Academic literature on the topic 'British Challenge Glazing Co'

In mid-July 1961 the Conservative government in Britain, headed by Harold Macmillan, decided to apply for full membership of the European Economic Community (EEC). Successive British governments had persistently opted for intergovernmental co-operation instead of supranational integration as in the case of the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) and the EEC. Thus the application, which implied the intent to join a supranational structure and a customs union, marked an unexpected and somewhat surprising break with the well-established British post-war policy.

<em>Based on British and French archive material, this paper seeks to contribute to the limited “coalition warfare historiography” by exploring a neglected but revealing aspect of Franco-British chemical warfare between 1915-1918: Intelligence sharing. A contextual overview of the two allied intelligence services prior to and following the outbreak of war highlights their complementary strength and global reach. The tactical and strategic significance of French and British intelligence failures at the time of the first German poison gas attacks in April 1915 is examined and contrasted with subsequent allied experience. The discussion focuses upon the two most productive sources of allied intelligence information, mainly reports from secret agents and enemy prisoner of war interview digests. The volume, quality and detail of this material, and its importance to the Franco-British gas war effort are underlined. The article demonstrates how closely and effectively the two allies co-operated by exploiting their shared intelligence data to successfully anticipate German initiatives and to mitigate the searching battlefield challenge posed by an enemy whose technological superiority and resource advantages were evident especially during the earlier periods of the gas war on the Western Front.</em>

Abstract The modern British ideological centre has been neglected and its impact underestimated. This article highlights the persistence of the centre’s moderating influence and its progressive, indeed at times radical, contribution. This ideological dynamism emanated from centrists’ synthesis of objectives often considered to conflict. Notably, centrists sought social justice alongside individual aspiration, albeit that this cross-ideological marriage was partial and incomplete. The article also examines the relationship between the centre and the people – presently portrayed as one of popular disconnection from an aloof elite. Yet, centrists have received considerable electoral sustenance from voters, and in turn demonstrated an appreciation of the contradictory ‘mix’ in many people, conservatism and progressivism in complex co-existence. Centrist history points to the contemporary political challenge as being one of raising the sights of a collective national ‘us’, rather than demonizing a variously targeted ‘other’.

ABSTRACTThe roots of a British Antarctic policy can be traced, paradoxically, back to the establishment of a meteorological station by the Scottish Antarctic Expedition in the South Orkneys, in 1903, and the indifference of the British Government to its almost immediate transfer to the Argentine Government. It was from that modest physical presence upon Laurie Island that Argentina came increasingly to challenge British claims to the sovereignty of the Falkland Islands Dependencies (FID), first in the late 1920s and then more extensively in the second world war. This challenge shaped British policy for the next forty years, with further complications caused by overlapping territorial claims made by Chile and the possible territorial ambitions of the USA. Britain's eventual response, at the height of World War II, was to establish permanent occupation of Antarctica from the southern summer of 1943–1944. This occupation was given the military codename Operation Tabarin. However, it was never a military operation as such, although monitoring the activities of enemy surface raiders and submarines provided a convenient cover story, as did scientific research once the operation became public. Whilst successive parties, rich in professional scientists, considerably expanded the pre-war survey and research of the Discovery Investigations Committee, their physical occupancy of the Antarctic islands and Peninsula was essentially a political statement, whereby the Admiralty and Colonial Office (CO) strove to protect British territorial rights, whilst the Foreign Office (FO) endeavoured to minimise disruption to Britain's long-standing economic and cultural ties with Argentina, and most critically, the shipment of war-time meat supplies. In meeting that immediate need, Tabarin also provided the basis from which Britain's subsequent post-war leadership in Antarctic affairs developed.

In this paper, we analyze a PhotoVoice project - the Belonging Project that included 22 youth co-researchers and three researchers from the University of British Columbia. The project focused on concepts of belonging and exclusion and resulted in recommendations to a school district in Canada, a photo exhibit, and two of the co-researchers being interviewed by a local radio station about the project. This paper details the tensions between what the co- researchers saw as necessary for schools to be places that create a sense of belonging and how the role of students is constructed through policies from the district to provincial levels and through societal attitudes about schooling and young people. We also detail debates in the school district (simultaneous to the Belonging Project) concerning policy to address homophobia. Finally, this paper is a story about the challenge of undertaking youth participatory oriented research within the confines of schooling.

