Journal articles: 'Bread politics'

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Erdener, Jasmine. "Prefigurative Politics at Bread and Puppet Theater." Cultural Politics 20, no. 1 (March 1, 2024): 92–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/17432197-10969240.

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Abstract Bread and Puppet (B&P) Theater is one of the oldest, most influential, and well-known puppet theaters both in the United States and abroad and has been at the forefront of puppetry, performance, and political protest for more than half a century. B&P also functions as a site of tension in prefigurative political theory, between creative world building and alternative decision-making structures. B&P fosters a powerful lived experience of prefigurative politics. The political process of envisioning alternative realities took place through performance, puppets, and the shifting sense of temporality in an isolated location. At the same time, B&P operates in a state of flux, at the center of a constant stream of apprentices, volunteers, and audience members. They rely on hierarchical decision-making to facilitate order, which challenges the prefigurative ideal of a democratic community. B&P models a mediated form of prefigurative politics in which a hierarchical governance structure and creative world building exist in tension with one another. The theater has worked within this tension to survive and even flourish. B&P complicates prefigurative politics in social movement theory and practice, as the hierarchy helps preserve some sense of order but conflicts with the more egalitarian vision of the world represented in their performances. B&P's intervention in prefigurative politics offers lessons to social movements and artistic practices in the contemporary resurgence of prefigurative politics.

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Eisinger, Peter. "The Politics of Bread and Circuses." Urban Affairs Review 35, no. 3 (January 2000): 316–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107808740003500302.

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Wylie, Kristin. "Taking bread off the table: race, gender, resources and political ambition in Brazil." European Journal of Politics and Gender 3, no. 1 (February 1, 2020): 121–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/251510819x15719917787141.

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Traditional gender roles, gendered political institutions and resource inequities disincentivise women’s participation in formal politics. This article analyses the Brazilian case – where women comprise 9.2 per cent of federal legislators elected since 1994 – to illustrate the centrality of resources in shaping candidate emergence. I examine how entrepreneurial elections, which incentivise intra-party competition and expensive campaigns, have sustained white men’s dominance in Brazilian political institutions and deterred white and Afro-Brazilian women’s political ambition. Using the latest data on campaign finance in Brazilian legislative elections, I explain how recent campaign finance reforms and a series of injustices provoking women’s emotive power yielded important resources catalysing the candidacies of women, especially Black women. The findings suggest that defraying campaign costs offers a potent mechanism for levelling the playing field, and remind us that women’s political ambition is shaped by their ‘relationally embedded’ risk assessment, constrained in no small part by the masculinised ethos of party politics.

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Abdul-Latif, Samshul-Amry, and Asmat-Nizam Abdul-Talib. "Boycott and racism: a loaf of bread is just a loaf of bread." Emerald Emerging Markets Case Studies 5, no. 6 (October 16, 2015): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/eemcs-09-2014-0224.

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Subject area This case study can be used for courses under marketing management, international marketing or public relations. Study level/applicability This case study may be suitable for courses which discuss decision-making and/or executive actions and execution, at both undergraduate and graduate levels. It could also be used in graduate classes as some open-ended questions are also included to illicit critical thoughts and fresh ideas. Case overview Companies can be boycotted for many reasons; for example, a company may be associated with or engage in egregious acts which trigger a consumer boycott. However, it is unusual for racial and political elements to form the basis of a consumer boycott. This paper describes how a current leader in the packaged bread market, Gardenia Bakeries Sdn Bhd (GBKL), responded to one such online campaign. This case study highlights the importance of effective communications and marketing strategies for responding to sensitive issues involving racism and politics. Expected learning outcomes Students are introduced to the concept of consumer boycotts and how this may affect a business. Students are exposed to the development of appropriate public relation strategies and explore creative methods to combat bad publicity and/or a smear campaign. Students can learn to appreciate the sensitivity of allegations of racism in a multi-ethnic country and understand how multi-ethnic consumers respond to these types of issues. Students are exposed to the effects of political and socio-demographic influences on purchase behavior in a particular market or country. Students may explore the effects of consumer activism on a company's brand image. Supplementary materials Teaching notes are available for educators only. Please contact your library to gain login details or email support@emeraldinsight.com to request teaching notes.

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KOCH, INSA. "Bread-and-butter politics: Democratic disenchantment and everyday politics on an English council estate." American Ethnologist 43, no. 2 (May 2016): 282–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/amet.12305.

