Journal articles on the topic 'British Africa'
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1
FEDOROWICH, KENT. "GERMAN ESPIONAGE AND BRITISH COUNTER-INTELLIGENCE IN SOUTH AFRICA AND MOZAMBIQUE, 1939–1944." Historical Journal 48, no. 1 (March 2005): 209–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x04004273.
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For most of the Second World War, German and Italian agents were actively engaged in a variety of intelligence gathering exercises in southern Africa. The hub of this activity was Lourenço Marques, the colonial capital of Portuguese East Africa (Mozambique). One of the key tasks of Axis agents was to make links with Nazi sympathizers and the radical right in South Africa, promote dissent, and destabilize the imperial war effort in the dominion. Using British, American, and South African archival sources, this article outlines German espionage activities and British counter-intelligence operations orchestrated by MI5, MI6, and the Special Operations Executive between 1939 and 1944. The article, which is part of a larger study, examines three broad themes. First, it explores Pretoria's creation of a humble military intelligence apparatus in wartime South Africa. Secondly, it examines the establishment of several British liaison and intelligence-gathering agencies that operated in southern Africa for most of the war. Finally, it assesses the working relationship between the South African and British agencies, the tensions that arose, and the competing interests that emerged between the two allies as they sought to contain the Axis-inspired threat from within.
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Blakemore, Richard J. "West Africa in the British Atlantic: Trade, Violence, and Empire in the 1640s." Itinerario 39, no. 2 (August 2015): 299–327. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115315000480.
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The importance of Africa and African agency in the formation of the Atlantic world is now widely acknowledged by historians, but Africa has drawn less attention than other regions in analyses of the British Atlantic. Drawing upon the nascent methodology of global microhistory, this article contributes to a scholarly rebalancing by examining two maritime lawsuits from the 1640s concerning British voyages to Senegambia and Sierra Leone, both of which resulted in conflict between British seafarers and with their African trading partners. A close study of the documents surviving from these lawsuits provides an unusually detailed glimpse of these particular moments of contact and violence across cultures. More fundamentally, such an approach illuminates the ocean-spanning networks within which these ventures took place, and reveals the ways in which British traders and sailors perceived trade in Africa within their own legal frameworks. This article argues that by the middle of the seventeenth century, as merchants and politicians in Britain began to imagine an Atlantic empire, trade in West Africa was an important part of their vision of the Atlantic world.
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Kirk-Greene, Anthony. "The Changing Face of African Studies in Britain, 1962-2002." African Research & Documentation 90 (2002): 17–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305862x00016794.
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Leaving to one side the sui generis Royal African Society, which in 2000 marked its centenary with a special history (Rimmer and Kirk-Greene, 2000), the formalised study of Africa in British academia may be said to be approaching its 80th year. For it was in 1926 that the International African Institute, originally the Institute of African Languages and Cultures, was founded in London, followed two years later by the maiden issue of its journal for practising Africanists, Africa, still among the flagship journals in the African field. Indeed, the 1920s were alive with new institutions promoting an interest in African affairs, whether it be the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine (1924); the Phelps-Stokes Commission reports on education in British Africa (1920-24), culminating in the Colonial Office Memorandum on Education Policy (1925); the major contribution to public awareness made by the Empire Exhibition at Wembley, however politically incorrect some of its idiom seems today; or the attention generated by the League of Nations’ Mandates Commission, the bulk of whose remit was focused on Africa and whose British representative was no less than Lord Lugard, the biggest “Africanist” of his day.
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Crowder, Michael. "Tshekedi Khama, Smuts, and South West Africa." Journal of Modern African Studies 25, no. 1 (March 1987): 25–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00007588.
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Ever since the establishment of the Union of South Africa in 1910, Jan Smuts, one of its principal architects, had visions of transforming it into a ‘Greater South Africa’,. The South Africa Act of 1909 which established the Union provided for the eventual incorporation of other African Territories. It madespecific reference to Southern Rhodesia and the neighbouring British dependencies of Basutoland, the Bechuanaland Protectorate, and Swaziland, Known collectively as a High Commission Terretories because, pending transfer to the Union, they were admitted by the British High Commissioner to South Africa.
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Aghem Hanson Ekori. "The Queen can do no Wrong: An Examination of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth II in Africa and the Position of the British Monarch with Regard to International Crimes." Polit Journal Scientific Journal of Politics 3, no. 1 (January 31, 2023): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/polit.v3i1.833.
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Queen Elizabeth II would be remembered by many as a great queen who ruled and reigned for more than seven decades. Her seventy years of reigned as the British Monarch has imparted the world and the African continent whom she has visited more any other continent even before she was crowned as the British Queen. Indeed, Queen Elizabeth II was even proclaimed as British Queen while in Africa. Although many African leaders have hailed the Queen for the roles she played as the leader of the Commonwealth besides being the crowned Monarch, others have accused her for colonial crimes and harsh British practises administered by British colonial administration in Africa. Accordingly, the Queen ascended into the throne during the peak of decolonisation of Africa. International law protects the Queen in her capacity as the British Monarch and as the head of state or leader of the Commonwealth nations. This article examines reign of Queen Elizabeth II and argued that the British Monarch is protected by international law rule on immunities as the head of state of the Commonwealth nations and as a Constitutional Monarch of the United Kingdom (UK), despite many accusations from the African continent. Consequently, the immunities accorded by customary international to senior state officials also protects the Queen in her capacity as the British Monarch and as head of state to the Commonwealth nations. It further maintains that the position of the Constitutional Monarch exempts them for committing crimes unlike the British Prime Minister who exercises political power and could be charged and prosecuted for international crimes.
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L. Rappa, Antonio. "British Imperialism in Colonial Africa and the World." BOHR International Journal of Social Science and Humanities Research 1, no. 1 (2022): 93–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.54646/bijsshr.014.