Wildfires pose a critical and ongoing challenge in British Columbia, Canada, threatening human life, property, and natural ecosystems. To understand and predict the behavior of such fires, our study employs Cellular Automata (CA), a mathematical model adept at simulating complex systems through grid-based cell interactions. This model, validated by prior research, incorporates a wind propagation rule that significantly enhances the prediction of wildfire spread in the direction of prevailing winds. Research centers on a wildfire event in Prince George, utilizing CA to simulate fire dynamics influenced by var-ious factors. The models strength lies in its ability to represent detailed local interactions and its flexibility in scenario testing, which is instrumental in understanding model uncer-tainties. By simulating different fire scenarios, the study aims to grasp the complexities and potential variables affecting wildfire behavior. The research provides a foundation for decision-makers to analyze and study wildfire events, leveraging a Multi-Criteria Evaluation (MCE) Model to assess the susceptibility of cells to fire. This comprehensive approach combines CA with MCE, offering a robust framework for simulating and manag-ing wildfire expansion in British Columbia.

While Britain was amassing the largest empire ever seen, her policy makers continued to believe that economic ties were a far more effective means of control than costly and provocative military domination. Fortunately for British empire-builders, the peoples they encountered were frequently divided amongst themselves, and lacked confidence in their ability to challenge British domination. This was not entirely the case with Japan's attempts to establish hegemony over Korea following the Russo-Japanese war (1904–05). Although there were serious political and regional divisions within Korea, these were subordinated to broad hostility towards Japan. Japanese technological superiority was seen as a hand-me-down from the West, and Korea's elite, raised in the Chinese tradition, was largely dismissive of Japanese cultural attainments. Even financially, Japan remained a small player in the international market, dependent for her own overseas development on New York, London and Paris. To win Korean converts, Japan had to introduce rapid, visible improvement. One means to support this aim was the idea of Asian unity underJapanese leadership. Failing this, she could enforce her actions with a sizeable, but expensive, military and police presence. However, the rhetoric of Japanese—Korean unity could not be overstressed in view of the burgeoning Western fear of an Asian resurgence. Moreover, the concept of Japan and Korea stemming from one family was unconvincing given the historical enmity of the two peoples. Consequently, Japan sought to diminish native antipathy and retain international sympathy by emulating Britain's exaple of discreet civilian control in Egypt.

It is becoming increasingly accepted among analysts of British voting behaviour that, contrary to the conventional wisdom, local campaigning matters. The widespread view, largely propagated by David Butler and his co-workers on the Nuffield election studies, has been that campaigning in the constituencies by party activists and their candidates has no influence on the outcome: the distribution of votes across the parties in each constituency is a function of the national campaign only. This view was initially challenged by studies of canvassing in the 1970s, and extended during the 1980s by studies of campaign spending in the constituencies; further support was provided by work in the late 1980s and early 1990s on party canvassing activity. This note takes the challenge forward with an analysis of the impact of different aspects of constituency campaigning.

Abstract For the first issue of the renamed journal, Modern British History co-editor Erik Linstrum convened a group of scholars to reflect on the past, present, and possible futures of the field. The resulting contributions make no claim to provide a comprehensive or representative survey. Rather, they offer a variety of perspectives on where modern British history has been and where it might be going. Several contributions, written by former editors of Twentieth Century British History, drawn on the history of the journal as a way of thinking about the direction of the field and its subfields. Others consider the place of modern Britain in the wider discipline of history, grappling with questions of temporality and embodiment; the institutional and material contexts of scholarship; the role of national histories in a transnational world; and the response of historical writing to epidemiological, humanitarian, and ecological crisis. The sequence of contributions mirrors the evolution of the journal since its founding in 1990, beginning with political history and gradually encompassing a much broader range of subjects and methodologies as well as an expanded geographical ambit. Here are archive stories, pleas for new subjects, roadmaps for new approaches to old subjects, and attempts to identify master narratives. Taken together, these contributions demonstrate that modern British history has many houses—which is both a sign of intellectual vitality and a challenge for anyone wishing to generalize about the ‘state of the field’. If British modernity remains an abundant resource for ‘thinking with’, its contours and frontiers are tantalizingly up for grabs.

The concept of micro-nations is not new, but until now little research has been conducted into how Governments have responded to the challenges they present. Such nations are invariably self-declared, often with tiny populations and no visible means of sustaining themselves, and usually to be found on remote islands. The Principality of Sealand, the name bestowed on Roughs Tower, an abandoned British military fort in the North Sea, by its 1960s occupiers, the Bates family, is perhaps the best known example of a micro-nation. The sheer longevity of their claim, which they have been putting forward for over forty years, makes it unique, and therefore worthy of analysis. This article draws together a narrative study of how Whitehall dealt with the Sealand challenge and how different departments of state viewed it in starkly contrasting ways, with a rigorous analysis of the Bates' claim from a legal perspective, setting it against the context of international law as defined by the UN, the EU and individual nations, with an emphasis on marine law and state recognition. The study concludes that the British Government could have done more to close Sealand down and that valuable lessons on inter-departmental co-ordination can still be drawn from this case study today.