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Zavershneva, Ekaterina, and René van der Veer. "Not by bread alone." History of the Human Sciences 31, no. 1 (February 2018): 36–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0952695117743408.

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On the basis of both published and unpublished manuscripts written from 1914 to 1917, this article gives an overview of Lev Vygotsky’s early ideas. It turns out that Vygotsky was very much involved in issues of Jewish culture and politics. Rather surprisingly, the young Vygotsky rejected all contemporary ideas to save the Jewish people from discrimination and persecution by creating an autonomous state in Palestine or elsewhere. Instead, until well into 1917, Vygotsky proposed the rather traditional option of strengthening the spiritual roots of the Jews by returning to the religious writings. Socialism was rejected, because it merely envisioned the compulsory redistribution of material goods and ‘man lives not by bread alone’. It was only after the October Revolution that Vygotsky switched from arguments in favour of the religious faith in the Kingship of God to the communist belief in a Radiant Future.

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MCLAUGHLIN, GREG, and STEPHEN BAKER. "The Media, the Peace Dividend and ‘Bread and Butter’ Politics." Political Quarterly 83, no. 2 (March 13, 2012): 292–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-923x.2012.02304.x.

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Martínez, José Ciro. "LEAVENED APPREHENSIONS: BREAD SUBSIDIES AND MORAL ECONOMIES IN HASHEMITE JORDAN." International Journal of Middle East Studies 50, no. 2 (May 2018): 173–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743818000016.

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AbstractThis article analyzes the microprocesses that imbue bread with meaning and the macropolitics that shape its subsidized provision. It begins by outlining bread's multiple forms of value and significance, some easily quantifiable, others not. It problematizes the predominant approach to studying moral economies before putting forth an alternative framework. Drawing on eighteen months of fieldwork in Jordan, the following empirical sections examine the different ways in which bureaucrats, bakers, and ordinary citizens portray the government's universal subsidy of Arabic bread. I unpack the diverse opinions encountered in the field and discuss their links to the Hashemite regime's polyvalent legitimating discourse. The article then dissects the politics of provisions that contribute to the bread subsidy's paradoxical persistence. It concludes by considering the relationship between moral economies, opposition politics, and authoritarian power in the context of Jordan's ongoing food subsidy debate.

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Aquino, Karl, Maja Graso, and Stefan Thau. "Not by Bread Alone: Immoderate Politics and the Roots of Suffering." Psychological Inquiry 34, no. 1 (January 2, 2023): 17–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1047840x.2023.2192643.

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Bell, John. "Something Beautiful and Powerful: Politics, Art, and Bread and Puppet Theater." PAJ: A Journal of Performance and Art 45, no. 1 (January 1, 2023): 34–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/pajj_a_00639.

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King, Desmond, and David Rueda. "Cheap Labor: The New Politics of “Bread and Roses” in Industrial Democracies." Perspectives on Politics 6, no. 2 (June 2008): 279–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592708080614.

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In this article we aim to return labor (particularly the most vulnerable members of the labor market) to the core of the comparative political economy of advanced democracies. We formulate a framework with which to conceptualize cheap labor in advanced democracies. We propose that to understand the politics of cheap labor, the weakest members of the labor market need to be divided into two structural groups: those in standard and those in nonstandard employment.Standard cheap laborincludes “regular jobs” whilenonstandard cheap laborincludes low-cost, flexible, and temporary jobs. We show that the use of cheap labor is significant in all industrialized democracies but that there are important contrasts in how different economies use cheap labor. We argue that there is a trade-off between standard and nonstandard cheap labor. Countries that satisfy their need for cheap labor through standard employment do not develop large nonstandard sectors of their economies. Countries that do not promote cheap labor in the standard sector, on the other hand, end up relying on an army of nonstandard workers to meet their cheap labor needs.

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Polat, Necati. "Identity Politics and the Domestic Context of Turkey's European Union Accession." Government and Opposition 41, no. 4 (2006): 512–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2006.00202.x.

