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Journal articles on the topic 'Britain'
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1
Adedibu, Babatunde Aderemi. "Reverse Mission or Migrant Sanctuaries? Migration, Symbolic Mapping, and Missionary Challenges of Britain’s Black Majority Churches." Pneuma 35, no. 3 (2013): 405–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700747-12341347.
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Abstract The spread of African Christianity to Europe (including Britain) and North America over the last six decades has heralded a distinctive phase in global church history. Religion, which had been hitherto ignored as one of the motivations for migration, is gradually becoming a major mover in the global proliferation of African Christianity to the point that it is now a transatlantic phenomenon. Britain’s Black Majority Churches (BMCs) make use of self-representation and symbolic mapping in their discourses. The image of Britain as a post-Christian nation is projected with such epithets as “dead continent,” “prodigal nation,” and “secularized Britain.” It is apt to note that Britain’s BMCs are but one case of reverse mission that, in reality, more resembles migrant sanctuaries all across the Western world. The lack of understanding of the British culture, flawed church-planting strategies, and the operational methods employed by these churches have severely hampered the BMCs’ missionary endeavors in Britain.
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Sutton, Paul. "Two Steps Forward, One Step Back: Britain and the Commonwealth Caribbean." Itinerario 25, no. 2 (July 2001): 42–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300008810.
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There are two views of British policy toward the Commonwealth Caribbean. One, held most firmly by those with responsibility for British policy, is that Britain is fully engaged with the region and that it remains committed to its welfare. It is exemplified by the Foreign and Commonwealth Office's website which contains a section entitled ‘Britain's Special Relationship with the Caribbean’. The other, encountered in the Caribbean and by its diplomatic representatives in Britain, as well as by some of those in Britain who have close contact with the region, is that Britain has diluted its commitments and is in a long process of withdrawal from the region. It is exemplified in observations made from time to time by Caribbean High Commissioners in the UK, and none more so than Sir Ron Sanders, the former and current High Commissioner for Antigua and Barbuda who has written on Britain's lack of commitment to the Caribbean.
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Chibani, Daniel. "Great Britain’s Ulterior Motives in Abolishing Ottoman Slavery." General: Brock University Undergraduate Journal of History 7 (April 11, 2022): 35–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/tg.v7i1.3653.
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This essay seeks to provide an alternative perspective of Great Britain’s involvement in the abolition of the Ottoman slave trade during the 19th and 20th centuries. Contemporary scholars often cite Britain’s involvement in the abolition of Ottoman slavery as a means of establishing moral superiority on the world stage. While there is some validity to this, a critical analysis of Britain’s motives towards abolishing the Ottoman slave trade reveals Britain’s vast economic, political, and territorial interests obtained from Ottoman abolition. Britain conquered vast regions in East and North Africa such as Egypt and Sudan which justified these conquests as necessary in the fight against slavery while simultaneously profiting from these regions through colonization and legitimate trade. Not only would Britain hinder the Ottoman slave trade through such territorial acquisitions, but they would simultaneously control and monitor strategic economic zones such as the Red Sea, Tunisia, the Persian Gulf, and the Gulf of Aden. While Britain is often portrayed as the morally superior emancipator and the Ottomans as the inferior enslavers, Britain’s facade of moral superiority is tainted when considering their ulterior motives.
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DAVIS, ROBERT A., GUY DUTSON, and JUDIT K. SZABO. "Conservation status of threatened and endemic birds of New Britain, Papua New Guinea." Bird Conservation International 28, no. 3 (July 27, 2017): 439–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0959270917000156.
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SummaryNew Britain in the Bismarck Archipelago of Papua New Guinea supports 14 endemic bird species and together with New Ireland, forms an Endemic Bird Area that supports 38 restricted range species. Extensive conversion of lowland forest to oil palm plantations resulted in the loss of over 20% of forest under 100 m altitude between 1989 and 2000. However the rate of loss has subsequently slowed (2.2% loss across all altitudes between 2002 and 2014), and much forest remains at higher altitudes: 72% of New Britain remained forested (including secondary forest) in 2014. Despite the ongoing high threat and rich endemic bird fauna, the state of knowledge of the conservation status of birds in New Britain is very poor. We use an unprecedented dataset based on 415 hours of bird surveys conducted in oil palm plantations, as well as primary and secondary forests at all altitudes, to revise the IUCN status of New Britain’s birds. These data indicate that six species of elevated conservation concern are less dependent on old-growth forest than previously assessed. We recommend reduced population size estimates for one species, New Britain Kingfisher Todiramphus albonotatus. We recommend increased population size estimates for seven species: Pied Cuckoo-dove Reinwardtoena browni, Yellowish Imperial Pigeon Ducula subflavescens, Green-fronted Hanging Parrot Loriculus tener, Blue-eyed Cockatoo Cacatua opthalmica, Violaceous Coucal Centropus violaceous, New Britain Boobook Ninox odiosa and New Britain Thrush Zoothera talaseae. Despite our comprehensive surveys, Slaty-backed Goshawk Accipiter luteoschistaceus, New Britain Sparrowhawk Accipiter brachyurus, New Britain Bronzewing Henicophaps foersteri and Golden Masked-owl Tyto aurantia remain very rarely recorded and require further assessment. With ongoing habitat loss, particularly in lowland areas, New Britain’s birds urgently require more attention.
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Kennedy, Dane. "The Dream of Greater Britain." Historical Reflections/Réflexions Historiques 47, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 105–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/hrrh.2021.470209.
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This article examines the enduring influence of Charles Dilke’s Greater Britain (1868), which persists today in the ambitions of Brexit’s proponents. Dilke characterized Britain as the center of a world system bound together by a common identity. Yet his explanation of that identity was riddled with inconsistencies. While he cast it mainly in racial terms, he also proposed cultural and linguistic criteria. These inconsistencies would complicate the efforts to define and delineate the reach of Greater Britain by those who followed in Dilke’s footsteps. This includes the leading Brexiteers who have advanced Greater Britain’s modern iteration, the Anglosphere, as an alternative to EU membership.
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Sasson, Tehila, James Vernon, Miles Ogborn, Priya Satia, and Catherine Hall. "Britain and the World: A New Field?" Journal of British Studies 57, no. 4 (October 2018): 677–708. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2018.118.
