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1
Alkan, Halit. "A Transnational Approach to Salman Rushdie's "Midnight's Children"." International Journal of Social, Political and Economic Research 7, no. 3 (September 3, 2020): 601–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.46291/ijospervol7iss3pp601-607.
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Colonialism and post-colonialism have led to the development of transnationalism that is the interconnectivity between people and the economic and social significance of boundaries among nation states. When transnational approach is applied to Salman Rushdie’s Midnight’s Children (1981), it allows researchers to analyse how transnationalism impacts on gender, class, culture and race both in host and home countries. The traditional cultural heritage of India and British imperialism’s impact on Indian society are told through dual identities of the narrator Saleem Sinai who has double parents. Saleem’s grandfather, Aadam Aziz, a Western-trained physician, scorns his wife Naseem who could not notice the difference between mercurochrome and blood stains. As a traditional Indian wife Naseem’s response to the immoral sexual desires of her husband who has adopted the Western culture is a reaction to British cultural environment in India. Saleem’s mother Amina’s cultural conflict caused by colonialism is emphasized because she has to carry on her traditional culture-specific daily habits in her new house bought from a colonialist without changing the order established by Methwold. Despite gaining their independence, Indians cannot get rid of the impact of British colonialism. In terms of transnationalism, Indians are considered as undeveloped, ignorant and wild by British.
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Arnold, David. "CHOLERA AND COLONIALISM IN BRITISH INDIA." Past and Present 113, no. 1 (1986): 118–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/past/113.1.118.
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FISHER, MICHAEL H. "Indian Political Representations in Britain during the Transition to Colonialism." Modern Asian Studies 38, no. 3 (July 2004): 649–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x03001161.
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During the transition to colonialism, over thirty Indian political missions ventured to London. Representing the interests of Indian royalty directly in British public discourse, these Indian diplomats strove to reshape colonial policies. They also gathered first-hand intelligence, unmediated by Britons, for their Indian audiences; some later Indian diplomats evidently learned from their precursors. Nonetheless, they increasingly struggled against spreading British colonialism, with its expanding surveillance and control over political communication, growing colonial archives, ever more dominant military force, and cultural assertions. Nor did their relatively isolated efforts accumulate into unified Indian policies. The dynamics of these unequal contests reveal how multi-centered, conflicted, and contingent was political intercourse over this period, in Britain and in India. This article analyzes these Indian missions, concentrating on two: one from early in the transition to colonialism when all parties were exploring the nature of such interactions, and the other late in that process when some Indian diplomats and, even more so, the Company's Directors, had learned to deploy more sophisticated tactics against each other. The 1857 conflict, which ended the Company's rule and established British royal authority over India, altered imperial relations with India's ‘princes’ profoundly, ushering in high colonial rule.
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Merivirta, Raita. "Valkoisen linssin läpi." Lähikuva – audiovisuaalisen kulttuurin tieteellinen julkaisu 32, no. 4 (March 16, 2020): 7–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.23994/lk.90785.
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Englantilaisen Richard Attenborough’n ohjaama Gandhi (1982) on Mohandas K. Gandhin (1869–1948) elämää ihailevasti tarkasteleva historiallinen suurelokuva, joka kuvaa nimihenkilön elämän ohella myös sitä, kuinka brittiläinen imperiumi luopui Intiasta vuonna 1947 intialaisten vuosikymmeniä kestäneen itsenäisyyskamppailun jälkeen.Tässä artikkelissa Gandhia luetaan brittien itselleen kertomana tarinana imperialismistaan ja kolonialismistaan ja niiden päättymisestä Intiassa. Tähän liittyy kiinteästi kysymys rotusuhteista kolonisoidussa Intiassa. Artikkelissa kysytään mitä Gandhi kertoo katsojilleen imperialismista, kolonialismista ja britti-hallinnosta Intiassa? Mikä merkitys on Gandhia alinomaa ympäröivillä valkoisilla henkilöillä? Käytän elokuvan tarkasteluun postkoloniaalista näkökulmaa yhdistettynä kulttuurihistorialliseen lähestymistapaan.Siitä huolimatta, että Gandhi suhtautuu nimihenkilöönsä ja tämän väkivallattomaan vastarintaan kunnioittavasti ja myönteisesti, elokuva myös kaunistelee britti-imperialismia ja siihen liittynyttä rasismia ja nostaa keskeiseen asemaan valkoisia, angloamerikkalaisia toimijoita monien intialaisten itsenäisyystaistelijoiden ohi. Gandhi onkin imperialismin ja kolonialismin vastaisuudestaan huolimatta erinomainen esimerkki eurosentrisen diskurssin hallitsemasta elokuvasta ja valkopestystä historian tulkinnasta. Elokuvaan on kirjoitettu runsaasti valkoisia, länsimaisia henkilöitä, jotka eivät elokuvan kuvaamien tapahtumien ja tulkintojen kannalta olisi olleet historiallisesti välttämättömiä. Gandhi kuvaa ”tavalliset britit” hyvinä yksilöinä ja ”tavalliset intialaiset” potentiaalisesti väkivaltaisina ja väkijoukkojen osana. Brittiläinen Intia ei elokuvassa tunnusta rasistisuuttaan, vaan kysymys imperialismista esitetään kysymyksenä Intian parhaasta hallinnosta ja hallinnasta.Through a White Lens: Imperialism, Racialization and Media in GandhiThe British film Gandhi (1982), directed by the English filmmaker Richard Attenborough, presents an admiring portrait of the Indian leader Mohandas K. Gandhi (1869–1948). Along with the life of the mahatma, the grand historical film also depicts (by necessity) the Indian independence struggle and the withdrawal of the British from India in 1947. In this article, Gandhi is read as a British narrative about British imperialism, colonialism, and the decolonization of India. These are inextricably intertwined with racial relations in colonial India.The article examines what Gandhi tells its viewers about imperialism, colonialism, and the British rule in India and asks, what is the meaning of all the white characters surrounding Gandhi. The film is analyzed from a postcolonial perspective.Despite the film’s respectful and admiring take on Gandhi and his philosophy and method of nonviolence, Gandhi also sanitizes British imperialism and racism, and has white, Anglo-American characters in central roles, all the while omitting or downplaying the role of many central Indian historical figures. It can be argued that though Gandhi is written in principle as an anti-imperialist and anti-colonialist text, it is also a prime example of Eurocentric and whitewashed historical interpretation. A number of white, Western characters who are not historically integral or necessary to the story being told have been included in the film. “Ordinary Brits” are depicted as good guys in Gandhi – British imperialists are an estranged elite – whereas “ordinary Indians” appear as potentially violent members of a mob. The British India of Gandhi does not admit its racist character, and the question of imperialism is presented as a question of the best possible governance of India.