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AbstractThis article observes a transformation in the largely essentializing, decontextualized form of identity politics that long defined political cosmology in Turkey, now in the process of negotiating accession to the European Union (EU). Accordingly, identity politics – not only the bread and butter of both Kurdish nationalism and Islamism, but also a justification for exhortations towards a limited, authoritarian democracy by Kemalists, the major power holders – is receding in favour of a civic, non-divisive political culture enabled by the EU anchorage. In danger of losing the longstanding centre–periphery configuration in an enhanced, participatory democracy and, concomitant with it, the periphery clientelism created by the waning identity politics, Kemalist nationalists, Islamists and Kurdish separatists appear to have stopped squabbling among themselves and joined forces against Turkey's EU bid.

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Martínez, José Ciro. "Topological twists in the Syrian conflict: Re-thinking space through bread." Review of International Studies 46, no. 1 (October 14, 2019): 121–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210519000330.

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AbstractThis article seeks to question the epistemological monopoly of territory and scale in analyses of the Syrian conflict. It does so to both challenge static conceptualisations of space in the study of politics and analyse how seemingly remote actors influence wartime outcomes. Since 2011, NGOs, government bodies, and merchants have worked to connect Damascus to Tehran, Idlib to Istanbul, London to Dara‘a. These connections have proven crucial to the reliable supply of food, funds, and firepower. Yet rather than reveal the importance of foreign patrons or proxies on the ground, such dynamics speak to a world in which relationships matter more than distance, practices more than geopolitical position or a priori forms of alliance. Drawing on the work of John Allen, I suggest why thinking topologically about these dynamics better equips us to understand the political outcomes they help engender. To demonstrate the promise of this approach, I hone in on the partnerships, intermediaries, and connections that shape performances of political authority in Syria by examining one object crucial to its enactment: bread.

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Enjuto Rangel, Cecilia. "Spectrality in Pa negre/Black Bread (Villaronga 2010): Queer aesthetics and its politics of memory." Studies in Spanish & Latin-American Cinemas 18, no. 3 (September 1, 2021): 317–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/slac_00058_1.

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Since the 1960s, Latin American and Iberian filmmakers have embraced the child’s gaze as a cinematic tool to mediate and understand the historical and political memory of war and dictatorial violence. During the transitions to democracy in the 1990s and the twenty-first century, cinematic representations of children became key in the cultural politics of memory. Pa negre/Black Bread (Villaronga 2010) is one of the films that problematize the past. Through its queer aesthetics, the film depicts a vision of the war and the dictatorship that rejects dogmatic, formulaic readings and shows how the pervasive effects of political injustice nurture social and gender violence. Villaronga’s film challenges the spectators and their expectations by questioning who the real monsters are and how lies fabricate a particular vision of history and the demonization of the other. In this article, I argue that through the spectres of the past, and the monsters in the present, Pa negre evokes a moral and aesthetic complexity that resists the politics of consensus and avoids essentialist views on queer identity, the Catalan resistance to the Francoist state and the treatment of the past as a mere ideological commodity in the contemporary politics of memory in Spain.

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Jensen, Richard Bach. "Bombs, Bullets and Bread: The Politics of Anarchist Terrorism Worldwide, 1866-1926." Terrorism and Political Violence 32, no. 6 (July 16, 2020): 1362–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09546553.2020.1788832.

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Bobrow-Strain, Aaron. "White bread bio-politics: purity, health, and the triumph of industrial baking." cultural geographies 15, no. 1 (January 2008): 19–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1474474007085783.

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Wurst, Christina. "Bread and Plots: Conspiracy Theories and the Rhetorical Style of Political Influencer Communities on YouTube." Media and Communication 10, no. 4 (November 29, 2022): 213–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/mac.v10i4.5807.

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Based on the assumption that social media encourages a populist style of politics in online communities and the proposition that populism and conspiracy theories tend to co-occur, this article investigates whether this holds true for YouTube influencers, particularly on the less investigated left-wing spectrum. The article provides qualitative case studies of four different groups of political content creators on YouTube whose content makes use of or analyzes popular culture. The article concludes that a populist style plays a far less central role in left-wing communities on YouTube than on other platforms or within right-wing communities.

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Eisinger, P. "The Politics of Bread and Circuses: Building the City for the Visitor Class." Urban Affairs Review 35, no. 3 (January 1, 2000): 316–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/10780870022184426.

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Hansen, Benjamin. "Bread in the Desert: The Politics and Practicalities of Food in Early Egyptian Monasticism." Church History 90, no. 2 (June 2021): 286–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640721001499.