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AbstractOver the past decade, historians, journals, conferences, and even job advertisements have devoted attention to a new field of inquiry, “Britain and the world.” This emergent category is far from coherent but, despite a variety of approaches, shares a common assumption that Britain's interactions with the world beyond its shores enable us to better understand the histories of both Britain and the globe. Writing the history of Britain from a comparative, imperial, or transnational perspective is not wholly new. British historians have long worked comparatively in a predominantly European frame, while historians of empire and internationalism have also highlighted the importance of transnational and global frameworks. What, then, is signified by the articulation of “Britain and the world” as a new field? What do historians of Britain, and indeed historians of its empire and the world, stand to gain or lose from the promotion of Britain and the world as a field? What new skills, methodologies, and archives are required to become a historian of Britain and the world? We invited historians from different generations and national academies as well as with different ways of approaching the history of Britain in an extranational frame. Our hope is that these essays will open up debate and stimulate broader discussions about the changing nature of the field and our work as historians of Britain.
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LOBELL, STEVEN E. "Britain's paradox: cooperation or punishment prior to World War I." Review of International Studies 27, no. 2 (April 2001): 169–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500001698.
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In the three decades prior to World War I, Britain's paradox was whether to cooperate with or punish an emerging Germany, Japan, France, Russia, and the United States. Based on the need for economy, successive Chancellors of the Exchequer pressed for cooperating with the contenders. Members of the services and Conservatives pushed to punish these contenders, countering that Britain could afford the rising naval expenditure needed to implement such a programme. The existing literature emphasizes the role of geopolitics, domestic constraints, and individual idiosyncrasies to explain Britain's foreign policy adjustment. I argue that the nature of the foreign commercial policy of the contenders guided Britain's response. Due to the special affinity among commercially liberal states, Britain cooperated with America and Japan, ceding regional governance to both aspiring regional hegemons. Britain did, however, punish non-liberal France, Germany, and Russia by implementing new naval construction programmes and concentrating freed-up military resources until these countries capitulated in their naval challenge.
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Adedibu, Babatunde. "Origin, Migration, Globalisation and the Missionary Encounter of Britain's Black Majority Churches." Studies in World Christianity 19, no. 1 (April 2013): 93–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2013.0040.
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Britain's Christian landscape has a definitive imprint of African and Caribbean Christianities. The growth and proliferation of Black Majority Churches in Britain in the last one hundred years attest to the tenacity and gradual acceptance of the Pentecostal stream within Britain's chequered church history. Religion is now a major motor in migration as most migrants now sacralise their migration and place minimal emphasis on economic motivations. In spite of their religious subscriptions, African and Caribbean Christians also carry their socio-cultural backpacks to the West. This has resulted in the emergence of Christianities that are reflective of African and Caribbean cosmologies. This article gives an overview of the origin of Black Majority Churches in Britain and the role of globalisation and migration in identity formation within these churches whilst also examining the distinctive socio-religious praxis of the amazing Black church movement in Britain.
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McMillan, Christopher. "Broken Bond: Skyfall and the British Identity Crisis." Journal of British Cinema and Television 12, no. 2 (April 2015): 191–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jbctv.2015.0257.
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This article argues that Skyfall (2012) was influenced by and responded to the contemporary debate over the future of the British Union and the referendum on Scottish independence. This is most evident in the film's preoccupation with Britain and Britishness; moreover, this article contends that Skyfall's overt patriotism and largely patriotic reception obscured its more contentious representations of Britain and British identity. Arguably no character symbolises Britain and British identity more than Bond, yet Bond's Britishness has assumed an overtly English form. Bond's Scottish origins, both literary and cinematic, thus problematise elements of the later Bond films which allude to Britain and Britishness. At this significant period in British history when issues of national and political identity are at the forefront of national consciousness, the release of another film starring what the Telegraph referred to as ‘Britain's favourite spy’ merits particular critical attention.
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Bakhash, Shaul. "The Persian Gulf." World Politics 37, no. 4 (July 1985): 599–614. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010346.
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The focus and context of the great powers' interest in the Persian Gulf has altered —often subtly, sometimes dramatically —since Britain established its hegemony in the region in the 19th century. Britain engaged in a lucrative trade, but primarily sought to protect imperial communications and the approaches to India. Today, it is oil that gives the region its strategic importance. For a number of years after World War II, Britain remained the paramount power in the area, maintaining maritime peace, handling the external affairs of the Gulf sheikhdoms, mediating local disputes, dominating trade. Since Britain's withdrawal from the Gulf in 1971, the situation has become somewhat more messy.
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Gao, Jie. "Compromise and Defence: Great Britain and the Burma Road Crisis." China and Asia 3, no. 1 (September 29, 2021): 5–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2589465x-030102.
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Abstract China and Britain both found themselves in extremely precarious situations by the early summer of 1940, when Japan demanded that Britain close the Burma Road, a vital overland supply route for Chinese forces fighting against Japanese aggression. The British had just seen all of their continental European allies fall like dominoes to Hitler’s forces over the span of a few weeks, while China was fighting a losing defensive war against Japan with minimal outside support. China desperately needed to maintain its overland supply line to the British Empire, the Burma Road, but Britain feared that the very existence of this conduit of war materiel would provoke a Japanese attack on vulnerable British colonies in the Far East. American policy on Japanese aggression was ambiguous at this point and neither Britain nor China could realistically expect help from Washington in the short term. As a result, Britain signed a one-sided confidential memorandum to close the Burma Road to buy time and shore up its East Asian position to the extent that it was able. This deal, a lesser-studied counterpart to Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain’s appeasement policy in Europe, compromised the Chinese war effort against Japan, paved the way for the Japanese conquest of Southeast Asia, and ultimately failed to prevent Britain’s defeat in East Asia. Recognizing that this temporary concession would not moderate Japanese behavior, Britain reopened the Burma Road three months later. This paper examines the vital role of the Burma Road in the Chinese war effort in 1940 and why Japan demanded that London close it, then explores the factors that led to Britain’s unavoidable capitulation on the issue and subsequent reversal three months later, along with the consequences for the Allied war effort in the Far East.
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Marshall, P. J. "Presidential Address: Britain and the World in the Eighteenth Century: I, Reshaping the Empire." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 8 (December 1998): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3679286.