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Sreekumar, Hari. "Negotiation and resistance: a history of consumption in British India." Journal of Historical Research in Marketing 10, no. 3 (August 20, 2018): 280–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jhrm-05-2017-0019.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to review the key literature pertaining to consumption during the colonial period in India, broadly covering the time period from the early nineteenth century to the middle of the twentieth century. The review shows the prominent themes and patterns that help us understand colonial Indian consumers’ encounter with Western products and institutions. Design/methodology/approach The paper is a review of historical research papers and papers pertaining to the colonial period in India. Findings British colonialism introduced new products, institutions and ways of living into India, which were negotiated with and contested by Indian consumers and intellectuals. These new products and practices were not seamlessly adopted into the Indian context. Rather, they were appropriated into existing social structures determined by caste, gender and religion. The tensions produced by such negotiations and contestations fed Indian resistance to colonialism, culminating in British withdrawal from India. Originality/value Historical research pertaining to marketing in the Indian context is scarce. Moreover, there are few reviews which outline the important consumption practices and changes pertaining to the colonial period. The findings of this review will be of use to researchers and students of history, marketing and cultural studies.
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Majeed, Javed. "BRITISH COLONIALISM IN INDIA AS A PEDAGOGICAL ENTERPRISE." History and Theory 48, no. 3 (October 2009): 276–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2303.2009.00509.x.
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Chow, Rey. "Between Colonizers: Hong Kong’s Postcolonial Self-Writing in the 1990s." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 2, no. 2 (September 1992): 151–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.2.2.151.
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Most debates on postcolonial politics center on issues that are by now familiar to those working in cultural studies. There are, first, the disputes and conflicts concerning the ownership of particular geographical areas, an ownership whose ramifications go beyond geography to include political representation as well as sovereignty over ethnic and cultural history. Though these “postcolonial” disputes and conflicts date back to the days of territorial colonialism, they remain the reality of daily life in places like South Africa, Israel, Lebanon, and Jordan. Second, there are the debates around reclaiming native cultural traditions that were systematically distorted by the colonial powers in the process of exploitation. In the case of India, for instance, historians argue for the need to wrest India’s past from colonialist historiography—that is, from the ways in which India was ideologically as well as economically and territorially dominated by the British. In other words, even though India has been territorially independent since 1947, the Indian people’s “postcolonial” struggle against British colonialism remains an urgent cultural task. Third, there is the question of neocolonialism in countries that were once European colonies and that, after national independence, have been targeted for aggression and exploitation by the United States during its period of global power. We think here especially of its “client states” in Central and Latin America, and the Middle East.
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Pant, Bhuwaneswor. "An analysis of unofficial sanction of India from neo-colonialism perspective." Contemporary Research: An Interdisciplinary Academic Journal 4, no. 1 (November 6, 2020): 34–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/craiaj.v4i1.32728.
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This paper mainly analyses the unofficial sanction of India against Nepal from neocolonial perspectives. The paper argues that the sanction of India against Nepal has-been the repercussion of colonial hangover of the former. India saw new constitution of Nepal through latter’s inferiority to write democratic constitution. India as a postcolonial nation inherited the colonial culture from British rule. It has been almost seven decades that India got independence from British rule but in reality it couldn’t escape from the colonial culture left by the British. The study has been conducted as library research reviewing the wide range of research, articles and reports. The study is qualitative in nature, which has incorporated the description, assessment, examine and comparative methods.
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Verghese, Ajay, and Emmanuel Teitelbaum. "Conquest and Conflict: The Colonial Roots of Maoist Violence in India." Politics & Society 47, no. 1 (February 6, 2019): 55–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032329218823120.
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Does colonialism have long-term effects on political stability? This question is addressed in a study of India’s Naxalite insurgency, a Maoist rebellion characterized by its left-wing proponents as having roots in the colonial period. The article highlights three mechanisms linking colonialism with contemporary Naxalite violence—land inequality, discriminatory policies toward low-caste and tribal groups, and upper-caste-dominated administrative institutions. It analyzes how the degree of British influence relates to Naxalite conflict in 589 districts from 1980 to 2011. A positive association is found between British influence and the strength of the Naxalite rebellion across all of India, within both the “Red Corridor” region and former princely states. The results are robust to a coarsened exact matching analysis and a wide array of robustness checks. The findings call into question whether the supposedly beneficial administrative and institutional legacies of colonialism can be evaluated without reference to their social costs.
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Singh, Ruchi, and Ibrahim Sirkeci. "Editorial: Focus on Indian migrations." Migration Letters 18, no. 3 (May 16, 2021): 229–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ml.v18i3.1453.
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In this issue, we have brought together articles focusing on Indian and South Asian migration experiences and patterns. India has been a major player in international migration, including remittances flows, but also a major scene of internal migrations. This is to an extent perhaps expected as the second largest population in the world residing across a vast geography rich with ethnic, religious and linguistic diversity. The 2018 United Nations World Migration Report states that the Indian diaspora is the largest in the world, with over 15.6 million people living outside the Sub-continent. International migration from India can be traced back even before indentured labour flows initiated under the British colonialism. India is a leading country of origin and a major supplier of skilled, semi-skilled and unskilled work force. These migration flows from India has attracted significant interest among scholars of migration studies. In this editorial, we are offering some insights and an overview of Indian migrations since the British era.
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Abraham, Santhosh. "Colonial Law in Early British Malabar." South Asia Research 31, no. 3 (November 2011): 249–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026272801103100304.
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This article examines the development of colonial law in Malabar between 1792 and 1810. Within the historical context of emerging colonialism as a pivotal factor, it shows that there was no simple unilinear process in the making of colonial law in this region of India, but rather a series of continuities and discontinuities of practices. A clear shift in the logic of governance is identified, however, as new technologies of power, particularly writing and documentation, resulted in several formalities of practices in the making of the colonial state and legal system in India.
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Mulholland, James. "Translocal Anglo-India and the Multilingual Reading Public." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 135, no. 2 (March 2020): 272–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2020.135.2.272.