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AbstractThe Apophthegmata Patrum (Sayings of the Desert Fathers) offer a compelling literary perspective on the daily lives of early Egyptian monastics. The routine necessities of food and drink played a distinct part in the physical and spiritual survival of these novel monastic communities. When, what, and how much a monk ate could cause celebration or scandal. Every meal was likewise a test. This study has two purposes. First, it situates the Sayings's many references to bread, salt, oil, and fruit within the dietary possibilities of late antique Egypt. Second, and more broadly, this study highlights the place of eating (or not eating) as it relates to particular monastic notions of spiritual wellbeing. Meals were always an arena for acts of heroic asceticism, but they also served as highly charged communal confrontations, a dizzying back and forth of hospitality received or rejected, of honor and shame played out in alimentary paradoxes. In this, the Sayings bear witness to the spiritual politics of eating within Egyptian monastic culture and provide insight into the formation of late antique religious identities, betraying fundamental tensions inherent in other forms of Christian literature.

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Bossenga, Gail. "The Stakes of Regulation: Perspectives on Bread, Politics and Political Economy Forty Years Later." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 48, no. 2 (August 2017): 259–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_r_01138.

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Arnaud, Orain. "The stakes of regulation. Perspectives on bread, politics and political economy forty years later." European Journal of the History of Economic Thought 25, no. 3 (May 4, 2018): 498–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09672567.2018.1486583.

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Gottmann, Felicia. "The Stakes of Regulation: Perspectives on Bread, Politics and Political Economy Forty Years Later." French History 31, no. 3 (July 28, 2017): 379–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fh/crx041.

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O’Quinn, Daniel. "Bread: The Eruption and Interruption of Politics in Elizabeth Inchbald’sEvery One Has His Fault." European Romantic Review 18, no. 2 (April 2007): 149–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10509580701297877.

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bobrow-strain, aaron. "Kills a Body Twelve Ways: Bread Fear and the Politics of ““What to Eat?””." Gastronomica 7, no. 3 (2007): 45–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/gfc.2007.7.3.45.

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D’Appollonia, Ariane Chebel. "The Contemporary Repertoire of Contentious Identity Politics and Religious Conflicts in France." French History 33, no. 2 (April 10, 2019): 278–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fh/crz008.

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Abstract This paper analyses the framing and meaning of contentious politics in contemporary France. Building on the work of Charles Tilly and Sidney Tarrow, this study of contention involves two interrelated dimensions. The first one relates to inherited, historical forms of collective action (repertoires). Here, contentious politics varies in connection with political power, institutional regimes, and the dominant culture. In early modern history, such forms of contention were linked to a traditional repertoire of grievances (about bread, belief, or land) and concerns about the purity of the religious community. A new repertoire emerged in the 18th century, as well as new forms of contention. Yet, key components of contentious politics remained, such as concerns about the purity of the nation, and grievances fuelled by the threat posed by “Others.” As a result, there are significant similarities between past conflicts about religion, and the current debate over the alleged threats to French secularism.

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Reid, Jeffrey. "Hegel and the Politics of Tragedy, Comedy and Terror." Epoché: A Journal for the History of Philosophy 25, no. 1 (2020): 135–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/epoche2020108172.

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Greek tragedy, in Hegel’s Phenomenology of Spirit, represents the performative realization of binary political difference, for example, “private versus public,” “man versus woman” or “nation versus state.” On the other hand, Roman comedy and French Revolutionary Terror, in Hegel, can be taken as radical expressions of political in-difference, defined as a state where all mediating structures of association and governance have collapsed into a world of “bread and circuses.” In examining the dialectical interplay between binary, tragic difference and comedic, terrible in-difference, the paper arrives at hypothetical conclusions regarding how these political forms may be observed today.

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RAJKOVIĆ, NIKOLAS. "On ‘Bad Law’ and ‘Good Politics’: The Politics of the ICJ Genocide Case and Its Interpretation." Leiden Journal of International Law 21, no. 4 (December 2008): 885–910. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156508005438.