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By the end of the eighteenth century Britain was a world power on a scale that none of her European rivals could match. Not only did she rule a great empire, but the reach of expeditionary forces from either Britain itself or from British India stretched from the River Plate to the Moluccas in eastern Indonesia. Britain's overseas trade had developed a strongly global orientation: she was die leading distributor of tropical produce diroughout die world and in the last years of the century about four-fifths of her exports were going outside Europe. Britain was at die centre of inter-continental movements of people, not only exporting her own population but shipping almost as many Africans across the Atantic during die eighteenth century as all the other carriers put together. It is not surprising therefore that British historians have searched for the qualities that marked out eighteeth-century Britain's exceptionalism on a world stage. Notable books have stressed, not only the dynamism of die British economy, but developments such as the rise of Britain's ‘fiscal-military state’ or die forging of a sense of British national identity behind war and empire overseas.
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Martin, John E. "Refusal of Assent – A Hidden Element of Constitutional History in New Zealand." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 41, no. 1 (May 3, 2010): 51. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v41i1.5245.
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This article explores Britain's influence historically over legislation passed in the New Zealand Parliament. It suggests that Britain's role was substantial, particularly in the 19th century. For nearly a century, from 1854 until New Zealand adopted the Statute of Westminster in 1947, all New Zealand laws (of which nearly one hundred laws were reserved) were sent to Britain for scrutiny. In thirteen instances laws were considered sufficiently problematic that Britain either disallowed legislation already assented to by the Governor or, alternatively, refused assent to or withheld assent from reserved legislation. Other legislation was amended on Britain's instructions.The exercise of royal assent was an important ingredient in New Zealand's development and an integral part of its movement from colony to independent nation.
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Bell, Melanie. "Rebuilding Britain." Feminist Media Histories 4, no. 4 (2018): 33–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/fmh.2018.4.4.33.
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Women's marginalization in the British feature film industry is well documented: gender discrimination, and sometimes overt segregation, shut most women out of senior creative roles after the introduction of sound. What has received less critical attention is their participation in nonfiction filmmaking, which offered women greater employment opportunities, especially in the decades after World War II as Britain rebuilt its economy. This article provides the first historical mapping of women's involvement in sponsored nonfiction filmmaking in Britain in the period between 1945 and 1970, using newly available statistical data from Britain's film trade union, the Association of Cinematograph, Television and Allied Technicians (ACTT). It also draws on oral histories, extant films, and specialist trade publications to outline two case studies, one featuring three editors, and the other a director (Sarah Erulkar) who between them produced, directed and edited more than two hundred shorts on topics ranging from mineshaft sinking to French cookery. It argues that evidence of women's creative agency in this sector offers new ways of thinking about film history.
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Slinger, Michael J. "Great Britain and the Confederacy." British Journal of American Legal Studies 12, no. 2 (September 1, 2023): 357–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bjals-2023-0028.
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Abstract This essay describes the efforts of the Confederate States of America to convince Great Britain to support its secession from the United States. Although the South's leaders were confident that Britain's need for cotton would lead it to become an ally, numerous factors—including the British public's aversion to slavery—contributed to the country remaining neutral.
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Saran, Samir. "COMMENTARY: Global Britain: G7, COP26, Indo Pacific and the Commonwealth." Making of Contemporary Maldives: Isolation, Dictatorship and Democracy 2, no. 1 (July 1, 2021): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.52823/ijaq3359.
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Brexit was aimed at reclaiming Britain’s bartered sovereignty and regaining the power within and beyond Europe. The formal separation coincides with the ongoing post-pandemic rearrangement of the international order. With the strategic rise of the Indo-Pacific, it has become imperative for Britain and India to redefine their role in refashioning the global landscape in which a new continent, Eurasia, and a new water body, the Indo-Pacific, dominate. India has made its move; Britain, too, must.
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Power, Gerald. "Education, Culture and the British Position in the Arabian Gulf: Establishing the British Council in Kuwait, 1952–1955." Britain and the World 15, no. 1 (March 2022): 47–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2022.0381.
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Connections between Great Britain and the countries of the Arabian Gulf during the era of the Cold War and decolonisation have been the subject of close examination by historians in recent years. However, no historian has addressed with any profundity the cultural dimension of Britain's dealings with the Gulf states. The intent of this article is to confront this question and to show that cultural change in the Arabian Gulf was a major preoccupation of the UK government, particularly when it was associated with the expansion of education then unfolding across the region, most intensely in Kuwait. There was especial anxiety that Arab Nationalism and anti-Western sentiment were penetrating local societies and thus undermining an already precarious British influence in the region. The British Council was widely championed as the best instrument at Britain's disposal to counter this threat. It was envisaged that the Council would allow increased cultural contact between Arabs and Britons, offer an alternative vision of Britain to Gulf residents and provide an additional channel through which Britain could influence Gulf governments.
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Holman, Brett. "The Phantom Airship Panic of 1913: Imagining Aerial Warfare in Britain before the Great War." Journal of British Studies 55, no. 1 (January 2016): 99–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2015.173.
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AbstractIn late 1912 and early 1913, people all over Britain reported seeing airships in the night sky, yet there were none. It was widely assumed that these “phantom airships” were German Zeppelins, testing British defenses in preparation for the next war. The public and press responses to the phantom airship sightings provide a glimpse of the way that aerial warfare was understood before it was ever experienced in Britain. Conservative newspapers and patriotic leagues used the sightings to argue for a massive expansion of Britain's aerial forces, which were perceived to be completely outclassed by Germany's in both number and power. In many ways this airship panic was analogous to the much better known 1909 dreadnought panic. The result was the perfect Edwardian panic: the simultaneous culmination of older fears about Germany and the threat of espionage, invasion, and, above all, the loss of Britain's naval superiority. But, in reality, there was little understanding about the way that Zeppelins would be used against Britain in the First World War—not to attack its arsenals and dockyards, but to bomb its cities.
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Xing, Xuanyu, and Jun Tang. "Technology and Colonialism: Public Infrastructure Development in the Punjab during British India." Pacific International Journal 6, S1 (March 5, 2023): 27–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.55014/pij.v6is1.282.