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At first, my intention in this article was to write about imperialism and agency in sub-Saharan Africa with a focus on British Imperialism. However, as the article evolved over the months, it became gradually clearer that the idea of the agency was not only outdated, based on various reviews, but also unwarranted. This is because of the wide range of possibilities and prospects for agents in the colonial and postcolonial worlds. Therefore, the concept of agency was removed from the title, but it does not make the importance of agency as a recourse for resisting oppression, authoritarianism, and tyranny any less important. One might think that the narratives of imperial colonial Africa have become over-mined since the fin de siècle but the reality is that the consequences of those narratives continue to wreak havoc in the modern African worldview regardless of how many millions have died fighting against its largesse. This is sufficient motivation to continue our struggle in the search for authenticity and agency in postcolonial Africa and modern Africa itself. This article is about the cultural logic of African society and how the social construction of village identity is contingent on tribal elders and gate-keepers, shamanism, colonial authoritarianism, and oral traditions. The logic of the African village during the postcolonial era is defined as the skewed colonial rationale for the cartographization and control of the colonial subject as part of a larger western imperialist project and the imposition of alien White rule on Africa.
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Kumar, Ajit. "British Colonial Commonality: East Africa and India." International Journal of Community and Social Development 2, no. 3 (June 3, 2020): 344–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2516602620930947.
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This note examines aspects of colonial commonality between British colonised East Africa and India. Community development as a rural development programme, its presence in academic institutions and its use as an expression in development discourse are some of these commonalities. With the passage of time, British East Africa and India have diverged on some of these commonalities. In India, community development began with great developmental hopes in 1952, but it ended miserably and was soon abandoned as a rural development programme. While it vanished from India’s development lexicon, community development still retains a place in the development discourse of Botswana. It also seems to resonate in the mainstream life of some East African countries unlike in India. But one commonality still continues. Community development finds some place in the halls of academe in both Botswana and India today. To discuss these aspects of colonial commonality, this article moves back-and-forth among Botswana, India and British East Africa. This article needs to be read in the historical context of de-colonisation struggles over developmental ideas in British East Africa and India and the role of the native elites in this process.
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Banton, Mandy. "Africa in the Public Records." African Research & Documentation 78 (1998): 3–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305862x00014849.
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To attempt a discussion of ‘sources for African history in the Public Record Office’ immediately raises the question, ‘are there such sources?’. Or are there only sources for the history of the British encounter with Africa, or, indeed, as some would claim, the English encounter with Africa? The editor and compilers of the 1971 Guide to manuscripts and documents in the British Isles relating to Africa may have such questions in mind when they chose to use the title ‘documents relating to Africa’ rather than perhaps, ‘sources for the history of Africa’. In this volume you will find, in the section devoted to the Public Record Office, twenty-two closely printed pages listing in the region of one thousand record classes.
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Rappa, Antonio L. "British imperialism in colonial Africa and the world." BOHR International Journal of Social Science and Humanities Research 1, no. 1 (2022): 94–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.54646/bijsshr.2022.14.
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At first, my intention in this article was to write about imperialism and agency in sub-Saharan Africa with a focus on British Imperialism. However, as the article evolved over the months, it became gradually clearer that the idea of the agency was not only outdated, based on various reviews, but also unwarranted. This is because of the wide range of possibilities and prospects for agents in the colonial and postcolonial worlds. Therefore, the concept of agency was removed from the title, but it does not make the importance of agency as a recourse for resistingoppression, authoritarianism, and tyranny any less important. One might think that the narratives of imperial colonia lAfrica have become over-mined since the fin de siècle but the reality is that the consequences of those narratives continue to wreak havoc in the modern African worldview regardless of how many millions have died fightingagainst its largesse. This is sufficient motivation to continue our struggle in the search for authenticity and agencyin postcolonial Africa and modern Africa itself. This article is about the cultural logic of African society and howthe social construction of village identity is contingent on tribal elders and gate-keepers, shamanism, colonialauthoritarianism, and oral traditions. The logic of the African village during the postcolonial era is defined as the skewed colonial rationale for the cartographization and control of the colonial subject as part of a larger westernimperialist project and the imposition of alien White rule on Africa.
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Afroz, Sultana. "The Role of Islam in the Abolition of Slavery and in the Development of British Capitalism." American Journal of Islam and Society 29, no. 1 (January 1, 2012): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v29i1.326.
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West Indian scholars have overlooked the role played by the Muslim leadership in West Africa in bringing an end to the transatlantic trade in Africans. The jihād movements in West Africa in the late eighteenth century gave political unity to West Africa challenging the collaboration of European trade in Africans with the pagan slave traders. West Indian historiography, while emphasizing European abolitionist movements, ignores the Islamic unity (tawhīd) of humankind, which brought together many ethnically heterogeneous enslaved African Muslims to successfully challenge the West Indian plantation system. The exploitation of the human resources and the immense wealth of the then Moghul India and Imperial China by British colonialism helped develop the British industrial capitalism, which controlled most of the world until the end of World War II. The security of the British industrial capitalist complex could no longer depend on the small-scale West Indian plantation economies but on the large-scale economies of Asia protected by the British imperial forces under the British imperial flag.
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Afroz, Sultana. "The Role of Islam in the Abolition of Slavery and in the Development of British Capitalism." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 29, no. 1 (January 1, 2012): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v29i1.326.
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West Indian scholars have overlooked the role played by the Muslim leadership in West Africa in bringing an end to the transatlantic trade in Africans. The jihād movements in West Africa in the late eighteenth century gave political unity to West Africa challenging the collaboration of European trade in Africans with the pagan slave traders. West Indian historiography, while emphasizing European abolitionist movements, ignores the Islamic unity (tawhīd) of humankind, which brought together many ethnically heterogeneous enslaved African Muslims to successfully challenge the West Indian plantation system. The exploitation of the human resources and the immense wealth of the then Moghul India and Imperial China by British colonialism helped develop the British industrial capitalism, which controlled most of the world until the end of World War II. The security of the British industrial capitalist complex could no longer depend on the small-scale West Indian plantation economies but on the large-scale economies of Asia protected by the British imperial forces under the British imperial flag.
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Crowder, Michael. "‘Us’ and ‘them’: the International African Institute and the current crisis of identity in African Studies." Africa 57, no. 1 (January 1987): 109–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1160186.