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AbstractThe discontent within legal ranks over the recent judgment of the International Court of Justice in Bosnia and Herzegovina v. Serbia and Montenegro can be described as nothing other than poignant. The stylized characterization voiced privately by many critics is that the judgment amounted to ‘bad law’ and ‘good politics’; that the Court's ruling had been profoundly influenced by Serbia's fragile domestic politics and hence this worked silently to constrain the Court's rationale and lawmaking. Sadly, critics opine, this political intrusion into the sanctuary of lawmaking produced a judgment that now denies the ‘universal’ deterrent which the Genocide case could have provided. This article, however, takes direct issue with axiomatic interpretations of what constitutes ‘bad law’ and ‘good politics’ in the Genocide case, and argues instead that an antithetical characterization of law with politics proves fundamentally misleading when analysing the Genocide judgment, overlooking the inherent association between law and politics in complex cases that have now become ‘bread and butter’ for international lawyers. In sum, this article will argue, the judgment should not be written off using the dichotomy of ‘bad law’ and ‘good politics’, but rather should invoke critical reflection within the academic discipline and professional practice on the problems of politics which constitute and hence unavoidably permeate cases that emerge from calamitous failures of international politics. The hardening of the fictional boundary between law and politics may provide a convenient gambit for those advocating the ascendancy of international law. However, it is argued, obfuscating the political swamp which is ‘international justice’ cannot make a juridical pasture no matter how much authoritative or ‘learned’ ink is spent; and this is perhaps the key lesson which should be discerned by legal experts from the Genocide case as a whole.

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Mittermaier, Amira. "Bread, Freedom, Social Justice: The Egyptian Uprising and a Sufi Khidma." Cultural Anthropology 29, no. 1 (February 3, 2014): 54–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.14506/ca29.1.05.

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‘Aīsh, huriyya, ‘adāla igtimā‘iyya (“bread, freedom, social justice”) were key demands of Egyptian protesters in early 2011. Whereas the call for bread evokes immediate need, social justice is often associated with structural transformations and a better tomorrow. In light of this temporal tension, this article calls for a critical rethinking of an orientation toward the future by dwelling on the ethical and political potentials inherent to traditions of giving, sharing, and hospitality that are fundamentally oriented toward the present. Drawing on fieldwork in Cairo during 2010 and 2012, I think about an ethics of immediacy that is embodied in seemingly non-revolutionary everyday practices, but that also emerges from stories about Tahrir as a space of togetherness and solidarity. I argue that such an ethics is obscured in dominant neoliberal concepts of social justice, which foreground individual responsibility, productivity, and economic growth. Concretely, the article places the Tahrir utopia in conversation with a Sufi khidma that provides guests with food, tea, and a place to rest. Both spaces, I suggest, gesture toward modes of being in the world which rupture the state’s monopoly of politics, enable alternative forms of circulation and distribution, and encourage forms of relationality different from capitalism (in both its welfare and neoliberal renditions). By bringing these spaces into conversation, I seek to problematize a pervasive neoliberalization of social justice and to contribute to an anthropology of the otherwise.

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Hall, Robert G. "Chartism Remembered: William Aitken, Liberalism, and the Politics of Memory." Journal of British Studies 38, no. 4 (October 1999): 445–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386203.

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Early one Sunday morning, in August 1839, “a very authoritative knock" on the door awoke the young Chartist William Aitken and his family. After a thorough search of his house for “revolutionary and seditious documents,” the chief constable and his men placed Aitken under arrest and marched him through the silent streets of Ashton-under-Lyne. Recalling his sense of distress and anguish some thirty years later, Aitken tried to find solace in the ultimate triumph of his principles, in his conviction that “the cause of liberty is eternal, and that the principles of democracy, which are now becoming universal, must be right and must in the end prevail.” This optimistic reaffirmation of his life's struggle for “bread and liberty” appeared in the fifth installment of his autobiography in theAshton News, a Liberal newspaper. Unfortunately, the tone of quiet confidence and hope that pervaded his autobiography apparently masked a growing sense of private despair and ever deepening bouts of depression. Some two weeks before the publication of this installment, his wife, Mary, had found Aitken lying on the bedroom floor, “with a fearful gash in his throat.”That many thousands of working men and women “thronged the streets” on the day of his funeral was hardly surprising. The son of a Scottish cordwainer and later sergeant-major, Aitken came from, as theAshton Newsput it, “the people” and “knew intimately their feelings and their wishes, and could express what the many felt with fullness and point.” His own identification with the working class came through clearly in the title of his autobiography, “Remembrances and Struggles of A Working Man for Bread and Liberty.”