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This article proposes a new literary history of British Asia that examines its earliest communities and cultural institutions in translocal and regional registers. Combining translocalism and regionalism redefines Anglo‐Indian writing as constituted by multisited forces, only one of which is the reciprocal exchange between Britain and its colonies that has been the prevailing emphasis of literary criticism about empire. I focus on the eighteenth century's overlooked military men and lowlevel colonial administrators who wrote newspaper verse, travel poetry, and plays. I place their compositions in an institutional chronicle defined by the “cultural company‐state,” the British East India Company, which patronized and censored Anglo- India's multilingual reading publics. In the process of arguing for Anglo‐Indian literature as a local and regional creation, I consider the how the terms British and anglophone should function in literary studies of colonialism organized not by hybridity or creolization but by geographic relations of distinction. (JM)
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Davis, Donald R. "Law and “Law Books” in the Hindu Tradition." German Law Journal 9, no. 3 (March 1, 2008): 309–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200006441.
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It is by now common knowledge that British colonialism in India transformed or invented many Indian institutions and traditions. Questions of how the transformation occurred, of the extent of Indians’ participation in the changes, and of how to measure the scope of the transformation are all still very much in scholarly debate. The area of law has recently become a productive intellectual site for historians interested in describing the transformative effects of colonial governance. Few of these studies, however, are informed by more than a superficial knowledge of classical and medieval legal traditions in India.
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Cooper, Nicola. "Colonial Humanism in the 1930s." French Cultural Studies 17, no. 2 (June 2006): 189–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957155806064441.
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Although a committed critic of colonial abuses and mismanagement, Andrée Viollis should not be viewed as an anticolonialist. The indigenous discontent she witnesses in India, Indochina and Tunisia does not impel her to denounce colonialism itself, but rather convinces her of the possibility of a reformed and humanitarian colonialism. This article studies Viollis's accounts of uprising in British India, the aftermath of revolt and repression in Indochina, and the emergence of Néo-destour in Tunisia. It examines comparisons she made between British and French colonial systems and colonial management, and investigates how the accession of the reformist Popular Front to government altered her perception of the value of French colonial rule. It traces the trajectory of the type of liberal, humanist colonial thought, prevalent in France before the Second World War, which Andrée Viollis embodied.
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MISRA, SANGHAMITRA. "Peasants, Colonialism, and Sovereignty: The Garo rebellions in eastern India." Modern Asian Studies 55, no. 5 (February 1, 2021): 1681–717. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x20000426.
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AbstractThis article studies two seismic decades in the history of the Garo community, marked out in colonial records as among the most violent and isolated people that British rule encountered in eastern and northeastern India. Through a densely knit historical narrative that hinges on an enquiry into the colonial reordering of the core elements of the regional political economy of eastern and northeastern India, it will train its focus on the figure of the rebellious Garo peasant and on the arresting display of Garo recalcitrance between 1807 and 1820. Reading a rich colonial archive closely and against the grain, the article will depart from extant historiography in its characterization of the colonial state in the early nineteenth century as well as of its relationship with ‘tribes’/‘peasants’ in eastern and northeastern India. A critique of the idea of primitive violence and the production of the ‘tribe’ under conditions of colonial modernity will occupy the latter half of the article. Here it will argue that the numerous and apparently disparate acts of headhunting, raids, plunder, and burning by the Garos on the lowlands of Bengal and Assam were in fact an assembling of the first of a series of sustained peasant rebellions in this part of colonial India—a powerful manifestation of a community's historical consciousness of the loss of its sovereign self under British rule.
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Afroz, Sultana. "The Role of Islam in the Abolition of Slavery and in the Development of British Capitalism." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 29, no. 1 (January 1, 2012): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v29i1.326.
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West Indian scholars have overlooked the role played by the Muslim leadership in West Africa in bringing an end to the transatlantic trade in Africans. The jihād movements in West Africa in the late eighteenth century gave political unity to West Africa challenging the collaboration of European trade in Africans with the pagan slave traders. West Indian historiography, while emphasizing European abolitionist movements, ignores the Islamic unity (tawhīd) of humankind, which brought together many ethnically heterogeneous enslaved African Muslims to successfully challenge the West Indian plantation system. The exploitation of the human resources and the immense wealth of the then Moghul India and Imperial China by British colonialism helped develop the British industrial capitalism, which controlled most of the world until the end of World War II. The security of the British industrial capitalist complex could no longer depend on the small-scale West Indian plantation economies but on the large-scale economies of Asia protected by the British imperial forces under the British imperial flag.
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Afroz, Sultana. "The Role of Islam in the Abolition of Slavery and in the Development of British Capitalism." American Journal of Islam and Society 29, no. 1 (January 1, 2012): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v29i1.326.
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West Indian scholars have overlooked the role played by the Muslim leadership in West Africa in bringing an end to the transatlantic trade in Africans. The jihād movements in West Africa in the late eighteenth century gave political unity to West Africa challenging the collaboration of European trade in Africans with the pagan slave traders. West Indian historiography, while emphasizing European abolitionist movements, ignores the Islamic unity (tawhīd) of humankind, which brought together many ethnically heterogeneous enslaved African Muslims to successfully challenge the West Indian plantation system. The exploitation of the human resources and the immense wealth of the then Moghul India and Imperial China by British colonialism helped develop the British industrial capitalism, which controlled most of the world until the end of World War II. The security of the British industrial capitalist complex could no longer depend on the small-scale West Indian plantation economies but on the large-scale economies of Asia protected by the British imperial forces under the British imperial flag.
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Swami, Vandana. "Environmental History and British Colonialism in India: A Prime Political Agenda." CR: The New Centennial Review 3, no. 3 (2003): 113–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ncr.2004.0011.
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WILSON, JON E. "EARLY COLONIAL INDIA BEYOND EMPIRE." Historical Journal 50, no. 4 (November 8, 2007): 951–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x07006450.
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ABSTRACTSince 1947, the relationship between Indian society and the British empire has provided the most important frame of reference for scholars writing about the history of modern India. India is often treated merely as an exemplar of the colonial condition. As a result, scholars have failed properly to examine modern India's participation in global processes of historical change, and been reluctant adequately to ‘provincialize’ Europe. This review argues that historians need to move beyond this imperial frame of reference if they are to explain the transition to, or characteristics of, British rule in the subcontinent. Placing modern India in a broader comparative context allows one to see how the colonial subcontinent participated in an uneven but broadly comparative set of processes which occurred across Asia as well as Europe in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. There are, for example, important parallels between the process of active state-, economy-, and culture-formation occurring in France, Germany, and India in the nineteenth century, for example. This comparative approach would not denigrate the importance of ‘colonialism’ as an analytical category. It might, though, allow historians to produce a more satisfying interpretation of the difference between colonial and non-colonial states and societies.