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In April 1986 British Africanists met to discuss the crisis facing African Studies in their country. The crisis was easily denned as one of lack of resources in universities where current cutbacks have particularly affected area studies; of the limited funds available to libraries specialising in African Studies; and of the severe reduction in the number of publishers willing to take on monographs relating to Africa, with the result that many scholars are ‘giving up all hope of being published'.1 Furthermore, lack of travel funds has meant that many Africanists teaching in Britain have not been to the continent of their study in seven years. So few new appointments have recently been made in the field of African Studies in British universities that, unless something drastic is done to reverse the trend, in fifteen years’ time there will be a sharp decline in the numbers actually engaged in African Studies as generations grow old and are not replaced.2 Students can see no future in pursuing African Studies at the postgraduate level and their teachers are in no position to advise even their most brilliant students that doctoral research will lead to an academic appointment. These developments have taken place in a context where those who run the government have lost or are losing interest in Africa, a continent which is seen increasingly as one of unending problems which they just wish would go away. Indeed, the whole crisis in African Studies, as described by some of the leading British Africanists that April, invited headlines in the respected weekly magazine West Africa: ‘African Studies in peril. Is the study of Africa in British universities dying?
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Editor-In-Chief. "The First African Doctors-West Africa Medical Service of the British Army." Postgraduate Medical Journal of Ghana 9, no. 2 (July 12, 2022): 136. http://dx.doi.org/10.60014/pmjg.v9i2.242.
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Godovanyuk, K. A. "ON THE PROSPECTS OF THE UK-AFRICA COOPERATION AFTER BREXIT." Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 4, no. 2 (July 3, 2020): 179–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2020-4-2-179-185.
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UK’s interests in Africa are driven by economic perspectives and natural resources. This becomes more relevant in the age of global transformation of contemporary system of international relations. In 2018 British government set to become the biggest investor to Africa among G7 countries. On the eve of formal withdrawal from the EU, London hosted the first UK-Africa Investment summit confirming British commitment to strengthen economic and business cooperation with Africa in post-Brexit age. After leaving the EU, the UK is free to pursue its own international trade agenda, the authorities pledged to boost UK position in Africa in light of growing competition. The UK’s historical ties with the region is an advantage (19 out of 53 members of Commonwealth is located in Africa). The author concludes that the African countries expect that London will liberalize its internal market for African products and migration rule for African people. Of particular importance in the dialogue with the countries of the Black Continent is the rhetoric of promoting the environmental agenda and assistance in combating epidemics. Discussion remains, however, about the extent to which Britain's humanitarian programmes and international development assistance can contribute to London's strategic objectives in Africa. In light of COVID-19 pandemic London has a chance to enhance its image in Africa.
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Fonju, Dr Njuafac Kenedy. "From the 12 Principal Appointed German Colonial Perpetrators of the First Holocaust in Namibia (PAGCPFHN) through the 18 British Settlers South African Racist Minority Agents (BSSARMA) to the 7 United Nations Appointed Commissioners Related to the Namibian Question (UNACRNQ) and Independence at the Down of the Cold War 1883-1990." Cross-Currents: An International Peer-Reviewed Journal on Humanities & Social Sciences 8, no. 9 (November 13, 2022): 115–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.36344/ccijhss.2022.v08i09.001.
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This paper covers a period of 107 years (1883-1990) dealing with the identification of 37 diplomatic agents in South West Africa there after Namibia with 12 Germans from 1883 to 1915, 18 British South African racist administrators from 1915 to 1990 and intervention with 7 United Nations Commissioners 1966-1988. The country became one of the most interested historical Sub-Saharan African country throughout the history of European colonization of Africa and an African country obtaining the League of Nations Mandate over another African country but dragging her feet for 75 years to grant independence spanning from 1915 to 1990. It also brings out the strategies used by the U.N to halt all the colonial racist apartheid system and hegemony of the minority regime of South Africa and coincidentally making the end of such inhuman torturing activities with power handed over to black majority in 1990 coupled with the reunification of the former colonial master Germany as important signals marking the end of the Cold War. In the teaching of histories related to the challenges Africa, Germans, British, America, Soviet Union and World Affairs in general, attention have to be focus on connectivity of related events of the 20th Century concerning the Namibia Question whose colonial problems were very much considerable by the international community for the liberation of the last African colonial territory subdue by the so-called British White Settlers of the Apartheid System in the Republic of South Africa. In fact, the scrutiny of specialized sources, documentaries and websites related information permitted us to adopt a historical approach with three clear illustrative tables identifying the main actors in their different portfolios who were involved in the colonial brutalities from the Germans and British White African Settlers on one hand and attempted solutions put forth by the United Nations to handle the Question of Namibia as one of the last African country to be liberated
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Piola, Afriliyani, and Happy Anastasia Usman. "THE IMPACT OF THE 19TH CENTURY EUROPEAN COLONIALISM IN AFRICA, IN THE NOVEL “THINGS FALL APART” BY CHINUA ACHEBE." British (Jurnal Bahasa dan Sastra Inggris) 8, no. 2 (September 29, 2019): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.31314/british.8.2.109-118.2019.
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Things Fall Apart is a novel potrays the background of traditional life and primitive culture Ibo tribe in Umuofia, Nigeria, Africa and also the impact of European colonialism towards Africans’ society in the early 19th century. The research applies the qualitative method and it supported by the sociology of literature approach. The primary data are taken from the novel Things Fall Apart by Chinua Achebe. Based on the analysis the researcher conducts, the impact of European colonialism in Africa which not only brings a positive impacts but also negative legacy. There are several points of the impact European colonialism in Africa : existence of christianity, existence of language, establishment regulation and contribution to development.
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Buis, Johann. "Black American Music and the Civilized-Uncivilized Matrix in South Africa." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 24, no. 2 (1996): 28–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700502327.
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In a recent article by Veit Erlmann in the South African journal of musicology (SAMUS vol. 14, 1995) entitled “Africa Civilized, Africa Uncivilized,” Erlmann draws upon the reception history of the South African Zulu Choir’s visit to London in 1892 and the Ladysmith Black Mambazo presence in Paul Simon’s Graceland project to highlight the epithet “Africa civilized, Africa uncivilized.” Though the term was used by the turn of the century British press to publicize the event, the slogan carries far greater impact upon the locus of the identity of urban black people in South Africa for more than a century.