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Winiecka, Elżbieta. "Between Aesthetics and Politics: Socially Engaged Art on the Internet." Poznańskie Studia Slawistyczne, no. 17 (November 6, 2019): 303–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pss.2019.17.20.

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The author discusses the changes in the model of democracy that have occurred since the Internet began. The hierarchical model of representative democracy is replaced on the Web by participatory democracy. On the example of Siksa and Bread Resolution (Rozdzielczość Chleba), the author shows up the transformations of the model of literary communication on the Internet. She also indicates ethic role engaged art takes in the contemporary society. Artists that produce socially engaged art do it in the name of those who do not exist in public space, those whose voice is not heard and who cannot defend themselves. Nevertheless, the author comes to the conclusion that the real democratic revolution can only take place outside the Web.

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Neill, Lindsay, and Arno Sturny. "PARĀOA RĒWENA: The Relegation of Aotearoa New Zealand's Indigenous Bread." Sites: a journal of social anthropology and cultural studies 19, no. 1 (August 15, 2022): 60–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.11157/sites-id505.

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National identity is linked to food. Exemplifying that, many people associate Turkey with pide, Italy with focaccia and, of course, France with the baguette. But what about Aotearoa New Zealand, what breads signifies a New Zealand/Kiwi identity? This paper explores a contender for that role, a bread commonly associated with Māori, Aotearoa New Zealand’s tangata whenua: parāoa rēwena. This research asked eight expert chef/bakers about their views and experiences of parāoa rēwena. Four of the participants self-identified as Māori, and four as Pākehā. Working within a qualitative paradigm and using thematic analysis, this research revealed bifurcated views about parāoa rēwena that clearly differentiated the opinions and experiences of our participants. Within these differences, our findings revealed that the self-identifying Pākehā participants tended to hold imperial views reflecting colonial dominance, whereas the self-identifying Māori participants expressed a more holistic approach to andmindset about parāoa rēwena. Consequently, this paper proposes that parāoa rēwena becoming the national bread of Aotearoa New Zealand is more likely to occur as an initiative promoted by Māori and not Pākehā. In this way, within an exploration of parāoa rēwena, this paper reflects the politics of palatability in Aotearoa New Zealand as a metaphor of the relationship between Māori and Pākehā.

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Allard, Dane. "Kitchen Table Politics: Bannock and Métis Common Sense in an Era of Nascent Recognition Politics." Native American and Indigenous Studies 10, no. 2 (September 2023): 36–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/nai.2023.a904182.

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Abstract: Bannock, a simple bread made of water, flour, and lard—fried or baked—is a staple of Indigenous diets across what is now called Canada. A pan-Indigenous symbol, bannock is a historically dynamic food grounded in both European and Indigenous origins. On both counts, it presents a paradox to the settler imagination, which clings to fixed definitions of Indigenous Peoplehood essentialized in precontact traditions. For Métis, however, bannock is no paradox. Neither its European origins nor its diverse forms and composition across time and place cause confusion. Rather, in oral history interviews Métis positioned bannock as a critical component that sustained a Métis identity through the twentieth century. Bannock offers important lessons for understanding the place of Métis within Canadian history and reveals how Métis mediated state interventions into Indigeneity in the 1980s. Tracing this historical trajectory, I suggest a useful inversion of Mark Rifkin's concept of settler common sense to focus on what I call a Métis common sense; that is, those aspects of a Métis livedness that were obvious for Métis. I follow other Métis writers who have proposed the kitchen table as a site of Métis identity survivance that functions as an alternative to public, androcentric expressions of Métis-ness legible to Canadian recognition politics. Métis interviewees negotiated with, and simultaneously rejected, essentialist assumptions of their Indigeneity. Interviewees understood bannock as a key marker of kinship sustained through female labor and activism within a matrilocal Métis Peoplehood.

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El-Sharnouby, Dina. "New Social Movements: The Case of Youth’s Political Project in Egypt." Middle East Law and Governance 10, no. 3 (October 23, 2018): 264–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763375-01003003.