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MCGARR, PAUL M. "‘The Viceroys are Disappearing from the Roundabouts in Delhi’: British symbols of power in post-colonial India." Modern Asian Studies 49, no. 3 (January 16, 2015): 787–831. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x14000080.
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AbstractIn the aftermath of the Second World War, as post-colonial regimes in Africa and Asia hauled down imperial iconography, to the surprise and approval of many Western observers, India evidenced little interest in sweeping away remnants of its colonial heritage. From the late 1950s onwards, however, calls for the removal of British imperial statuary from India's public spaces came to represent an increasingly important component in a broader dialogue between central and state governments, political parties, the media, and the wider public on the legacy of British colonialism in the subcontinent. This article examines the responses of the ruling Congress Party and the British government, between 1947 and 1970, to escalating pressure from within India to replace British statuary with monuments celebrating Indian nationalism. In doing so, it highlights the significant scope that existed for non-state actors in India and the United Kingdom with a stake in the cultural politics of decolonization to disrupt the smooth running of bilateral relations, and, in Britain's case, to undermine increasingly tenuous claims of continued global relevance. Post-war British governments believed that the United Kingdom's relationship with India could be leveraged, at least in part, to offset the nation's waning international prestige. In fact, as the fate of British statuary in India makes clear, this proved to be at least as problematic and flawed a strategy in the two decades after 1947 as it had been in those before.
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Kuitenbrouwer, Maarten. "Colonialism and Human Rights. Indonesia and the Netherlands in Comparative Perspective." Netherlands Quarterly of Human Rights 21, no. 2 (June 2003): 203–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016934410302100203.
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In a pioneering article, titled ‘Colonialism and Human Rights, A Contradiction in Terms?’ the American historian Conklin established in 1998 that France not only violated human rights in West Africa about 1900, but also promoted them for a small African elite, both in intended and unintended ways. For colonial Indonesia about 1900 the British historian Ricklefs observed in more general terms a similiar human rights balance. In this article this rough human rights balance is elaborated in more detail and for a longer period in comparative perspective. The case of the Netherlands Indies is compared to British India, French Indochina and independent Thailand during the 19th and 20th centuries. Both the human rights violations during colonial conquest and the limited promotion of political and civil rights and education could be specified in rather exact terms. But for social and economic rights GNP figures had to be chosen as main indicator. In general, British India took the lead in the promotion of political and civil rights and education, and independent Thailand in economic development, while the Netherlands Indies occupied a middle position and French Indochina lagged behind in both respects. In comparative perspective, education proved to be a crucial human right, opening the way to eventual selfdetermination.
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Boratti, Vijayakumar M. "Politicized Literature: Dramas, Democracy and the Mysore Princely State." Studies in History 35, no. 1 (February 2019): 37–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0257643018816397.
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Literary writings such as poetry, drama or novel in colonial India manifest themselves into, react or subscribe to the larger discourse of colonialism or nationalism; rarely do they hold uniformity in their articulations. As colonial experiences and larger nationalist consciousness varied from region to region, cultural articulations—chiefly dramas—not only assumed different forms but also illustrated different thematic concerns. Yet, studies on colonial drama, thus far, have paid attention to either colonialism/orientalism or nationalism. There is a greater focus on British India in such studies. However, the case of princely states demands a momentary sidestep from the dichotomy of colonialism versus nationalism to understand the colonial dramas. The slow and gradual entry of nationalism in the princely states did not have to combat the British chiefly and directly. Much before its full blossom in the princely states, it had to grapple with a range of issues such as monarchy, democratic institutions, constitutionalism, bureaucracy and other pressing issues locally. In the present article, the Kannada dramas of Devanahalli Venkataramanaiah Gundappa (DVG) in the early decades of the twentieth century are examined to throw light on the ways in which they act as political allegories which imagine and debate democracy and its repercussions in the social and political spheres of the Mysore princely state.
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Drapeau, Thierry. "‘Look at our Colonial Struggles’: Ernest Jones and the Anti-Colonialist Challenge to Marx’s Conception of History." Critical Sociology 45, no. 7-8 (November 17, 2017): 1195–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0896920517739094.
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This article seeks to restore the influential role of the Chartist activist, writer and poet, Ernest Jones (1819–1869), on Marx’s shift toward a multilinear conception of history in the early 1850s. Living in exile in London, Marx developed a close and long-lasting friendship and intellectual partnership with Jones, and actively contributed to his Chartist weeklies, Notes to the People (1851–1852) and the People’s Paper (1852–1858), during which he was directly exposed to, and thus influenced by, Jones’ anti-colonialist outlook. Based on circumstantial and cross-textual evidence, this article shows that starting in 1853 Marx appears to have drawn insights from Jones’ writings as he was changing his views on the progressiveness of Western colonialism, particularly the British kind in India. Seemingly imbued with the radical intellectual environment in which he gravitated in London, Marx followed his Chartist comrade and converged increasingly toward a similar anti-colonialist position, thus breaking with the Eurocentric, unilinear framework of historical development that characterized The Communist Manifesto (1848). Recovering the impact that Jones had on Marx’s intellectual trajectory in the 1850s brings to the fore the contribution of English radical politics in the early development of Marxism, especially as regard to the nexus between anti-colonialism and world revolution.
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Mandala, Vijaya Ramadas. "Contesting the Colonizer or Hopeless Submission? Colonialism, Indigeneity, and Environmental Thinking in India, 1857–1910." Asian Review of World Histories 9, no. 2 (July 16, 2021): 189–224. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22879811-12340093.
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Abstract This article examines in detail how the forms of national or indigenous consciousness emerged in the sphere of Indian political ecology between 1857 and 1910. The subjects of “ecological indigeneity” and “dispossession” formed as defining characteristics in the articulation of this ecopolitical thinking. The scholarship to date has produced voluminous writings on the political, economic, and social dimension of the histories of colonial unrest, but it has not adequately addressed the issue of how the subtext of environmentalism greatly mattered in shaping some of the resistance movements. Focusing on the period between the 1857 revolt and 1910, this study evaluates three groups – (1) the 1857 Indian rebels and the Gonds; (2) the ādivāsī tribes of Bastar in 1910; and (3) the early Indian Congress Nationalists in the 1880s – to elucidate the emergence of environmentalism and indigenous dispossession in colonial India, which became foundational in critiquing British interventionist policies.