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Britain was the first country to complete the industrial revolution in the early 19th century, and its mastery of advanced science and technology. Britain's industrial productivity made a quantitative and qualitative leap. Influenced by geostrategy, India became a bridgehead for Britain to expand its colonial power. In order to benefit from India and maintain Britain's own interests, British began to develop India in various methods. This paper focuses on Punjab with the construction of irrigation and railroads by British in the second half of 19th century. It emphasis that new technologies was used in colonial period, which contributed to the development of the colony, at the same time it had a colonial characters.
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Newell, Dianne. "The Politics of Food in World War II: Great Britain’s Grip on Canada’s Pacific Fishery." Historical Papers 22, no. 1 (April 26, 2006): 178–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/030970ar.
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Abstract Maintaining and transporting food supplies during wartime are crucial activities. How to fulfill these obligations often is an important point in determining a government's wartime trade strategy. An example is the case of Great Britain during World War II. Britain attempted to control the cost and quality of its imported foodstuffs by influencing the production, supply and price within supplying countries. British food missions were established to negotiate the best-possible agreements and to protect Britain's long-term commercial interests. This self-interest can be seen in the food programme established by the British Ministry of Food and in the negotiations with British Columbia packers for canned salmon. Britain needed this nutritious and practical foodstuff, but refused to enter into longterm contracts with Canadian suppliers. The British Columbia salmon was considered too expensive, and Britain wanted to return to the cheaper Japanese and Russian suppliers after the war. The ultimate result was that the BC salmon canning industry was seriously curtailed at war's end, and the very existence of the resource was threatened.
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Naheed Anwar. "Sir Syed Ahmad Khan’s Multifarious Activities in England." PERENNIAL JOURNAL OF HISTORY 4, no. 1 (June 24, 2023): 154–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.52700/pjh.v4i1.148.
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Throughout the 19th and early 20th centuries, the British Empire surpassed all the earlier empires in territorial size, during this time period British Empire earned the illustrious title ‘the Empire which never sees a sunset’. From 1858 to 1947, known as the British Crown Raj, the entire territory encompassing India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh was under the direct rule of Britain by the Parliament working on behalf of the British Crown. During this era, a substantial number of Indians - largely professionals - went to Britain. Indian students won scholarships for pursuing higher education and vital professional qualification in the UK, subsequently entering into the established system of colonial hierarchy upon their return to India. Political activists being qualified stayed on to practice their professions in England. Businessmen went to seek economic opportunities. In such an environment, Sir Syed Ahmad Khan decided to visit Britian. As a philosopher, activist, historiographer, thinker and educationist, he was interested in exploring and observing Britain and its culture. He was the first Muslim who intended to visit Britain just to boost up the Muslim community and indeed, his visit made history. The purpose of this article is to narrate Syed Ahmad’s social, political and literary engagements during his stay in England.
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Cronin, James E. "Britain." Current History 93, no. 586 (November 1, 1994): 375–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1994.93.586.375.
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Bower, H. "Britain." BMJ 316, no. 7133 (March 7, 1998): 723. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.316.7133.723k.
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Blair, Kirstie. "Britain." Victorian Literature and Culture 46, no. 3-4 (2018): 590–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1060150318000323.
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Goldbeck-Wood, S. "Britain." BMJ 313, no. 7050 (July 20, 1996): 131. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.313.7050.131a.
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Hargreaves, John. "Sport and Socialism in Britain." Sociology of Sport Journal 9, no. 2 (June 1992): 131–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/ssj.9.2.131.
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This paper attempts to explain the relationship between socialism and sport in Britain using a historical and comparative analysis of developments in Europe to identify the particular sociopolitical conditions and processes pertaining in the British case. It argues that a distinctively socialist sports culture failed to develop in Britain due to the interaction between two sets of forces: the powerful economic, political, and cultural constraints that are characteristic of Britain’s development, and the character of British socialism’s response to those constraints. It pinpoints the ways in which features specific to British socialism disabled socialists from adequately grasping the significance of sport in popular culture, from responding effectively to the way class, sex and gender, and national identities are formed in sporting activity, and from influencing processes of conflict and accommodation taking place around sport between dominant and subordinate groups.
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Shkurupii, Olha V., Alla V. Svitlychna, Iryna L. Zahrebelna, and Olha A. Svitlychna. "BREXIT: Preconditions, Consequences, Interests and the Main Vectors of Interstate Relations of Great Britain in the Sphere of Trade." PROBLEMS OF ECONOMY 3, no. 53 (2022): 12–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.32983/2222-0712-2022-3-12-19.
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The carried out analysis reflects the essence and course of the Brexit process. In terms of essence, the Great Britain’s exit from the EU should be considered a complex transformational process, which in a real form reproduces the model of structural changes occurring within the framework of a non-balanced open system (dissipative structure). Such a conceptual approach to the interpretation of this process allows us to specify the definition of Brexit as a solution to the intra-system contradiction that has formed within the most complex form of integration, which is the European Union. With the transformation (transformation of the form) and structural changes occurring along this process, a new quality of the basic system together with the separated former elements of this system, which have acquired the status of independent integral system units, is formed. In the future, the dynamics may take the form of either progress or regression. Accordingly, Brexit as a result of the transformation of the economic and political union of European countries is fraught with risks for both sides – as for Great Britain, so for the EU. The economic system of Great Britain is one of the largest and most productive in Europe and the world. Therefore, Brexit has significantly weakened the EU economy, but has not caused a critical deterioration in its condition. Similarly, the Great Britain’s loss of the EU membership, which the country had since 1973, had hindered the possibilities of growth, but did not cause a devastating change in the economy. The situation in the sphere of international trade appears to be similar. For Great Britain, the Brexit transition period has become extremely difficult, as it largely coincided with the protracted period of the COVID-19 pandemic. As a response to the challenges facing the country after Brexit, Great Britain is implementing a model of interstate relations aimed at preserving the partnerships acquired during the period of the EU membership and at the same time forming new ones, being no less effective. Within the limits of this model, the most likely format of equally close economic (including trade) relations «countries of Europe – Great Britain – the USA» will be formed. Trade relations with China remain mutually beneficial for Great Britain, although their context has become significantly politically determined, given the divergence of the interests of the USA and China and the Great Britain’s loss of the role of a conductor of Chinese interests in the EU. Great prospects are opened to Great Britain by the direction of Indo- and Asia-Pacific cooperation, which involves developing relations with countries, the vast majority of which are participants in the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP).