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With the 2011 Revolution in Egypt, new forms of social mobilization and new possibilities for political interaction surfaced. The manifestation of these events suggested a different understanding of politics among particularly revolutionary youth. How do their values and practices affect political imaginaries? How are those imaginaries different from previous revolutionary struggles? This article highlights the political projects of the 2011 revolutionary youth versus previous revolutionary struggles by looking at youth activists and the case of the leftist Bread and Freedom party. Contrasting the Revolution of 1919 to 2011 in Egypt reveals a renewed call to social justice imagined to be practiced through the state and state institutions while minimizing ideology and a singular leadership in their mobilization strategies. Drawing on fieldwork done in 2014 and 2015, this paper suggests that the 2011 political project from youth’s perspective is about the importance of political practices of social justice over an ideology.

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Graf, Katharina. "Review: States of Subsistence: The Politics of Bread in Contemporary Jordan, by José Ciro Martinez." Gastronomica: The Journal of Food and Culture 23, no. 3 (2023): 92–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/gfc.2023.23.3.92.

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Levy, Carl. "The centre and the suburbs: Social protest and modernization in Milan and Turin, 1898–1917." Modern Italy 7, no. 2 (November 2002): 171–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1353294022000012961.

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SummaryThis article focuses on two points of disorder and social-political tension in the histories of Milan and Turin: 1898 and 1917. It examines the reasons for different shapes of protest during the ‘ Fatti di Maggio ‘ in 1898 and the events in the summer of 1917. Both cities are the hubs of Italian industrialization and modernization but in 1898, 1917 and later in 1919-20, ‘pre-modern’ protests about the price of bread were melded together with modern political mobilization. This article also examines the growth of working-class suburbs in each city and their relationship to the ‘historic city centres’ on the one hand and the rural hinterland on the other. The uniqueness of protest in each city is related to the political economy and politics of Milan and Turin and the specific relationships between city centre, suburbs and hinterlands in each. The importance of municipal history for the national historical narrative of modern Italy is thus emphasized in this article.

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McMahon, Dylan. "A "Feast of Fools": Food Security and the Carnivalesque in Peterborough, Ontario's Food Not Bombs." UnderCurrents: Journal of Critical Environmental Studies 20 (June 20, 2017): 18–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.25071/2292-4736/39893.

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Counterculture movements in the 1960s and 70s dramatically reorganized the role of bodies within social frameworks and saw the internalization of political issues, both figuratively and literally. The political became the personal and quotidian moments of consumption became sites of resistance. As Warren Belasco suggests, in reference to the radical food movements that saw the expulsion of "Wonderbread" and the resurgence of home-cooked holistic foods, "[d]ietary radicalism could be lived 365 days a year, three times a day. If, as Leftists knew, the personal was political, what could be more personal than eating? And what could be more political than challenging America's largest industry, the food business?" (227). Food provides a dynamic vessel for engaging with politics and capital at both the gastronomical level (what we choose to put into our bodies) and the social level (how we arrange our bodies collectively and individually). The kneading, baking, and consumption of bread, for example, provide precious, intimate moments for expressing agency and resistance to systems of power. Belasco saw this...Find full text in .pdf below.

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Hellebust, Rolf. "Aleksei Gastev and the Metallization of the Revolutionary Body." Slavic Review 56, no. 3 (1997): 500–518. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2500927.

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Since Marx was strong on criticizing capitalism, not so strong on the practical mechanics of revolution, and rather wobbly on the communist future itself, we cannot blame his Soviet followers if their ultimate goal always remained a religious mystery, veiled by the pseudoscience of political dogma. The veil enhances the mystery; it obscures the fact that there is a mystery—that the real transformation of society into Utopia and the individual into unfettered homo laborans cannot be described in scientific language at all but can only be symbolized.This becomes clear when we move from politics to art, to the sphere of culture dominated by symbolic language. Despite its debt to the explicit Utopian tradition of Chernyshevskii and the nineteenthcentury radicals, Soviet literature limits itself to an exclusively symbolic depiction of the flowering of communism. In Christianity, a transformation of analogous importance is symbolized by the bread and wine of the Eucharist.

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Nérard, François-Xavier. "Variations on a Shchi Theme: Collective Dining and Politics in the Early USSR." Gastronomica 17, no. 4 (2017): 36–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/gfc.2017.17.4.36.