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ROSE, EDWARD P. F. "GORDON LYALL PAVER (1913–1988) AND 42ND GEOLOGICAL SECTION, SOUTH AFRICAN ENGINEER CORPS: MILITARY GEOLOGY AND GEOPHYSICS IN WORLD WAR II SUPPORTING BRITISH ARMY OPERATIONS: PART 1, THE EAST AFRICAN CAMPAIGN 1940–1941." Earth Sciences History 43, no. 1 (May 8, 2024): 176–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.17704/1944-6187-43.1.176.
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ABSTRACT 42nd Geological Section of the South African Engineer Corps was a unique unit that supported British armed forces during World War II. It was co-founded and led for most of the war by Gordon Lyall Paver (1913–1988), one of the few ‘British’ officers serving specifically as geologists during the war to achieve the rank of major. Born in South Africa at Johannesburg and in his early years educated there at St. John's College, from 1926 Paver was educated in England, at Charterhouse School until admitted in 1931 to Pembroke College in the University of Cambridge, where he studied chemistry, geology and mineralogy. He graduated in 1934 and returned to South Africa, being appointed to the Geological Survey of South Africa as one of its first geophysicists and contributing to magnetometric and gravimetric surveys in the Transvaal region, expertise used in 1938 to 1940 to draft his thesis for a PhD degree (awarded in 1942). Although married in 1939 and briefly employed as a consultant geophysicist, in August 1940 Paver was one of the first three geoscientists to be mobilized as officers to found 42nd Geological Section, at Zonderwater near Pretoria in South Africa. After only a month's military training, at the end of September the Section and its vehicles deployed by rail and sea to a base near Nairobi in Kenya for operational service in East Africa, with ‘Acting Captain’ Paver as its Second-in-Command. Detachments from the Section were widely deployed in Kenya and later in Italian and British Somaliland (present-day Somalia) and also in Abyssinia (present-day Ethiopia) for surveys by means primarily of electrical earth resistivity but also vertical force magnetometer. These guided drilling of wells by another unit of the South African Engineer Corps to abstract potable groundwater— thereby facilitating troop concentrations and forward movements in arid or semi-arid regions during the ‘British’ Army's East African Campaign. Members of the Section also compiled geological maps of Kenya at scales of 1:1,000,000 and 1:2,000,000 and pioneered a military geological unit created within the East African Engineers that supported British forces in the region from 1941 to 1945. The Campaign drew to a victorious close during 1941 and, from the end of August, the Section was re-deployed northwards to a base near Cairo in Egypt. It continued to serve within the British Army's Middle East Command but with leadership now by Paver, promoted ‘Acting Major’ from 31 August and in December ‘mentioned in despatches’ for his earlier distinguished service in East Africa.
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Okafor, Eddie E. "Francophone Catholic Achievements in Igboland, 1883-–1905." History in Africa 32 (2005): 307–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hia.2005.0020.
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When the leading European powers were scrambling for political dominion in Africa, the greatest rival of France was Britain. The French Catholics were working side by side with their government to ensure that they would triumph in Africa beyond the boundaries of the territories already annexed by their country. Thus, even when the British sovereignty claim on Nigeria was endorsed by Europe during the Berlin Conference of 1884-85, the French Catholics did not concede defeat. They still hoped that in Nigeria they could supplant their religious rivals: the British Church Missionary Society (CMS) and the other Protestant missionary groups. While they allowed the British to exercise political power there, they took immediate actions to curtail the spread and dominion of Protestantism in the country. Thus some of their missionaries stationed in the key French territories of Africa—Senegal, Dahomey, and Gabon—were urgently dispatched to Nigeria to compete with their Protestant counterparts and to establish Catholicism in the country.Two different French Catholic missions operated in Nigeria between 1860s and 1900s. The first was the Society of the African Missions (Société des Missions Africaines or SMA), whose members worked mainly among the Yoruba people of western Nigeria and the Igbos of western Igboland. The second were the Holy Ghost Fathers (Pères du Saint Esprit), also called Spiritans, who ministered specifically to the Igbo people of southeastern Nigeria. The French Catholics, the SMA priests, and the Holy Ghost Fathers competed vehemently with the British Protestants, the CMS, for the conversion of African souls. Just as in the political sphere, the French and British governments competed ardently for annexation and colonization of African territories.
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Marr, A. "A British vet in Africa." Veterinary Record 162, no. 7 (February 16, 2008): 220–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/vr.162.7.220-a.
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Henshaw, Peter J. "Britain, South Africa and the sterling area: gold production, capital investment and agricultural markets 1931–1961." Historical Journal 39, no. 1 (March 1996): 197–223. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00020732.
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ABSTRACTSouth Africa was part of the sterling area (an international currency and payments system centred on Britain) from 1933 until the area itself collapsed in the early 1970s. This was despite the fact that throughout this period, and especially after 1948, Afrikaner nationalists were actively undermining other elements of the British connection. The South African government was compelled to enter and remain in the area above all because of its dependence on Britain both as a customer for South African agricultural goods (the production and export of which were disproportionately significant in South African politics) and as a source of capital funds and goods (particularly for the highly capital-intensive gold-mining industry which dominated the South African economy as a whole). The British government promoted South Africa's membership of the area not just for reasons of economics (the flow of South African gold to London facilitated the maintenance of sterling as an international currency; trade with South Africa could generate substantial net earnings of convertible currency which helped to sustain British trade on a largely multilateral basis) but also for reasons of strategy, geopolitics and prestige.
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Ovendale, Ritchie. "Macmillan and the wind of change in Africa, 1957–1960." Historical Journal 38, no. 2 (June 1995): 455–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00019506.
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ABSTRACTBased on the recently released documents in the Public Record Office, London, this article is concerned with examining the reasons behind the shift in the British approach towards decolonization in Africa signalled by Macmillan's ‘wind of change’ speech to the South African parliament on 3 February 1960. The documents suggest that the British decision to abdicate in Africa was partly due to international considerations, and to Cold War politics and the need to prevent Soviet penetration in Africa. The change from ‘multi-racialism’ to ‘non-racialism’ can be attributed to the influence of the commonwealth relations office under Lord Home, and an initiative from the leader of the Africa Capricorn society, David Stirling. The emphasis on the need for Britain to pursue the same policy in all of Africa can also be traced to the commonwealth relations office. Macmillan, himself was influenced by the ‘moral’ aspect, by the policies pursued by the Belgians in the Congo, but above all by the failure of French policy in Algeria.