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Prakash, Gyan. "Colonialism, Capitalism and the Discourse of Freedom." International Review of Social History 41, S4 (December 1996): 9–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000114257.
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In the history and historiography of labour servitude, the ideology of modernity and progress looms large. Thus it was with bitter irony that a British officer described the miserable condition of a labourer in late nineteenth-century colonial India: “Steam, the great civilizer, has not done much for this man, although the railroad runs within a few hundred yards of his door.” The persistence of the miserably poor existence was bad enough, but truly appalling was the fact that the introduction of modern industry had not set the labourer free. The poor labourers, or kamias as they were called locally, had seen modernity whizz past them without carrying them along in its journey to progress and freedom.
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Gilmartin, David. "Partition, Pakistan, and South Asian History: In Search of a Narrative." Journal of Asian Studies 57, no. 4 (November 1998): 1068–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2659304.
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Few events have been more important to the history of modern South Asia than the partition of the subcontinent into India and Pakistan in 1947. The coming of partition has cast a powerful shadow on historical reconstructions of the decades before 1947, while the ramifications of partition have continued to leave their mark on subcontinental politics fifty years after the event.Yet, neither scholars of British India nor scholars of Indian nationalism have been able to find a compelling place for partition within their larger historical narratives (Pandey 1994, 204–5). For many British empire historians, partition has been treated as an illustration of the failure of the “modernizing” impact of colonial rule, an unpleasant blip on the transition from the colonial to the postcolonial worlds. For many nationalist Indian historians, it resulted from the distorting impact of colonialism itself on the transition to nationalism and modernity, “the unfortunate outcome of sectarian and separatist politics,” and “a tragic accompaniment to the exhilaration and promise of a freedom fought for with courage and valour” (Menon and Bhasin 1998, 3).
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Harvey, Mark J. "The Secular as Sacred?—The Religio-political Rationalization of B. G. Tilak." Modern Asian Studies 20, no. 2 (April 1986): 321–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00000858.
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Bal Gangadhar Tilak (1856–1920) attempted throughout his public life to mobilize the Indian populace for mass political action. He did this by means of his speeches, journalism, leadership and philosophy. His desire was to throw off the yoke of British colonialism, to deliver his countrymen out of bondage. To this end Tilak sought a cogent and comprehensive, yet distinctly Indian, justification for anti-British pro-Hindu activism. He believed that the divergent sects of India could converge to form ‘a mighty Hindu nation’ if they would only follow the original principles of the Hindu tradition as set forth in such texts as the Rāmāyana and the Bhagavadgītā. And this convergence should be the goal of all Hindus.1 Tilak's interpretations of these texts, especially the Gītā, provided him with his ‘justification’ which rationalized his political work in religious guise.
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Roy, Tirthankar. "Economic History and Modern India: Redefining the Link." Journal of Economic Perspectives 16, no. 3 (August 1, 2002): 109–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/089533002760278749.
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This paper argues that to restore the link between economic history and modern India, a different narrative of Indian economic history is needed. An exclusive focus on colonialism as the driver of India's economic history misses those continuities that arise from economic structure or local conditions. In fact, market-oriented British imperial policies did initiate a process of economic growth based on the production of goods intensive in labor and natural resources. However, productive capacity per worker was constrained by low rates of private and public investment in infrastructure, excessively low rates of schooling, social inequalities based on caste and gender and a delayed demographic transition to lower birthrates and the resultant heavy demographic burden placed on physical capital and natural resources.
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Singh, Megha. "A Portrayal of Nationalism in Rabindranath Tagore’s Gora." Journal of Ravishankar University (PART-A) 27, no. 1 (July 13, 2021): 70–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.52228/jrua.2021-27-1-9.
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India witnessed a great many changes in the nineteenth and twentieth century. It has undergone amalgamation and transformation witnessing social, economic and political changes, religious disharmony, clashes and conflicts in the race, and also rising nationalism to subdue colonialism. Rabindranath Tagore, an eminent author of great many novels wrote Gora in 1907during disruptive times which India had undergone. Tagore in Gora portrays Gora as the central character of rising nationalism who voices his concern for the freedom of India from the clutches of British, a revolutionary making effort to transform India and also a man of self-discovery in the end. Tagore’s concern for India is beautifully depicted in the book.
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Mertania, Yanggi, and Dina Amelia. "Black Skin White Mask: Hybrid Identity of the Main Character as Depicted in Tagore's The Home and The World." Linguistics and Literature Journal 1, no. 1 (June 29, 2020): 7–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.33365/llj.v1i1.233.
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This research paper describes the analysis of a literary work entitled The Home and The World by Rabindranath Tagore. This novel illustrates Tagore’s inner battle about his ideas on the Western culture and on the revolution against Western culture when India was colonized by the British. These ideas portrayed in one of the main characters, Nikhil. Tagore represents himself as Nikhil, the hybrid, who is positioned between British and Indian cultures. The main purpose of this research is to describe the hybrid identity of Nikhil as one of the main characters in the novel within the context of colonized society and the Swadeshi movement. This research applied the post-colonial approach and hybrid identity theory by Homi. K. Bhabha and also applied the descriptive qualitative method to depict the problem by using the words. Library research was applied in the context of the data collecting process. The data are dialogues and narrations about the hybrid identity of Nikhil in The Home and The World novel. Based on the research conducted, it was concluded that the impact of British colonialism led to the formation of a hybrid identity process in Indian society. First, there was a hybrid identity of Nikhil as a part of the colonized society in education, lifestyle, culture, and social aspects. The second was the hybrid identity of Nikhil in the Swadeshi movement.Keywords: Black skin white mask, colonialism, hybrid identity, post-colonial, rabindranath tagore, swadeshi movement, the home, and the world.
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Anwar, M. Shoim. "Problem Etnisitas India Dalam Cerita Pendek Malaysia." ATAVISME 18, no. 2 (December 25, 2015): 195–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.24257/atavisme.v18i2.115.195-208.