The government of British Columbia faces a host of challenges as it attempts to establish a liquefied natural gas export industry and reignite unconventional shale gas production in northeast BC. Not only must it contend with a competitive and saturated global marketplace, but it must also address conflict with Treaty 8 First Nations whose treaty rights and traditional territories were impacted by early development. Shale gas impacts are intensely local, but First Nations have struggled to gain meaningful influence in colonial decision-making processes to ensure development decisions respect community values and authority. This research, conducted in partnership with Fort Nelson First Nation, explores the challenges and opportunities faced by the Nation in their efforts to reshape governance of the shale gas industry in their territory to address its environmental impacts. The research is situated within a review of multiple literatures including political economy, Indigenous governance, and critical studies of natural resource governance, social conflict and co-management in Indigenous-settler contexts. Through interviews and participant observation with the Fort Nelson First Nation, the thesis documents how those involved in shale gas governance at the local level perceive existing processes, and investigates under what conditions a more localized governance might resolve shale gas conflict in northeast BC. It develops an argument that shale gas governance must be rescaled to address landscape scale impacts and enhance the authority of local First Nations interests and knowledge. While collaborative governance reforms like co-management may not wholly eliminate deeply seated colonial authority, they can be effective and empower local First Nations communities under certain conditions. However, this case poses a unique set of context-specific challenges to governance reform, which the Fort Nelson First Nation are confronting as they work towards their governance and land use goals for their traditional territory. As the Nation continues to move forward, it is uncertain how they will negotiate the non-renewable industry’s political economy, and the current pro-development shale gas politics in BC. As such, this case offers a rare lens into local community experience with this relatively new and contentious global energy industry.
Graduate

This book explores the impact of genetic and postgenomic science on British literary fiction over the last four decades, focusing on the challenge posed to novelists by gene-centric neo-Darwinism and examining the recent rapprochement between postgenomic perspectives and literary understandings of human nature. It assesses the rise to cultural prominence of neo-Darwinism in the form of sociobiology and evolutionary psychology, thought styles which were predicated on scientific reductionism and genetic determinism. It explores the ways in which the fiction of Doris Lessing, A.S. Byatt, and Ian McEwan critiques neo-Darwinism but also registers the extent to which these writers are persuaded by the neo-Darwinian view of human behaviour as driven by genetic self-interest. It goes on to consider the ‘new biology’ that emerged around the turn of the millennium, as gene-centrism was displaced by a more dynamic and holistic view of the development and function of living organisms. It reads the work of Eva Hoffman, Kazuo Ishiguro, Margaret Drabble, and Jackie Kay as converging with this shift in which the organism is reconfigured as agentic and self-organizing but caught up in complex co-dependencies with other organisms. The archetypal postgenomic science of epigenetics is crucial in facilitating this change, disclosing the ways in which the genome is constantly modified in response to environmental cues and sponsoring a view of identity in terms of plasticity and mutability, a view more congenial to many writers than the concept of genetic predetermination.

AbstractThis chapter examines how British child migration policy became caught up in the political sensitivities of post-war assisted migration. By 1950, officials in the Commonwealth Relations Office were becoming increasingly doubtful about the strategic and economic value of assisted migration, but also concerned about adverse political reaction in Australia to any scaling back of this work. An agreement was reached between the Commonwealth Relations and Home Office in 1954 to continue child migration on the basis of encouraging gradual reform of standards in Australia. In 1956, a UK Government Fact-Finding Mission in 1956 recommended more urgent controls over child migration, but this was rejected by an inter-departmental review in view of these wider political sensitivities. Despite introducing more limited monitoring, British policy-makers struggled to reconcile their knowledge of failings in some Australian institutions with the political challenge of trying to address these in the absence of co-operation from the Australian Government.

This chapter will examine how 1919 transformed British adult education, being rooted in a dialogue between the trenches and domestic politics, prompting a movement for widening access to education. Framed within a Wilsonian view of a more democratic and peaceful world, the immediate post-war context generated opportunities for adult education initiatives. Firstly, the cooperative movement created the Co-operative College in a move that had been a longstanding goal. Secondly, the London County Council established City Lit targeting amongst others disabled veterans on their courses. Thirdly, women’s movement activists built on greater female participation in the public sphere, illustrated by the admission of women students to Ruskin College. Fourthly, the encyclopaedic ‘1919 Report’ of the Ministry of Reconstruction, triggered the first generation of 'mature students' with 33,688 ex-soldiers grant aided to attend Higher Education between 1920-23. This generation revived campus students’ societies, especially those that promoted the League of Nations, and formed the National Union of Students to rebuild international peace. The chapter will also examine how the transition between war and peace and the intellectual climate also transformed existing adult education organisations, scrutinizing the radicalisation of the Workers’ Educational Association.