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Afeadie, Philip Atsu. "The Semolika Expedition of 1904: A Participant Account." History in Africa 31 (2004): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361541300003375.
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British imperialism in west Africa during the late nineteenth century is known to be the product of the interrelations between expansionist forces at the center of empire and those at the periphery on the one hand, and the relationship between the peripheral forces and African circumstances on the other hand. Expansionist forces at Whitehall included nationalistic sentiments and inter-European rivalry, economic considerations, and public reactions to these motivations. Of the expansionist forces at the outposts of empire, pressure from commercial interest groups and the activities of the men on the spot are notable.Indeed, the work of the military personnel on the outposts of empire was instrumental to British territorial annexations. As officers and non-commissioned officers to the colonial army of the West African Frontier Force (WAFF), the British personnel hailed from all rungs of society, and seconded from metropolitan regiments into active service in West Africa. Their motivations largely included economic interests, sport and adventure, while the African auxiliaries enlisted out of economic considerations. Naturally, the men on the spot were indispensable to British expansion, as they particularly constituted a reliable source of information for policymakers at home. They also subscribed with their superiors to the use of force to maintain political supremacy on the frontiers of empire. The men on the spot controlled the timing, pace, and extent of British military imperialism. However, they had to reckon with indigenous response, as their prerogatives met challenges in African interests and concerns, such as territorial inviolability and non-interference in their internal affairs. This interplay of military imperialism and African response is aptly demonstrated in the British encounter with the Semolika in Northern Nigeria.
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Hendrix, Melvin. "The British Admiralty Records as a Source for African History." History in Africa 13 (1986): 161–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171540.
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What is more characteristically English than the Navy?The relationship between naval power and British sovereignty is one of long standing in British foreign policy. This was especially evident in the nineteenth century, when Britain achieved almost unchallenged global naval pre-eminence following the Napoleonic Wars, keeping order in a world that British commercial interests were creating. As a consequence, the traditional role of the navy as a national defense force was changing dramatically to that of an international policeman on the one hand and surrogate statesman on the other. These two roles were generally most pronounced in the emerging tropical areas of trade in Asia, Africa, and South America.It is in relation to Africa that this essay is concerned, and over the course of the nineteenth century, the influence of the Royal Navy on African societies was an evolving, but considerable, force--as surveyor, policeman, employer, ally, adversary, diplomat, and enforcer. On the whole, Britain's Africa policy throughout much of the century was based on the suppression of the slave trade, while simultaneously providing protection for British citizens promoting “legitimate” commercial interests.Since the trade in slaves from Africa was chiefly a maritime enterprise, its navy became the chief instrument for implementing these foreign policy objectives, a role that shifted in the second half of the century to a more direct imperialist posture.
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Ngqulunga, Bongani. "Genealogies of African Nationalism and the Idea of Africa." Thinker 93, no. 4 (November 25, 2022): 10–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.36615/the_thinker.v93i4.2202.
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The historiography of the African nationalist movement in South Africa tends to focus on the struggle for political liberation. Whatgets marginalised, often, is that early African nationalists envisioned their political mission as not only bringing about inclusive freedom, but also to establish what they called ‘the ‘New Africa’ or ‘the regeneration of Africa’. The purpose of this paper is to discuss critically the idea of Africa—the New Africa—that leading early African nationalist intellectuals such as Pixley ka Isaka Seme, SelopeThema, Selby Msimang, Anton Lembede and Herbert Dhlomo advocated. This paper explores commonalities and differences in their imaginings and idea of Africa, and demonstrates the significance that political and intellectual currents from the African diaspora had in shaping the notion of the ‘New Africa’ that they advocated. By focusing on this idea at the heart of the African nationalist political tradition, the paper challenges scholarship that often dismisses early African nationalists as conservative, influenced by their experiences in mission communities, or by an eagerness to become loyal subjects of the British Empire.
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Oluwaseun Osadola. "Discourse On Western Development Plans In Post-Colonial British West Africa." Economit Journal: Scientific Journal of Accountancy, Management and Finance 3, no. 4 (November 30, 2023): 243–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/economit.v3i4.1020.
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This scholarly discourse seeks to provide a comprehensive analysis of the Western Development Plan that was executed in British West Africa during the post-colonial era. Academics have examined the portrayal of the British colonial government from different viewpoints and perspectives. Distinguished African academics have thoroughly examined this topic from an angle of self-interest, whereas highly regarded European scholars have analysed it from the standpoint of imperialism. The connections and affiliations between African states and their European counterparts have had negative consequences for their economic sustainability and cultural cohesion. Therefore, it is indisputable that the economies of post-colonial Africa are primarily shaped by the enduring impacts of their colonial past. The colonial economies were tightly interconnected with the economic systems of their respective metropolitan powers via a range of measures, such as currency manipulation, trade restrictions, and infrastructure expansion. This article provides a thorough review of the development plans created after the attainment of Nigeria's independence with the aim of reporting their effects on the economy and growth of West Africa.
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de Haas, Michiel. "The Failure of Cotton Imperialism in Africa: Seasonal Constraints and Contrasting Outcomes in French West Africa and British Uganda." Journal of Economic History 81, no. 4 (October 22, 2021): 1098–136. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050721000462.
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Cash-crop diffusion in colonial Africa was uneven and defied colonizers’ expectations and efforts, especially for cotton. This study investigates how agricultural seasonality affected African farmers’ cotton adoption, circa 1900–1960. A contrast between British Uganda and the interior of French West Africa demonstrates that a short rainy season and the resulting short farming cycles generated seasonal labor bottlenecks and food security concerns, limiting cotton output. Agricultural seasonality also had wider repercussions, for colonial coercion, investment, and African income-earning strategies. A labor productivity breakthrough in post-colonial Francophone West Africa mitigated the seasonality constraint, facilitating impressive cotton output growth post-1960.