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Karya sastra adalah dokumen kemanusiaan dan kebudayaan. Kumpulan cerita pendek Menara 7 (1998), terutama enam cerpen yang ditulis oleh pengarang Malaysia beretnis India, memberi gambaran problem kehidupan etnis India di Malaysia. Dengan meminjam teori etnisitas sebagai landasan, tulisan ini bertujuan mengungkap problem etnisitas India di Malaysia. Problem etnis India terkait dengan kemiskinan, pendidikan, gender, religi, budaya, dan persatuan. Keberadaan etnis India di Malaysia secara historis merupakan bagian dari kolonialisme Inggris di masa lampau. Residu kolonialisme menciptakan jejak hitam kemanusiaan yang mendalam. Sebagai pendatang, tersirat ada ketegangan sosial-budaya yang dialami etnis India, tetapi bukan konflik. Problem etnis India dalam cerpen Malaysia adalah sarana untuk becermin bagi masyarakat dalam negara yang multietnis.
Abstract:
Literature is a document of humanity and culture. A collection of short stories Menara 7 (1998), especially five short stories written by Malaysian Indian, gives an overview of Indian ethnic problems in Malaysia. Using postcolonial theory as an anchor, their problems are poverty, education, gender, religion, culture, and unity. The existence Malaysian Indian was British colonial legacy. The leftover of colonialism deeply creates dark footprints of humanity. As a newcomer, it’s implied there was social-cultural tension, but not conflict, experienced by Malaysian Indian. The problems in Malaysia short stories are a tool of reflection in a multiethnic society.
Key Words: problem, ethnic, ethnicity, short story
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Visvanathan, Susan. "The Homogeneity of Fundamentalism: Christianity, British Colonialism and India in the Nineteenth Century." Studies in History 16, no. 2 (August 2000): 221–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/025764300001600203.
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Dirks, Nicholas B. "From Little King to Landlord: Property, Law, and the Gift under the Madras Permanent Settlement." Comparative Studies in Society and History 28, no. 2 (April 1986): 307–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500013888.
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In the last few years, modern historians of India have pushed the historical frontier of their field backwards in time. Colonialism is no longer considered the great watershed it once was thought to be. Historians who concern themselves with economic processes such as protoindustrialization tend in particular to minimize the impact of the consolidation of colonial rule in the late eighteenth century. Changes viewed as significant by these historians usually begin with the introduction of capitalism and the early encroachment of a world system, both of which predate the full political realization of colonialism. Historians who concern themselves with political changes tend in the other direction, although increasingly they have proposed major continuities between the ancien régime and the early colonial state. Historians concerned with social change view colonialism as significant but invoke various new forms of dualism to account for the limited effects of colonialism on local social forms. Whatever their differences, all of these historians agree that the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries are crucial for viewing later changes in economy, polity, and society, and, from their varying theoretical and ideological perspectives, delight in excoriating traditional views of India as static and “traditional” before the arrival of the British.
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Wemyss, Georgie. "White Memories, White Belonging: Competing Colonial Anniversaries in ‘Postcolonial’ East London." Sociological Research Online 13, no. 5 (September 2008): 50–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.1801.
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This paper explores how processes of remembering past events contribute to the construction of highly racialised local and national politics of belonging in the UK. Ethnographic research and contextualised discourse analysis are used to examine two colonial anniversaries remembered in 2006: the 1606 departure of English ‘settlers’ who built the first permanent English colony in North America at Jamestown, Virginia, and the 1806 opening of the East India Docks, half a century after the East India Company took control of Bengal following the battle of Polashi. Both events were associated with the Thames waterfront location of Blackwall in the east London borough of Tower Hamlets, an area with the highest Bengali population in Britain and significant links with North America through banks and businesses based at the regenerated Canary Wharf office complex. It investigates how discourses and events associated with these two specific anniversaries and with the recent ‘regeneration’ of Blackwall, contribute to the consolidation of the dominant ‘mercantile discourse’ about the British Empire, Britishness and belonging. Challenges to the dominant discourse of the ‘celebration’ of colonial settlement in North America by competing discourses of North American Indian and African American groups are contrasted with the lack of contest to discourses that ‘celebrate’ Empire stories in contemporary Britain. The paper argues that the ‘mercantile discourse’ in Britain works to construct a sense of mutual white belonging that links white Englishness with white Americaness through emphasising links between Blackwall and Jamestown and associating the values of ‘freedom and democracy’ with colonialism. At the same time British Bengali belonging is marginalised as links between Blackwall and Bengal and the violence and oppression of British colonialism are silenced. The paper concludes with an analysis of the contemporary mobilisation of the ‘mercantile discourse’ in influential social policy and ‘regeneration’ discourse about ‘The East End’.
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Naithani, Sadhana. "An Axis Jump: British Colonialism in the Oral Folk Narratives of Nineteenth-Century India." Folklore 112, no. 2 (January 2001): 183–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00155870120082227.
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ENGLEHART, NEIL A. "Liberal Leviathan or Imperial Outpost? J. S. Furnivall on Colonial Rule in Burma." Modern Asian Studies 45, no. 4 (November 9, 2010): 759–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x1000017x.
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AbstractJ. S. Furnivall, in his influential account of the impact of British rule in Burma 1824–1948, argues that British officials laid down a Liberal administration that exposed the colony to market forces, monetized the economy and devastated communities. However, there is little evidence that British administrators actually thought in Liberal terms: they relied heavily on institutions inherited from the Burmese monarchy, and when they introduced new administrative methods these were drawn from other parts of British India and only indirectly influenced by Liberalism. Furnivall's view of the ideological origins of British administration, in turn, distorts his reading of the impact of British rule, as illustrated by recent work on the pre-colonial economy showing that it was in fact more monetized and commercialized than he claims. If his account of the pre-modern economy is not viable, Furnivall's claims about the impact of British colonialism in Burma demand re-evaluation.
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Smith, Andrea Lynn. "Settler Colonialism and the Revolutionary War." Public Historian 41, no. 4 (November 1, 2019): 7–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/tph.2019.41.4.7.
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The centerpiece of New York State’s 150th anniversary of the Sullivan Expedition of 1779 was a pageant, the “Pageant of Decision.” Major General John Sullivan’s Revolutionary War expedition was designed to eliminate the threat posed by Iroquois allied with the British. It was a genocidal operation that involved the destruction of over forty Indian villages. This article explores the motivations and tactics of state officials as they endeavored to engage the public in this past in pageant form. The pageant was widely popular, and served the state in fixing the expedition as the end point in settler-Indian relations in New York, removing from view decades of expropriations of Indian land that occurred well after Sullivan’s troops left.
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Arnold, David. "Race, place and bodily difference in early nineteenth-century India*." Historical Research 77, no. 196 (May 1, 2004): 254–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0950-3471.2004.00209.x.