This chapter offers a critical investigation into the ways in which the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament (CND) sought to undermine the official narrative of nuclear weapons and civil defence policy of successive British governments during the last two decades of the Cold War. The first part of the chapter explores the ways in which CND used the tools of propaganda and parody to turn government advice and publicity surrounding policies of public protection against itself. The second part of the chapter investigates to what extent CND’s activism presented a threat to the process of policy making and to what effect the co-ordinated anti-nuclear campaign by CND and related groups was a cause of anxiety for civil defence planners and policy makers. It asks whether, by offering both the public and political groups of the left alternative politics which sought to challenge the official version of Cold War defence, CND could be said to have contributed to either non-compliance with, or early termination of, civil defence policy.

This chapter shows that by the turn of the century, British spa and seaside resorts were explicitly proclaiming the emotional effects of holidaymaking and gradually advertising happiness and joy as their main product. It analyses the commodification of emotional experiences and its effects on notions of gender and class. The emotionalization of holidaymaking did not challenge its therapeutic function; rather, the crucial change was that the therapeutic framing of amusement opened holidaymaking to the lower classes, while at the same time paving the way for physicians to become involved in various aspects of the holiday industry. Through the analysis of travel guides, advertisements, popular literature, and texts written by vacationers, the second part of the chapter explores some of the challenges faced by resorts in their new function as an emotional industry. In order to provide emotional change, the resort industry had to adjust itself to all kinds of unstable perceptions of the moral dispositions and emotional meanings of time, space, sights, and sounds (e.g. modernity, technology, urban space, nature, crowds). In contrast to common assumptions about consumerism, it is shown that the kind of consumption practised in holidaymaking was not entirely subordinated to or manipulated by the production system; rather, the value of the product was co-produced within a broader emotional economy.

Since the 1980s, a rapid increase in the number of Mesolithic and Neolithic cremation burials discovered has prompted a substantial re-evaluation of the position of cremation as a prehistoric mortuary ritual in northern Eurasia. Sporadic but persistent appearances of cremation in a wide variety of cultural contexts from early Mesolithic to late Neolithic have undermined the traditional models seeing cremation and inhumation as two radically different ways to treat the deceased. In studies of north-western Europe, from British Isles to southern Scandinavia, it is now widely recognized that inhumation and cremation co-existed in many Mesolithic and Neolithic cultures traditionally treated as textbook cases of mortuary practices emphasizing the corporeal integrity of the deceased. Importantly, the unexpected appearances of cremation are only one part of a wider challenge to the traditional assumption of dominance of primary burial in Mesolithic and non-megalithic Neolithic cultures of northern Europe. One important aspect of this challenge are finds of scattered burnt and unburned human bones in Mesolithic and Neolithic cultural layers, suggesting that articulated pit inhumations may actually represent exceptional cases (e.g. Hallgren 2008; Larsson 2009). North-eastern Europe still remains a white area in regional studies of pre- Bronze Age appearances of cremation in northern Europe. This border generally coincides with the language barrier between Germanic languages and various ‘eastern’ languages in terms of local archaeological research traditions. On the other hand, the border also roughly coincides with many genuine differences in archaeological record. Therefore, there is an obvious danger that differences in archaeological research histories and differences in archaeological phenomena become intermingled, creating ill-founded generalizations and assumptions. This chapter examines the earliest known cases of cremation in Eastern Fennoscandia, the area consisting of Finland, the Kola Peninsula, and Russian Karelia (Fig. 11.1). It is currently the easternmost part of northern Europe where confirmed cases of Mesolithic and Neolithic cremation have appeared so far. Such cases are currently few and little studied but they have a potential to redefine the whole study of prehistoric mortuary rituals in the area. In most of Eastern Fennoscandia acidic soil usually does not preserve any unburned bone material older than about a thousand years.