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Malisa and Missedja. "Schooled for Servitude: The Education of African Children in British Colonies, 1910–1990." Genealogy 3, no. 3 (July 11, 2019): 40. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy3030040.
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Our paper examines the education of African children in countries that were colonized by Britain, including Ghana, South Africa, and Zimbabwe. We show how education plays an important role in shaping and transforming cultures and societies. Although the colonies received education, schools were segregated according to race and ethnicity, and were designed to produce racially stratified societies, while loyalty and allegiance to Britain were encouraged so that all felt they belonged to the British Empire or the Commonwealth. In writing about the education of African children in British colonies, the intention is not to convey the impression that education in Africa began with the arrival of the colonizers. Africans had their own system and history of education, but this changed with the incursion by missionaries, educators as well as conquest and colonialism.
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Jang, Sungjin. "영국 BBC 그라나다 시리즈 〈악마의 발톱〉에 각색된 제국주의 연구." Institute of British and American Studies 56 (October 31, 2022): 217–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.25093/ibas.2022.56.217.
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Understanding Sterndale in Conan Doyle’s “The Adventure of the Devil’s Foot” as a foreign threat to the British Empire, critics, especially Susan Cannon Harris and Lauren Raheja, believe that Holmes exiles Sterndale to Africa to prevent the spread of contagion caused by the devil’s foot into the heart of the British Empire. However, going against this view, this paper argues that Sterndale should be viewed as a typical British imperialist; he has been doing his colonial work in Africa as a great lion-hunter and explorer. In addition, Sterndale supports the British Empire by killing Tregennis, who in fact is contaminated and becomes a foreign threat. While this may be slightly difficult to imagine in the fictional representation of the story, the screenplay stresses Sterndale’s imperialism. The BBC adaptation of “The Devil’s Foot,” depicts Sterndale as a British imperialist and Tregennis as the foreign and contaminated threat to the British Empire. In the episode, Sterndale’s cottage is full of exotic African objects, and his collection is reminiscent of the British Museum, a display of Britain’s imperial power. Sterndale is clearly depicted as a typical British imperialist. If this is so, then it is Tregennis, who breaks into Sterndale’s British Museum and kills white British people, who is the foreign threat. Thus, “The Devil’s Foot” screenplay implies that Holmes’s reason for the release of the criminal is to support British imperialism rather an individual’s love story.
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Burns, James. "The African Bioscope – Movie House Culture in British Colonial Africa." Afrique & histoire 5, no. 1 (July 1, 2006): 65–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/afhi.005.80.
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Butler, Larry J. "Industrialisation in Late Colonial Africa: A British Perspective." Itinerario 23, no. 3-4 (November 1999): 123–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s016511530002461x.
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Among the most entrenched criticisms of the record of European colonial rule in Africa is that it discouraged, or actively obstructed, the emergence of diversified colonial and post-colonial economies. Specifically, it is normally argued, the colonial state failed to create the climate in which industrialisation might have been possible. The two basic explanations advanced for this policy of neglect were a desire to ensure that the colonies continued to provide the metropolitan economies with a steady supply of desirable commodities, and a concern to protect the market share of metropolitan exporters. Critics of the colonial legacy, across the ideological spectrum, have often assumed that ‘development’ was a condition which could only be achieved through the process of industrialisation, and that specialisation in commodity production for export could not have been in the colonies' long-term interests. Moreover, in the late colonial period, industrialisation had come to be seen by many as a measure of a state's effective autonomy and economic ‘maturity’, as witnessed by the sustained attempts by many former African colonies to promote their own industrial sectors, often with substantial state involvement or assistance. While it cannot dispute the obvious fact that in most of late colonial Africa, industrialisation was negligible, this paper will offer a refinement of conventional assumptions about the colonial state's attitudes towards this controversial topic. Drawing on examples from British Africa, particularly that pioneer of decolonisation, West Africa, and focusing on the unusually fertile period in colonial policy formation from the late 1930s until the early 1950s, it will suggest that the British colonial state attempted, for the first time, to evolve a coherent and progressive policy on encouraging colonial industrial development.
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UCHE, CHIBUIKE. "Lonrho in Africa: The Unacceptable Face of Capitalism or the Ugly Face of Neo-Colonialism?" Enterprise & Society 16, no. 2 (April 15, 2015): 354–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/eso.2014.31.
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Under the leadership of Tiny Rowland, Lonrho became the largest and most widely established company in post-independence Africa. Using newly available materials mainly from the National Archives London, this article investigates the activities of Lonrho in Africa and the company’s relationship with the British government during the period. Although Prime Minister Edward Heath publicly labeled the company as the “unacceptable face of capitalism,” evidence presented in this article suggests that this was at best a normative assertion. The subsequent Department of Trade and Industry investigation of Lonrho was carefully guided by the British government with the objective of protecting wider British interests in Africa. Evidence in this article therefore contradicts the view that the British government did not work “in concert” with British businesses in Africa once political independence became imminent.
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Matongo Nkouka, Anicet Odilon, Alphonse Dorien Makosso, and Dory Theresia M’bakou Yengou. "THE BRITISH COLONIZERS’ SYSTEMATIC OPPRESSION IN AFRICA: AN EXPLORATION OF YAA GYASI’S HOMEGOING." International Journal of Language, Linguistics, Literature, and Culture 02, no. 06 (2023): 01–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.59009/ijlllc.2023.0045.
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The enduring legacy of British colonization and the Atlantic slave trade shaped and influenced the physical and psychological experiences of people of African. This paper examines the British colonizers’ systematic oppression in Africa. It purports to show how Yaa Gyasi, a Ghanaian novelist portrays shenanigans of slave masters in Africa and particularly in Cape Coast as contextualized in her first novel, Homegoing. It draws its theoretical underpinnings from the New Historicism and the psychological approach. The findings from the exploration of this narrative highlight aspects of the African’s victimization such as their inferiority complex towards the white man’s race, the shenanigans of the British Slave Masters in Africa and the subsequent psychological trauma this systematic oppression on Africans. As a final assessment, this study positions Yaa Gyasi’s Homegoing as an historical novel which bringing the reader back to Africans’ experience of rejection and victimization due to the colour of their skin and their origins in their own land by the British colonizers. A way the authoress to promote healing for Africans, unveiling the historical and psychological antecedents of a harsh oppression they had been victims of, the aftermaths of which ineradicably shaped their psyche, and they are still struggling to get rig off.