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Abstract Changing ideas of race, place and bodily difference played a crucial part in the way in which the British in India thought about themselves, and more especially about Indians, in the half-century leading up to the Mutiny and Rebellion of 1857. But in seeking to make this case, this article aims to do more than merely illustrate the importance of ‘the body’ to the ideology and practice of nineteenth-century colonialism in one of its principal domains. Without, I hope, invoking too crass and simplistic a binary divide, it seeks to restate an argument about colonialism as a site of profound (and physically-grounded) difference. Binary divisions and dichotomous ideas may have passed out of favour of late among historians, with a growing barrage of attacks on Edward Said and Orientalism.1 But even if Orientalism provides an unreliable guide to the complex heterogeneity of imperial history, there is an equal danger that, in reacting so strongly against ideas of ‘otherness’, historians may too readily overlook or unduly diminish the ways in which ideas of difference were mobilized, in ideology and in practice, in the service of an imperial power.
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Gilmartin, David. "Scientific Empire and Imperial Science: Colonialism and Irrigation Technology in the Indus Basin." Journal of Asian Studies 53, no. 4 (November 1994): 1127–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2059236.
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In the eyes of many colonial administrators in the nineteenth century, the advance of science and the advance of colonial rule went hand in hand: Science helped to secure colonial rule, to justify European domination over other peoples, and to transform production for an expanding world economy (Adas 1989). The history of irrigation in India, where the British built large new irrigation works to increase colonial revenues and expand commercial production, provides a dramatic illustration of this.
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Orsini, Francesca. "Whose Amnesia? Literary Modernity in Multilingual South Asia." Cambridge Journal of Postcolonial Literary Inquiry 2, no. 2 (August 3, 2015): 266–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/pli.2015.17.
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AbstractThe debate over the impact of British colonialism and “colonial modernity” in India has hinged around questions of epistemic and aesthetic rupture. Whether in modern poetry, art, music, in practically every language and region intellectuals struggled with the artistic traditions they had inherited and condemned them as decadent and artificial. But this is only part of the story. If we widen the lens a little and consider print culture and orature more broadly, then vibrant regional print and performance cultures in a variety of Indian languages, and the publishing of earlier knowledge and aesthetic traditions belie the notion that English made India into a province of Europe, peripheral to London as the center of world literature. Yet nothing of this new fervor of journals, associations, literary debates, of new genres or theater and popular publishing, transpires in Anglo-Indian and English journals of the period, whose occlusion of the Indian-language stories produced ignorance, distaste, indifference—those “technologies of recognition” (Shu-Mei Shih) that produce “the West” as the agent of recognition and “the rest” as the object of recognition, in representation.
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BHUKYA, BHANGYA. "The Subordination of the Sovereigns: Colonialism and the Gond Rajas in Central India, 1818–1948." Modern Asian Studies 47, no. 1 (November 2, 2012): 288–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x12000728.
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AbstractBritish colonial intervention in India had sought to establish an exclusive sovereignty as was embodied in the modern state of the West. India had a tradition of existence of multiple sovereignties even during the times of strong imperial powers. Pre-colonial imperial powers had enjoyed symbolic sovereignty particularly over forest and hill areas, while local powers had undisputed sovereignty over resources and people in their territories. The British colonial state disturbed this shared sovereignty by assimilating the local sovereign powers into the state through a programme of colonial modernity, treaties, agreements and by force. This process produced contested histories. However, local powers such as the Gond Rajas were, to some extent, reduced to a subordinate position.
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Jadhav, Avkash Daulatrao. "The Role of British Legislations and the Working Class Movement in Bombay: A Historical Study of the Factory Acts of 1881 and 1891 in India." International Social Sciences Review 1 (March 14, 2019): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.37467/gka-socialrev.v1.1965.
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India has been a country to raise inquisitiveness from ancient times. The era of colonialism in India unfolds many dimensions of struggle by the natives and the attempts of travesty by the imperialist powers. This paper will focus on the two landmark legislation of the end of the 19th century specifically pertaining to the labour conditions in India. The changing paradigms of the urban and rural labour underwent a phenomenal change by the mid 19th century. The characteristic which distinguishes the modern period in world history from all past periods is the fact of economic growth.
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Chatterjee, Nandini. "Mahzar-namas in the Mughal and British Empires: The Uses of an Indo-Islamic Legal Form." Comparative Studies in Society and History 58, no. 2 (March 29, 2016): 379–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417516000116.
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AbstractThis paper looks at a Persian-language documentary form called the mahzar-nama that was widely used in India between the seventeenth and nineteenth centuries to narrate, represent, and record antecedents, entitlements, and injuries with a view to securing legal rights and redressing legal wrongs. Mahzars were a known documentary form in Islamic law and used by qazis (Islamic judges) in many other parts of the world, but in India they took a number of distinctive forms. The specific form of Indian mahzar-namas that I focus on here was, broadly speaking, a legal document of testimony, narrated in the first person, in a form standardized by predominantly non-Muslim scribes, endorsed in writing by the author's fellow community members and/or professional or social contacts, and notarized by a qazi's seal. This specific legal form was part of a much broader genre of declarative texts that were also known as mahzars in India. I examine the legal mahzar-namas together with the other kinds of mahzars, and situate them in relation to Indo-Islamic jurisprudential texts and Persian-language formularies. What emerges is a distinctive Indo-Islamic legal culture in contact with the wider Islamic and Persianate worlds of jurisprudence and documentary culture, but responsive to the unique socio-political formations of early modern India. I also reflect on the meanings of law, including Islamic law, for South Asians and trace the evolution of that understanding across the historical transition to colonialism.
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Arnold, D. "Review: Madness, Cannabis and Colonialism: The 'Native-Only' Lunatic Asylums of British India, 1857-1900." Social History of Medicine 15, no. 3 (December 1, 2002): 519–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/shm/15.3.519.
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Lariviere, Richard W. "Justices and Paṇḍitas: Some Ironies in Contemporary Readings of the Hindu Legal Past." Journal of Asian Studies 48, no. 4 (November 1989): 757–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2058113.