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Ahmadi, Farajollah. "Communication and the Consolidation of the British Position in the Persian Gulf, 1860s–1914." Journal of Persianate Studies 10, no. 1 (June 1, 2017): 73–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18747167-12341308.
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The scale of Britain’s industrial expansion during the nineteenth century was vast and extraordinary. On the sea, Britain dominated the industrialized world both in tonnage and distance and established the largest shipping lines in the world. With the rapid increase in international trade, Britain led the world in the development of submarine telegraph cable and steamships. Although from the early decades of nineteenth century, Britain was expanding its ascendancy in the Persian Gulf, from 1860s onward, technological developments, mainly telegraph and steamship, led to a significant change in favor of British hegemony in the region. This technological progress had great impacts on the politics and economy of the area and neighboring centuries. The present article is an attempt to examine the process of communication system development in the Persian Gulf and its role in the consolidation of British position in the region.
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Mironyuk, Sergei A. "The Control Over the Trans-Siberian Railway as a Motive for Britain’s Participation in an Allied Intervention in the Far East and Siberia in 1917–1919 and Its Role in the Operation (Based on the Memorandum “Siberia” by George Nathaniel Curzon (December 20, 1919))." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, no. 458 (2020): 153–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/458/19.
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The article deals with the problem of control provision over the Trans-Siberian Railway as a motive for Britain’s participation in an Allied intervention in the Far East and Siberia and evaluates its role in this operation. The work is based on the facts and judgments contained in the memorandum “Siberia” by George Nathaniel Curzon, the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, dated December 20, 1919. The memorandum has not been previously described and researched in the domestic historiography. Besides the text of the memorandum, the source base includes the minutes of the meetings of the British War Cabinet, the memories of W. Graves, the commander of the American expeditionary force, and of J. Ward, the chief of the British expeditionary detachment, and some other sources of personal origin. Works by N.E. Bystrova, F.D. Volkova, R. Ullman, A.I. Utkin, N.A. Halfin and other researchers were also used. The main research methods were comparative and narrative. The comparative method made it possible to compare the memorandum with some other documents from the National Archives of the United Kingdom, as well as with the sources of personal origin important for the research topic, and confirm its analytical, resumptive nature. Since some of the documents, including the memorandum “Siberia”, have not been previously investigated and described in the domestic historiography, the narrative method was widely used in the study. First, the author examines the main issues: Curzon’s approaches to the Eastern policy of Britain; Russia’s place in the British Eastern policy; control over globally important railways as an element of Britain’s Eastern policy. Then the author reviews the provisions of the memorandum relating to the Trans-Siberian Railway and the motives for Britain’s participation in the intervention in the Far East and Siberia, as well as the data on the participation of the United States, Japan, and Britain in the operation, and, on this basis, investigates the specificity, forms of participation and role of Britain in the intervention in these regions. The author concludes that, in fact, Britain became the main political driving force that led to the Allied intervention in the Far East and Siberia. The active position of Britain regarding the intervention in the Far East and Siberia was based on the tasks to oppose Germany during the war and at the same time to form and maintain Britain’s long-term Eastern policy under the new conditions. The control over the Trans-Siberian Railway could be an effective instrument to overcome these challenges. A possibility to participate in the allied control over the Trans-Siberian Railway was a weighty motive for Britain to intervene in Eastern Russia. Its role in the operation was political and pragmatic.
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Nish, Ian. "Politics, Trade and Communications in East Asia: Thoughts on Anglo-Russian Relations, 1861–1907." Modern Asian Studies 21, no. 4 (October 1987): 667–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00009276.
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As Britain saw it, trade was not the prime motivating force for Russian expansion in east Asia or, put another way, the Russian frontiersmen were not driven by the actual amount of their trade there or its future potentialities. While Russia was primarily concerned with the tea trade over land frontiers, Britain was concerned with the seaborne commerce of China. The customs revenue paid to China in the year 1894 worked out as follows:Judging from the returns of the Chinese Imperial Maritime Customs Organization, British ships carried 83.5% of China's total trade. But Britain's commercial dominance affected her political stance because she wanted to preserve China's stability for most of the second half of the nineteenth century. This was at the root of the political tensions between Britain and Russia which emerged in China after 1860 and especially those which derived from the spate of railway building which took place from 1890 onwards. It would be foolish to deny that intense rivalry did exist in the area from time to time or that detailed observations of the actions of the one were regularly conducted by the other—what we should now call ‘intelligence operations’. But what I shall suggest in this paper is that, despite all the admitted antagonism and suspicion between Britain and Russia in east Asia, Britain regularly made efforts to reach accommodations with Russia in north-east Asia.
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Johnman, Lewis, and Frances M. B. Lynch. "The Road to Concorde: Franco-British Relations and the Supersonic Project." Contemporary European History 11, no. 2 (May 2002): 229–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777302002035.
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In November 1962 the British and French governments signed an irreversible agreement to build together the Western world's first civil supersonic aeroplane: Concorde. This article explores the background to the agreement, looking in particular at why Britain and France co-operated with each other rather than with the United States or West Germany, the other possible partners. The central argument is that the agreement was driven not by technological convergence in the aircraft industry but by a weakening of Britain's position in 1961 caused by American unwillingness to partner Britain in the supersonic adventure and Britain's decision to apply for membership of the Common Market. The French government was then able to exploit that weakness in order to acquire technological expertise particularly in the field of aircraft engine construction.
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Rahmatian, Andreas. "Brexit and Scotland: Centralism, Federalism or Independence?" European Review 26, no. 4 (April 25, 2018): 616–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798718000054.
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The public debate about the consequences of Brexit in Britain follows certain predictable lines of established academic concepts in British constitutional law. This arguably overlooks the important constitutional complications of Brexit, including the position of Scotland in post-Brexit Britain. This article takes the unorthodox approach of focusing on legal and intellectual history rather than British constitutional law, because in this way one obtains a better understanding of the present British constitutional framework in the context of Europe. The discussion is from a continental European viewpoint and through the eyes of a private and commercial lawyer. The completely different understanding of Britain and Europe about the nature of a constitution and the structure of a state becomes more apparent with Britain’s departure from the EU, which may also influence the future national cohesion of the UK itself, particularly the relationship between England and Scotland after Brexit.