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Jones, William O. "Food-Crop Marketing Boards in Tropical Africa." Journal of Modern African Studies 25, no. 3 (September 1987): 375–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00009903.
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Agricultural marketing boards in tropical Africa are heirlooms of the Great Depression and World War II, when colonial governments found their principal sources of revenue severely reduced and both European and African populations financially distressed. Marketing boards are of British origin, but similar efforts were made in French and Belgian Africa. The rationale for intervention is clouded; some of the principal reasons have faded into the past or were never openly expressed.1
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Olukayode, FISHER Augustus, OLUDEMI Akintayo Shoboyejo, and ADEBOGUN, Babatunde Olayinka. "DECOLONISATION IN AFRICAN POLITICAL THOUGHT." International Journal of Multidisciplinary Sciences and Arts 1, no. 1 (July 30, 2022): 41–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.47709/ijmdsa.v1i1.1647.
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In essence, African political thought evolved as a result of colonialism and the anti-colonial reactions of first-order African elites. The debate among the episodic and the epochal school of thought over the place of colonialism in African political thought suggests that it took colonialism to inform the people of the continent that they were Africans. Also that Africa had a glorious pre-colonial past. It offered the diverse peoples of the continent a rallying point for unity. This unity was the basis of the anti-colonial reactions especially in the decade before political independence in Africa. This work attempts to examine the origin of African political thought, and the decolonization process in selected regions of the continent namely North-West Africa (Tunisia and Morocco) and British West-Africa. The main source of data collection depends on secondary materials
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Shear, Keith. "Chiefs or Modern Bureaucrats? Managing Black Police in Early Twentieth-Century South Africa." Comparative Studies in Society and History 54, no. 2 (March 22, 2012): 251–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417512000035.
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Early twentieth-century South Africa was a composite society—“part settler state and part African colony … includ[ing] diverse recently conquered African polities as well as a divided white population.” Mining industrialization and British imperialism, particularly after the discovery of substantial gold deposits and the founding of Johannesburg in 1886, put pressure on southern African peoples and states to function as an integrated labor market, and on their leaders to submit to an overarching political authority. These developmental and administrative rationalizing forces were given greater scope in the years following the South African War of 1899 to 1902, especially in the defeated Boer republics of the interior. Renamed the Transvaal and Orange River Colonies, these territories were initially under the direct rule of British High Commissioner Alfred Milner. They took the lead in a process of state-building that continued well beyond their political amalgamation with the coastal colonies of the Cape and Natal to form the Union of South Africa in 1910. It has been argued that this institutional reconstruction left South Africa with “a modern civil service, with controls and an information-gathering capacity sophisticated enough to … make the competence, helpfulness, and honesty of individual state officials relatively less crucial.”
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Westcott, Nicholas. "Interpreting Africa: Imperialism and independence in African Affairs." African Affairs 120, no. 481 (October 1, 2021): 645–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adab029.
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Abstract The continuous publication over 120 years of African Affairs, originally the Journal of the African Society, provides an invaluable source for charting Britain’s shifting perceptions of and interaction with Africa. Though limited, its readership included many of those most closely involved in Britain with studying and engaging with Africa during the 20th century. The journal charts a significant change: from an initial curiosity about Africa that included Africans’ own perception of and writing about their world; through a period when imperial perspectives on how to rule and how to develop African colonies dominated; to a more academic analysis of the dynamics of independence and how independent African countries subsequently evolved; and finally to a growing engagement with African scholars themselves and African perceptions of the changes taking place on the continent. At each stage a number of themes emerge that illuminate our understanding of how Africa was seen and interpreted by the British and, latterly, by Africans.
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Twaddle, Michael. "Z. K. Sentongo and the Indian Question in East Africa." History in Africa 24 (January 1997): 309–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172033.
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East Africa is really what one may call a ‘test case’ for Great Britain. If Indians cannot be treated as equals in a vacant or almost vacant part of the world where they were the first in occupation—a part of the world which is on the equator—it seems that the so-called freedom of the British Empire is a sham and a delusion.The Indian question in East Africa during the early 1920s can hardly be said to have been neglected by subsequent scholars. There is an abundant literature on it and the purpose here is not simply to run over the ground yet again, resurrecting past passions on the British, white settler and Indian sides. Instead, more will be said about the African side, especially the expatriate educated African side, during the controversy in Kenya immediately after World War I, when residential segregation, legislative rights, access to agricultural land, and future immigration by Indians were hotly debated in parliament, press, private letters, and at public meetings. For not only were educated and expatriate Africans in postwar Kenya by no means wholly “dumb,” as one eminent historian of the British Empire has since suggested, but their comments in newspaper articles at the time can be seen in retrospect to have had a seminal importance in articulating both contemporary fears and subsequent “imagined communities,” to employ Benedict Anderson's felicitous phrase—those nationalisms which were to have such controversial significance during the struggle for independence from British colonialism in Uganda as well as Kenya during the middle years of this century.
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Decker, Stephanie. "Corporate Legitimacy and Advertising: British Companies and the Rhetoric of Development in West Africa, 1950–1970." Business History Review 81, no. 1 (2007): 59–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007680500036254.
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Development, modernity, and industrialization became dominant themes in corporate advertising in Africa in the 1950s and remained prevalent through the following two decades while many African nations were gaining independence. British businesses operating there created a publicity strategy that couched their presence in less developed countries in terms of a commitment and a positive contribution to the progress of the new states. Eventually, British companies tried to “Africanize” their corporate image through these campaigns.
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Caraivan, Luiza. "Constructing Womanhood in Zimbabwean Literature: Noviolet Bulawayo and Petina Gappah." Gender Studies 18, no. 1 (December 1, 2019): 58–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/genst-2020-0005.
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Abstract Literature written in English in the former British colonies of Southern Africa has attracted the public’s attention after the publication of Michael Chapman’s “Southern African Literaturesˮ (1996). The paper analyses the writings of two Zimbabwean authors - NoViolet Bulawayo (Elizabeth Zandile Tshele) and Petina Gappah – taking into account African feminist discourses.
