began to wane in the 1920s due to the gradual nationalization of teak leases. Still, British firms and the Foreign Office remained dominant in the export industry in the 1920s and 1930s because of Britain’s lobbying and geopolitical authority. The Japanese invasion of Thailand in 1941 during the Second World War caused British firms to lose access to their leases and equipment. Bilateral negotiations between the Thai government and British firms after the war ended led to logs and leases being returned to British firms, but the Thai government did not renew long term leases in the 1950s despite protests from British business and government. The Thai elite looked to Americans for defense support, and they supported nationalization to expand Thai and Thai-Chinese economic authority. Britain’s military and economic authority in Thailand had eroded rapidly and, within a decade, British firms had lost control over Southeast Asia’s teak trade. This article is part of the “Crossroads of Indo–Pacific Environmental Histories” special issue of Pacific Historical Review.

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48

MIDDLETON, ROGER. "Seeking a premier economy: the economic effects of British economic reforms, 1980–2000." Economic History Review 57, no. 4 (November 2004): 790–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0289.2004.00295_18.x.

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49

Hassan, John A., and Brian R. Mitchell. "Economic Development of the British Coal Industry 1800-1914." Technology and Culture 27, no. 4 (October 1986): 884. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3105361.

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50

Benson, John, B. R. Mitchell, Michael W. Flinn, and David Stoker. "Economic Development of the British Coal Industry, 1800-1914." American Historical Review 90, no. 4 (October 1985): 932. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1858891.

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