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James, William D. "Global Britain's strategic problem East of Suez." European Journal of International Security 6, no. 2 (January 11, 2021): 171–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/eis.2020.24.
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AbstractWhy did Britain withdraw from its military bases in the Arabian Peninsula and Southeast Asia midway through the Cold War? Existing accounts tend to focus on Britain's weak economic position, as well as the domestic political incentives of retrenchment for the ruling Labour Party. This article offers an alternative explanation: the strategic rationale for retaining a permanent presence East of Suez dissolved during the 1960s, as policymakers realised that these military bases were consuming more security than they could generate. These findings have resonance for British officials charting a return East of Suez today under the banner of ‘Global Britain’.
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Crafts, Nicholas. "Forging Ahead and Falling Behind: The Rise and Relative Decline of the First Industrial Nation." Journal of Economic Perspectives 12, no. 2 (May 1, 1998): 193–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.12.2.193.
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This paper considers Britain's failure to maintain its lead in economic growth in the face of overtaking by the United States. Recent cliometric research is reviewed and it is argued that early nineteenth century Britain had a low growth potential by twentieth century standards and that the American growth of the early twentieth century was of a quite different kind. Neither traditional nor new growth theories can encompass this experience and it is suggested that natural resource endowments, location-specific learning processes, and the international migration of factors of production were central aspects of American overtaking of Britain.
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Pacione, Michael. "Britain's Cities: Geographies of Division in Urban Britain." Capital & Class 23, no. 3 (October 1999): 161–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030981689906900110.
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Waddell, D. A. G. "British Neutrality and Spanish—American Independence: The Problem of Foreign Enlistment." Journal of Latin American Studies 19, no. 1 (May 1987): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00017119.
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Throughout the Spanish–American wars of independence Britain's policy was to observe a strict neutrality between Spain and the colonial revolutionaries. This did not reflect an indifferent detachment or a commitment to even-handed justice, but was rather dictated by the pursuit of Britain's own interests, which necessitated the maintenance of good relations both with Spain and with Spanish America. During the period of the Peninsular War of 1808–14 Spain was a vital ally against Napoleon, and after the war was over she remained an important element in the European collective security system that Lord Castlereagh, the British Foreign Secretary, constructed to prevent the re-emergence of French dominance. Accordingly Britain refused requests from the revolutionary regimes in South America to recognise their independence or to help them to defend it against the mother country. At the same time Britain declined to assist her Spanish ally in recovering control over the rebellious territories, as she had no desire to imperil the important commerical links she was developing with the emergent states of Spanish America. Both parties continued to try to enlist British assistance, and both of them at times complained of breaches of neutrality by British officials. But for several years Britain walked her tightrope very successfully.
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Hodgkinson, Owen, Luke Telford, and James Treadwell. "A Critical Assessment of the Black Lives Matter Movement in the United Kingdom." Journal of Contemporary Crime, Harm, and Ethics 1, no. 1 (October 3, 2021): 88–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.19164/jcche.v1i1.1153.
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The death of George Floyd in May 2020 in the United States of America (USA) generated protests across the world, fronted by the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement. The BLM movement cast the killing of Floyd by police officer Derek Chauvin as emblematic of the criminal justice system’s (CJS) long history of racism. Whilst the core message that Black Lives Matter is indisputable, noble and a worthy rallying call, little scholarly attention has been given to the movement’s underlying philosophy and aims, particularly in relation to the CJS in Britain. This article explicates Britain’s BLM movement by considering four core themes – (a) critical race theory and British social science, (b) the policing of black people in Britain, (c) the omission of social class from the analyses of BLM scholars and activists in Britain and, (d) the aims of Britain’s BLM movement. It suggests that the BLM movement potentially offers a flawed understanding of racism within the CJS. The paper also critiques and problematizes BLM’s use of the terms ‘white privilege and ‘whiteness’. It closes with a critical discussion of the movement’s aims, including defunding and abolishing the police, suggesting that critical engagement with both CRT and BLM should form a core part of criminological debate.
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Osborne, Patrick E. "Key issues in assessing the feasibility of reintroducing the great bustard Otis tarda to Britain." Oryx 39, no. 1 (January 2005): 22–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0030605305000050.
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The great bustard is a globally-threatened species needing conservation action across Europe. This paper discusses key issues in the case for reintroducing the bird to Britain. Great bustards became extinct as a breeding species in Britain in 1832 probably as a result of hunting, agricultural change and inclement weather. The factors that caused the loss are no longer thought to operate. Suitable habitat exists in pockets across England and especially on Salisbury Plain where a large area is protected for military training and conservation purposes. The Plain combines short grass areas for lekking, long grassland for feeding and adjacent arable land for nesting. Pilot studies on arthropods in long grassland suggest that their density is sufficient for chick-rearing but the precautionary creation of additional food-rich areas among arable crops is recommended. Genetic studies indicate that Britain's bustards probably belonged to the central European group and that restocking should not use birds from Iberia. Only Russia has sufficient birds to supply a reintroduction project and losses there through nest destruction are high. By rescuing eggs, artificially incubating them and transporting chicks to Britain, the project should have zero detriment to the donor population. Modelling indicates that 40 chicks will need to be brought to Britain for 5–10 years to build a founder population of 100 birds. Although focused on direct action in Britain, the project will promote grassland conservation across Europe and serve as a model for translocating bustards elsewhere.
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Kaka Sur, Dr Mohamed Abdullah. "British occupation of Iraq study in its political development (1917- 1927)." ALUSTATH JOURNAL FOR HUMAN AND SOCIAL SCIENCES 222, no. 1 (November 5, 2018): 253–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.36473/ujhss.v222i1.377.
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Occupation of Britain has had a significant impact on the history of Iraq. Even after the establishment of the Iraqi state in 1921 and the effects of this occupation existed. On this basis, one of the historians used the term Iraq - British royal rule in the period. So, important to know what are the historical factors which led to Britain occupy Iraq, beyond the historical trend of the state and the fundamental changes which led to the establishment of the Iraqi state. In this study, entitled (the historical reasons for the occupation of Iraq, Britain to study the political development between the years 1917 to 1920). Which ensures the number of vertical axes, the first axis looking for strategic importance of Iraq and the situation in Iraq under the leadership of the Ottoman Empire. The second axis tells Britain's occupation of Iraq, the third axis either looking for agreements made between Iraq and Britain the first, second and third.The fourth axis looking for challenging the Iraqis against the British occupation and private revolted in 1920, including the role of the Kurds in this revolution. In fact, with the reasons for strategic and economic, historical factors have had an important role in the occupation of Iraq with the causes and factors which mentioned were overlapping, Baghdad was the capital of Iraq through the stories of One Thousand and One Nights was written in the West and known Babylon was one of the oldest cities, which have been mentioned in Holy book by the West, so intertwined historical importance Wares in the cause of Britain's occupation of Iraq
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Thane, Pat. "The Origins of the British Welfare State." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 50, no. 3 (November 2019): 427–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_a_01448.