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India's history provides one of the best documented examples of colonialism. The British kept meticulous records of their attempts to improve, govern, and even exploit the people and institutions of the subcontinent. Improvement and government often occurred at the expense of traditional institutions, especially in the area of the legal tradition. The British are responsible for the decline and eventual demise of the living dharmaśāstra (science of orthodox behavior) tradition. The tradition has not been resuscitated in independent India. Nevertheless, even though the office of Paṇḍita (traditional expert) has long been abolished from the courts and the very training of modern Paṇḍitas has become rare, the texts of the dharmaśāstra tradition continue to be used in a very “paṇḍitic” fashion by the courts of modern India. The justices function as Paṇḍitas, and the texts they cite are mere window dressing for the interpretations of Hindu law they seek to promulgate.
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Mesthrie, Rajend. "Where does a New English dictionary stop? On the making of the Dictionary of South African Indian English." English Today 29, no. 1 (February 27, 2013): 36–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026607841200048x.
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This paper reflects on the recently published Dictionary of South African Indian English (Mesthrie, 2010, henceforth DSAIE) in terms of the decisions that have to be made over content in a New English variety. ‘New English’ is used in the commonly accepted sense of a variety that has arisen as a second language in a multilingual context, mainly under British colonialism, but which has gained an identity of its own on account of its characteristic linguistic features which differ from those of the erstwhile target language, viz. educated British English. Dictionaries of English outside of England and the United States of America are no longer novel: well-known efforts include the Macquarie Dictionary of Australian English (Butler et al., 2009) and The Dictionary of South African English on Historical Principles (Silva et al., 1996). In the same vein Hobson-Jobson (Yule & Burnell, 1886) recorded the lexis of colonial India, concentrating more on the vocabulary of the British there, though usage characteristic of Indians is also cited. Post-colonial India is still served by lexicographers of British origins: Hanklyn-Janklin (Hankin, 1994) and Sahibs, Nabobs and Boxwallahs (Lewis, 1991) are both true to the Hobson-Jobson tradition in feel and style, whilst being fairly up-to-date. I am unaware of any systematic dictionary work treating of the more colloquial words of Indian English, this 30 years on from Braj Kachru's (1983) article ‘Toward a Dictionary’. The popular guidebook series Lonely Planet has stolen a march on the lexicographers in producing a vibrant, popular book Indian English: Language and Culture (2008), with an emphasis on vocabulary amidst other culture lessons. The new internet era has also provided online dictionaries, the most sophisticated in my experience being the Dictionary of Singlish and Singapore English launched in 2004 (www.singlishdictionary.com).
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KLORMAN, BAT-ZION ERAQI. "Yemen, Aden and Ethiopia: Jewish Emigration and Italian Colonialism." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 19, no. 4 (September 9, 2009): 415–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186309990034.
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AbstractAfter Aden came under British rule (1839) its Jewish community was reinforced by Jewish immigrants from inland Yemen and also from other Middle Eastern countries. Some of the Adeni Jews, most of them British subjects, entered the Indian-British commercial network and expanded it to East Africa, mainly to Ethiopia, founding commercial strongholds there. From the late nineteenth century, Jews coming from Yemen joined the existing Adeni settlements.This paper compares the reasons for the emigration to Ethiopia of Adeni Jews and Yemeni Jews, and their economic and social status under Italian colonial regime (established in Eritrea in the 1880s). It discusses relations between these Jews, which it argues, were determined by the position of each group in the colonial hierarchy, and by the necessity of sustaining religious-communal life. Thus, in spite of their shared Yemeni origin and attendance at the same communal institutions, ethnicity and religion proved weaker than social and economic considerations, and the two groups cultivated a separate identity.
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Sanders, Douglas E. "377 and the Unnatural Afterlife of British Colonialism in Asia." Asian Journal of Comparative Law 4 (2009): 1–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2194607800000417.
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AbstractThe late 19th century saw the spread of anti-homosexual criminal laws to British colonies. The iconic example was the Indian Penal Code of 1860, with its prohibition of ‘carnal intercourse against the order of nature,’ a rewriting of the anti-Catholic ‘buggery’ law of 1534. The language of 377 travelled around the British colonial world. France and certain other parts of Europe had decriminalized homosexual acts a century earlier, so the colonial powers of Europe spoke with different voices. Modern decriminalization is largely the product of the human rights era - sixty years since the Charter of the United Nations and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
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Bandita Deka. "Assam as a New Economic Space: Colonial Annexation in the Region and its Implications." Space and Culture, India 8, no. 1 (June 29, 2020): 208–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.20896/saci.v8i1.748.
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The current social and political processes of Assam in terms of demographic aspect and frontier area policies cannot be seen to be a development in isolation from British colonial policies. The entire system is linked to a historical process of ownership and inheritance. The British entry into the North-Eastern region of India, at the end of the Anglo-Burmese war, marked the beginning of colonial penetration with the consequence of unanticipated transformation of socio-economic and demographic profile in the region. The profound commercial significance of Assam explored by British colonialism led to the development of the Brahmaputra valley into a new economic space. Accordingly, the colonialists consolidated political interventions through the construction of frontier policies that created a divide between ‘Hills’ and ‘Plains’. The policies of social and cultural subjugation, followed by the colonialists, brought the neighbouring hill tribes under colonial control, and the entire region was being turned into a politico-economic jurisdiction of colonial subjects. Such policies envisaged by the British with a commercial motive, however, anguished the ethnic strife- the existing social landscape, the economic space and the political set-up of the region. The current problem of foreigners’ issue and the frontier issue is, in fact, the continuation of the colonial traditions. An understanding of the colonial pattern of exploitation of resources through social and political control would provide an apprehension of the past causes and present effect relationship. Hence, this study attempts to understand the implications of the colonial era political developments in Assam considering its economic potentiality that has given a whole new dimension to the entire regional set-up.
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Rönnbäck, Klas. "Power, Plenty and Pressure Groups: A Comparative Study of British and Danish Colonialism in the West Indies and the Role of the State, 1768–1772." Journal of Early American History 1, no. 3 (2011): 215–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187707011x592282.
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AbstractWhy was the British crown unable to generate direct net revenue from its West Indian possessions during the early modern era, while a country such as Denmark was able to do just that? is paper undertakes a comparison between Great Britain and Denmark, which might yield important insights into what yielded revenue and drove the costs of colonialism. The British West Indian lobby, this paper proposes, was comparatively successful in shifting the burden of taxation to other areas, for example import tariffs, thus keeping direct taxation on colonial subjects low. In the Danish West Indies, direct taxation was on the other hand comparatively high. Danish neutrality during the period also contributed to reducing military costs for the state. The findings emphasize the importance of political power for the profitability of colonialism.