The creation and subsequent access to accurate information is widely accepted as a vital component of a national radioactive waste management strategy. Information on the origin and quantity of the waste together with its physical, chemical and radiological characteristics provides a catalyst for sound and transparent decision making. This information will originate from a number of potentially disparate sources, including material manufacturers, facility operators, waste producers, Government and Non-Government organisations and regulators. The challenge to those with a role in information management in further increased by the fact that much of the information created is required to support activities, not only in the immediate future, but also in the longer-term — typically many decades or even centuries. The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) has published a number of guidance documents under the Safety Series, one of which makes direct reference to information management. The document [1] is intended to assist Member States in the development of a national system for radioactive waste management and identifies the key responsibilities and essential features of such a system. The following statement appears in Section 5: “The regulatory body, the waste generators and the operators of radioactive waste management facilities should maintain documentation and records consistent with the legal requirements and their own needs.” An essential requirement of these ‘documents and records’ is that they should be “...kept in a condition that will enable them to be consulted and understood later by people different from, and possibly without reference to, those who generated the records ...” The scope of the documentation and records to be kept will be wide ranging but will include “...an inventory of radioactive waste, including origin, location, physical and chemical characteristics, and, as appropriate a record of radioactive waste removed or discharged from a facility”, and “site plans, engineering drawings, specifications and process descriptions ... radioactive waste package identification ...”. It is has long been recognised in the United Kingdom that the management of radioactive waste will require the assembly and secure retention of a diversity of records and data. This information will be needed to inform the strategic decision making process, thus contributing to the future safe, environmentally sound and publicly acceptable management of radioactive waste. In the meantime it will also service the nation’s international commitments. When the planning application for a Rock Characterisation Facility (RCF) was refused and the subsequent Nirex appeal rejected in 1997, it was recognised that transfer of waste to a national repository was ulikely to take place for many decades. The long-term preservation of information by the waste management organisations thus became an issue. Since this time, the UK nuclear industry, including the waste producers, regulators and other Government Departments have worked together to develop a common information management system that is now being implemented. It is based on an Oracle database and is supported by ‘electronic tools’ designed to facilitate entry and retrieval of data in a common format. Long-term access to these data underpins many aspects of the system design. Designing such a system and seeing through its development has been a challenge for all those involved. However, as the project nears the completion of the development phase, it is clear there are several benefits in this approach. These include a sharing of best practice, shared development costs, an improved understanding of the needs of all parties, and the use of a common platform and tools. The ‘partnership approach’ between waste management organisations, Government departments and regulators will also reduce the likelihood of future surprises or conflicts of interest. Industry-wide co-operation also provides a greater degree of confidence that the system will continue to enjoy technical and financial support for the foreseeable future. The British Radwaste Information Management System (BRIMS) is supported by the principal waste producers, the Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs (DEFRA), the Nuclear Installations Inspectorate (NII) and United Kingdom Nirex Limited (Nirex). All organisations that have participated in its development over the past seven years have free access to it and may use it as part of their waste management strategy.

With research and technology (R&T) development activities for the next generation SuperSonic Transport (SST) being pursued globally over the past few years, the options to proposed airframe and engine concepts appears to be converging. The United States, the Europeans, and the Japanese are all engaged in developing the technologies needed for a future SST that is environmentally compatible and economically practical. Boeing and McDonnell Douglas are part of the team under an R&T contract with the National Aeronautics and Space Administration to develop critical components and enabling materials that will allow industry to make a production decision by 2003. Europe’s three main aircraft manufacturer’s — i.e., Aerospatiale, British Aero-space, and Deutsche Aerospace — comprise the European Supersonic Research Program (ESRP). A primary Japanese effort called the Hypersonic Transport Propulsion System Research (HYPR) project consists of a consortium of four international engine manufacturers and the National Japanese Laboratory. The manufacturers are: Ishikawajima-Harima Heavy Industries Co. Ltd., the Kawasaki Heavy Industries Co. Ltd., Mitsubishi Heavy Industries Co. Ltd., and General Electric Aircraft Engines Company, USA. A recent study by the Japan Aircraft Development Corporation (Reference 1) also addressed the technology requirements for the next generation SST. There are basically three major challenges that must be met before a new SST can become a reality. They are the technical, environmental, and economic challenges. The technical challenges of the propulsion system primarily reduce the development of new materials capable of sustaining higher temperatures and vibration (high and low frequency) over longer exposure times as well as capable of being produced at reasonable costs. Low emission combustors and low exhaust jet noise are the primary environmental challenges, which are a technical challenge in themselves. The economic challenge is to produce an aircraft and propulsion system that allows the manufacturers to recover development and manufacturing costs as well as realize a reasonable Return-On-Investment (ROI). In addition, Life Cycle Costs (LCC) must not be substantially above future subsonic airliners in order to justify premium fares the public would be willing to pay for the time savings of long-distance flights and still be profitable to the airlines.