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George Boyer’s The Winding Road to the Welfare State, which traces the shift in Britain from the early nineteenth-century Poor Law to the post-1945 welfare state, is strongest and most useful in its analysis of the labor market in relation to poverty and insecurity and in its precise quantification of wages, poverty, insecurity, and public relief. It is much weaker when discussing how politics and public opinion shaped social policies; overlooking important areas of British state welfare, the book focuses upon unemployment and old-age policies. Nor is the book really about “Britain.” Most of the statistics and analyses refer to England and occasionally Wales. Scotland, with its different economic, administrative, and legal structures, though constitutionally in Britain, is barely mentioned. Notwithstanding Boyer’s contributions to the picture of how the British welfare state emerged, his version of Britain’s “winding road” falls short of the descriptions and analyses that many British publications have already provided within the past thirty years.
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McCOURT, DAVID M. "Role-playing and identity affirmation in international politics: Britain's reinvasion of the Falklands, 1982." Review of International Studies 37, no. 4 (September 2, 2010): 1599–621. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026021051000104x.
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AbstractDid Britain reinvade the Falklands because of its ‘identity’? Or was reinvasion instead required by its ‘role’ in international politics? In this article I show that a complete constructivist explanation of Britain's response must consider both its identity affirmation, which constructivist International Relations (IR) theory would certainly draw attention to, but also the role it played on the world stage at the beginning of the 1980s, which would very likely be overlooked. I show that a solely identity-based explanation is incomplete and ultimately unpersuasive since identities are affirmed by playing social roles, which give identity meaning. In 1982, a number of roles could have fulfilled this function for Britain; it is important then that Britain chose and was able to play the role of astatus quooriented power rather than that of a colonial power. Beyond offering a more complete interpretation of the events, the article clarifies the links between roles, identity, and action in international politics, and the type of theory appropriate to such analysis.
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Darwen, Lewis, Donald M. MacRaild, Brian Gurrin, and Liam Kennedy. "‘Irish fever’ in Britain during the Great Famine: immigration, disease and the legacy of ‘Black ’47’." Irish Historical Studies 44, no. 166 (November 2020): 270–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2020.37.
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AbstractDuring the worst year of the Great Irish Famine, ‘Black ’47’, tens of thousands of people fled across the Irish Sea from Ireland to Britain, desperately escaping the starvation and disease plaguing their country. These refugees, crowding unavoidably into the most insalubrious accommodation British towns and cities had to offer, were soon blamed for deadly outbreaks of epidemic typhus which emerged across the country during the first half of 1847. Indeed, they were accused of transporting the pestilence, then raging in Ireland, over with them. Typhus mortality rates in Ireland and Britain soared, and so closely connected with the disease were the Irish in Britain that it was widely referred to as ‘Irish fever’. Much of what we know about this epidemic is based on a handful of studies focusing almost exclusively on major cities along the British west-coast. Moreover, there has been little attempt to understand the legacy of the episode on the Irish in Britain. Taking a national perspective, this article argues that the ‘Irish fever’ epidemic of 1847 spread far beyond the western port of entry, and that the epidemic, by entrenching the association of the Irish with deadly disease, contributed significantly to the difficulties Britain's Irish population faced in the 1850s.
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Ledger, Robert. "Yugoslavia's Liberal Opportunity: British Foreign Policy and the ‘Croatian Spring’, 1968–1974." Britain and the World 13, no. 2 (September 2020): 168–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2020.0349.
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Between 1968 and 1971, Yugoslavia experienced a prolonged series of protests dubbed the ‘Croatian Spring’. Britain was initially concerned that the Soviets would invade Yugoslavia, thereby upsetting the region's geopolitical balance. Protest against Tito's regime had liberal, Marxist and nationalist elements and, although some sympathy in Britain existed with the former in 1968, this gradually changed to fear of separatism, particularly as it was conflated with the memory of the fascist Ustaše regime. That these factors were aligned, however, impeded one of Britain's prime objectives, Yugoslav unity. British foreign policy towards Yugoslavia during this period aptly shows how it acted as a status quo power.
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Schallreuter, Roger, and Miroslav Krůta. "Bohemian Ordovician Ostracodes with relations to Britain." Neues Jahrbuch für Geologie und Paläontologie - Monatshefte 1994, no. 6 (June 23, 1994): 361–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1127/njgpm/1994/1994/361.
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Won, Tae Joon. "Britain's Retreat East of Suez and the Conundrum of Korea 1968–1974." Britain and the World 9, no. 1 (March 2016): 76–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2016.0215.
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This article examines the discussions and decisions which occurred within the British government concerning Britain's military involvement in the Korean peninsula at a time when Britain was pulling out of its military obligations in Asia – colloquially known as the ‘retreat East of Suez’ – in the late 1960s and the early 1970s. After the end of the Korean War, Britain created the Commonwealth Liaison Mission in Seoul and provided a frigate for use in Korean waters by the American-led United Nations Command and British soldiers for the United Nations Honour Guard. When relations between North and South Korea reached crisis point at the end of the 1960s, London was concerned that Britain could be entangled in an unaffordable military conflict in the Korean peninsula. The Ministry of Defence therefore argued for the abolition of the commitment of the British frigate, but the Foreign Office opposed this initiative so as to mitigate the blow to Anglo-American relations caused by Britain's refusal to commit troops to Vietnam. When Edward Heath's government negotiated a Five Power Defence Agreement with Singapore, Malaysia, Australia and New Zealand in April 1971, the Ministry of Defence was, despite the objections of the Foreign Office, finally successful in repealing the frigate commitment for reasons of overstretching military resources. Furthermore, the Ministry of Defence then called for the abolition of the Commonwealth Liaison Mission altogether when it was then discovered that the British contingent of the United Nations Honour Guard would have to fight under the command of the United Nations Commander in case of a military conflict in the Korean peninsula. But this proposal too was rebuffed by the Foreign Office, concerned that such a move would greatly damage Anglo-Korean relations at a time when Britain was considering establishing diplomatic relations with North Korea.