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Mitchell, Matthew David. "“Legitimate commerce” in the Eighteenth Century: The Royal African Company of England Under the Duke of Chandos, 1720–1726." Enterprise & Society 14, no. 3 (September 2013): 544–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/es/kht038.
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Following the loss in 1712 of its previous monopoly over British trade with West Africa, the Royal African Company found itself unable to compete with smaller, lower-cost British slave traders and nearly collapsed entirely. Salvation seemed to arrive in 1720 in the person of James Brydges, the Duke of Chandos, who led a massive re-capitalization of the company and made the strategic decision to move its focus to the commodity trade between Europe and Africa and on the search for new botanical and mineral resources in Africa itself. While Chandos directed the RAC’s employees in implementing this radical new scheme, he kept it secret from his fellow shareholders, leading them to believe that his plans were aimed at revitalizing the company’s mature but declining line of business in the transatlantic slave trade. The Duke’s strategy, however, proved overly ambitious and failed to reverse the company’s decline.
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Dumett, Raymond E. "Sources for Mining Company History in Africa: The History and Records of the Ashanti Goldfields Corporation (Ghana), Ltd." Business History Review 62, no. 3 (1988): 502–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3115546.
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The history of mining enterprise has recently become an important growth industry in both African and British Commonwealth business history. A number of important multinational mining corporations have in recent years opened their archives on assimilated or restructured parent companies active in overseas enterprise in the first half of this century. In the following essay, Professor Dumett surveys the extensive holdings of the leading British gold mining company in West Africa, the Ashanti Goldfields Corporation.
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Osadolor, Osarhieme Benson, and Leo Enahoro Otoide. "The Benin Kingdom in British Imperial Historiography." History in Africa 35 (January 2008): 401–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hia.0.0014.
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The body of knowledge that constituted British imperial writing, and the expression that interacted with it were attempts to engage European readership on the imperial adventure in Africa in the age of the new imperialism. This study is an attempt to address the complex issues involved in the production of historical knowledge about precolonial Benin to justify British colonial rule. The argument advanced in this paper is that, since imperial discourse set out to deal with history in terms of civilization, British imperial writing was a struggle to articulate certain ideas about Benin into a position of dominance before the British public. As Mary Louise Pratt explains, “depicting the civilizing mission as an aesthetic project is a strategy the west has often used for defining others as available for and in need of its benign and beautifying intervention.” British imperial discourse will form the basis of the discussion in this paper.Imperial discourse and its subjectivity raises questions about issues of power and privilege of those writers who were determined to sustain their voices in the debate on European imperialism in Africa. Their approach to the constitution of knowledge about Benin was one of many ways that opened the frontiers of knowledge about African states and societies to redefine civilization, albeit for the purposes of understanding various meanings and implications in this intellectual assault. This provides a vital entry point for examining the European colonial approach to the construction of the image of Africa. The aim is to demonstrate how this process suggests a connection from imperial expansionism to forms of knowledge and expression that reaffirmed metropolitan authority in the context of colonial subjugation.
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Floyd, Malcolm. "Missing Messages: Lessons from Tanzania." British Journal of Music Education 15, no. 2 (July 1998): 155–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026505170000930x.
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How can music help to create a culture of tolerance when there are fundamental problems in decoding the messages in the musk of others? There is quite good access in British and other schools to musical materials from Africa, and use has been made of them, but there is a question as to whether this use is appropriate and acceptable. The concept of ownership of such music is briefly discussed, and the relative effectiveness of its transmission. This is then set in the contexts of Music Education and the strength of Christianity in contemporary Tanzania, including some of the problems perceived by Tanzanian students and teachers. These contexts have to be acknowledged, and the article concludes with two suggestions for making the inclusion of African music in British schoob a more transformative experience, ideally through direct links with sources of African music in Africa.
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Home, Robert. "Colonial Township Laws and Urban Governance in Kenya." Journal of African Law 56, no. 2 (August 15, 2012): 175–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855312000083.
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AbstractRapid population and urban growth in Africa pose severe challenges to development planning and management. This article argues that weak urban governance in Kenya results from the colonial legal order's shaping of urban form. Kenya's colonial laws, drawing from those in other British colonies (especially South Africa) and British statute law on local government, public health, housing and town planning, controlled African labour and movement, and Africans' relation to towns. These laws included ordinances on registration, “master and servant” and vagrancy, while detailed township rules enforced racial segregation and exclusion; the Feetham Commission (1926) led to a hierarchy of local authorities, with no African representation until the 1950s. The dual mandate ideology resulted in different land tenure in the white-settled areas and trust lands; the late introduction of individual land ownership in the trust lands created problems of peri-urban, unplanned development outside the old township boundaries.
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Werbner, Pnina. "‘Lifestyle’ British Migrants to South Africa." Journal of Southern African Studies 43, no. 1 (January 2, 2017): 241–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057070.2017.1268882.
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Ndlovu-Gatsheni, Sabelo J. "Being ‘Anglo-Africans’ in British Africa." Journal of Southern African Studies 43, no. 1 (January 2, 2017): 242–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057070.2017.1270914.
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PARIS, MICHAEL. "Africa in Post-1945 British Cinema." South African Historical Journal 48, no. 1 (May 2003): 61–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02582470308671924.
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Walter, A. "The climate of British East Africa." Quarterly Journal of the Royal Meteorological Society 64, no. 273 (September 10, 2007): 97–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/qj.49706427312.
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Higgs, Catherine. "Zenzele: African Women's Self-Help Organizations in South Africa, 1927–1998." African Studies Review 47, no. 3 (December 2004): 119–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000202060003047x.
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Abstract:The Zenzele clubs of the Eastern Cape of South Africa, which date from the late 1920s, were founded by mission-educated African women who sought to improve the lives of rural African women by enhancing their subsistence farming and cooking skills and educating them about household cleanliness, basic child care, and health care. Unlike associations for African women in British colonial Africa, Zenzele clubs did not evolve into political organizations. In the white-run segregated and apartheid states that persisted through 1994, Zenzele women did not engage in direct political action; rather, they sought to unite African women across class and ethnic lines and focused their efforts on community development.