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Gough, Judith. "The Unwavering Support." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XX (2019): 244–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-17.
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The interview with Judith Gough, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland to Ukraine, reveals Her Excellency’s opinion on a range of issues and the position of Great Britain on security matters. The article states Great Britain was one of the pioneers of the campaign for the imposition of sanctions against the Russian Federation in response to its aggression against Ukraine. Great Britain also highly appreciates the support of Ukraine after the Salisbury incident. Specifically, here the reader will find articulated Great Britain’s position relating to the Minsk process, which can be succinctly described by a phrase ‘there is no such thing as an ideal peace process.’ The negotiations are always associated with difficulties and never finish at a pace desired. However, the paramount task of today is to stop hostilities in Donbas. The interview goes on to explore the role of the NATO Contact Point Embassy, which consists in that every NATO Member State undertakes the functions to carry out NATO public diplomacy, assists the NATO Liaison Office in communicating with citizens of the receiving state, and makes clear what the organization is and what its activities are. It is stressed it is the first time when such functions are jointly undertaken by two countries, Great Britain and Canada. Thus, Ukraine has gained the support of two states at the same time. The article also underlines that Great Britain does not intend to change its visa policy towards Ukraine. However, that is not a discriminatory model, as such a policy is applied to the entire world in the same manner. An important aspect of this matter in the relations between Ukraine and Great Britain is an ever-growing number of visas issued. It is mentioned that Brexit has not changed the policy of Great Britain towards Ukraine, has not affected the decision to support Ukraine, and has not decreased an interest to it. After the referendum, the support has become even more evident. The number of visits at the ministerial level has also increased. The article delineates the importance of such organisation as the British Council, providing not only English tutor lessons at a globally recognised level but also vigorously taking part in the realm of cultural diplomacy. Key words: Ukrainian-British relations, Brexit, NATO, Minsk process.
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Shikhov, D. V. "UK in European Security: New Opportunities or a Path to Nowhere?" MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 2(41) (April 28, 2015): 102–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-2-41-102-107.
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Despite Britain's traditionally ambivalent attitude towards deepening the European integration, in late 1990s - early 2000s London seemed to become a key driver of European defence and security cooperation. T.Blair and J.Chirac have set ambitious goals including the development of a European Rapid Reaction Force. However most targets have never been achieved due to concerns about undermining NATO's role and Britain's as well as other EU members' unwillingness to undertake real steps to strengthen defence and security cooperation. In late 2000s the prospects of defence integration within the EU were becoming more and more vague, and the D.Cameron coalition government opted for bilateral Franco-British cooperation. Today London remains among key opponents to the European defence but the paradox is that EU defence integration without Britain - which is along with France a leading EU military power-would be at least ineffective. With US activities gradually shifting from Europe to Asia-Pacific Britain may well take the lead in European security without any damage to Transatlantic Relations.
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Ding, Hengrui, and Degang Sun. "The Images of China and Britain in the Syrian Media." Contemporary Arab Affairs 14, no. 4 (December 1, 2021): 40–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2021.14.4.40.
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China and Britain have contrasting images in the official and unofficial Syrian media. By analysing relevant news stories, this study reveals that China’s involvement in the Syrian crisis as covered by the Syrian media is usually limited to governmental affairs, while Britain’s involvement covered by the Syrian media, especially the “revolutionary” outlet, figures in a relatively wider range of diverse nongovernmental happenings including activities of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and the media. Most importantly, the study finds that the “revolutionary” outlet Enab Baladi is apt to present Chinese involvement as negative, but presents British involvement as positive, while the government-backed news agency SANA portrays a completely positive image of China and a fundamentally negative image of Britain.
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Gillin, Edward J. "Mechanics and mathematicians: George Biddell Airy and the social tensions in constructing time at Parliament, 1845–1860." History of Science 58, no. 3 (October 21, 2019): 301–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0073275319879279.
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In mid-Victorian Britain, reconciling elite mathematical expertise with practical mechanical experience presented both engineering and social challenges. Nowhere was this more apparent than in the construction of the Westminster Clock at Britain’s Houses of Parliament. Realizing this scheme engendered the collaboration between Cambridge mathematicians George Biddell Airy and Edmund Beckett Denison, and the clockmaker Edward John Dent. Transforming theoretical mathematical drawings into physical apparatus challenged existing relations between conveyors of privileged scientific knowledge and those with practical experience of what was, and what was not, mechanically possible. My article demonstrates how, within this project, physical models and devices provided material solutions to ambiguities over authority and social disorder in Victorian Britain.
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Devereux, David R. "State Versus Private Ownership: The Conservative Governments and British Civil Aviation 1951–62." Albion 27, no. 1 (1995): 65–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0095139000018536.
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Studies of post-1945 Britain have often concentrated upon political and foreign policy history and are only just now beginning to address the question of the restructuring of the British economy and domestic policy. Civil aviation, a subject of considerable interest to historians of interwar Britain, has not been given a similar degree of attention in the post-1945 era. Civil aviation policy was, however, given a very high priority by both the 1945-51 Labour government and its Conservative successors. Civil aviation represented part of the effort to return Britain to a peacetime economy by transferring resources from the military into the civil aircraft industry, while at the same time holding for Britain a position of pre-eminence in the postwar expansion of civil flying. As such, aviation was a matter of great interest to reconstruction planners during World War Two, and was an important part of the Attlee government's plans for nationalization.Civil aviation was expected to grow rapidly into a major global economic force, which accounted for the great attention paid it in the 1940s and 1950s. Its importance to Britain in the postwar era lay in the value of air connections to North America, Europe, and the Empire and Commonwealth, and also in the economic importance of Britain's aircraft industry. In a period when the United States was by far the largest producer of commercial aircraft, the task of Labour and Conservative governments was to maintain a viable British position against strong American competition. What is particularly interesting is the wide degree of consensus that existed in both parties on the role the state should play in the maintenance and enhancement of this position.