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Canteens were a distinctive feature of the USSR during the years of the initial Five-Year Plans. They were intended to be at the core of the formation of the new Soviet citizen. The food they served was therefore supposed to validate the success of the Revolution: white bread, meat, and other good and healthy food were to be concrete markers of the plans' achievements. Huge “factory kitchens” appeared in the main cities of the country. Far from symbolizing the successes of the socialist vision, however, they illustrated to Stalinist Soviet society the fundamental discrepancy between official discourse and reality. Food was scarce; the people suffered from shortages and, in worst cases, from famine. The canteen nonetheless became one of the few places where Soviet workers and urban dwellers had a relatively reliable access to food, and it also served as a central place of contact between the population and the authorities. The intimate experience of eating became a highly political one, contributing to the formation of homo sovieticus.

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Collins, Patricia Hill. "Breaking Bread: Insurgent Black Intellectual Life. bell hooks , Cornel WestSegregated Sisterhood: Racism and the Politics of American Feminism. Nancie Caraway." Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 20, no. 1 (October 1994): 176–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/494959.

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Finn, Melissa Leigh, and Bessma Momani. "Canadian Arab Youth Vote 2015." Canadian Political Science Review 11, no. 1 (January 2, 2018): 61–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.24124/c677/20171419.

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In this paper, we seek to unpack some of the nuances about what motivated Canadian Arab youth to vote in the 2015 election and how their decisions inform the wider literature. How does the voting behaviour of Canadian Arab youth during the 2015 election support or challenge mainstream academic theories about ethno-cultural youth political decision-making and voting preferences? What concepts might help us better understand this rising demographic, its political animus, and its significance for Canadian politics? Of great interest in this paper is the investigation into whether voter apathy historically reported for young people and ethno-cultural communities continued to hold in the 2015 election. This paper critically interrogates what the 2015 federal election meant to Canadian Arab youth. We identify the predominant political inclinations of and issues for young Arab Canadians through the findings of structured focus groups. Our findings indicate that Arab Canadian youth were highly engaged with the issues of the election and apathy was the exception rather than the norm. Canadian Arab youth’s ethno-cultural background does explain their voting behaviour during the 2015 election, but bread and butter issues are also a concern for many young people.

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KIRBY, LISA A. "“How it Grieves the Heart of a Mother […]”: The Intersections of Gender, Class, and Politics in Grace Lumpkin'sTo Make My Bread." Women's Studies 37, no. 6 (July 30, 2008): 661–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00497870802205191.

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Weiler, Joseph H. H. "The European Circumstance and the Politics of Meaning: Not on Bread Alone Doth Man Liveth (Deut. 8:3; Mat 4:4)." German Law Journal 21, no. 1 (January 2020): 96–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/glj.2019.103.

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Iskakova, Kuralay, Gulmira Kushkarova, Baktygul Kurmanova, Saule Sadykova, and Raykhan Zholmurzaeva. "The Linguistic Personality of Abish Kekilbayev in the Context of Political Discourse (Based on the Material of Public Speeches)." Theory and Practice in Language Studies 13, no. 2 (February 1, 2023): 376–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.17507/tpls.1302.12.

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The article examines the communicative strategies and communicative tactics of political discourse based on the material of public speeches by Abish Kekilbayev during the meeting of the commission "A" of the Geneva ОSCE Meeting on National Minorities in June 1991, at the closing of the II session of the Supreme Council of the Republic of Kazakhstan of the XIII convocation on December 27, 1994, as well as an interview given to journalist V. Paramonov and published in the magazine "Thought", No. 12 in 1994 under the title "This hard parliamentary bread". The article provides a brief overview of the research of Kazakh and foreign linguists in the field of the study of discourse, political discourse, communicative strategies and tactics, as well as their various classifications. Political discourse is considered in its broadest sense as a discourse in which any speech formations, subject, addressee or their content belong to the sphere of politics, according to the definition of E.A. Sheigal. Communicative strategies are understood as a set of verbal and nonverbal actions aimed at achieving communicative goals, and communicative tactics are one or more actions that contribute to the implementation of the strategy (according to O.S. Issers). The analysis of communicative strategies and communicative tactics demonstrates the possibility of using this approach in the study of political discourse, as it allows to identify both explicit and implicit intentions of the author.

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KITLV, Redactie. "Book Reviews." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 64, no. 1-2 (January 1, 1990): 51–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002026.

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-Hy Van Luong, John R. Rickford, Dimensions of a Creole continuum: history, texts, and linguistic analysis of Guyanese Creole. Palo Alto: Stanford University Press, 1987. xix + 340 pp.-John Stewart, Charles V. Carnegie, Afro-Caribbean villages in historical perspective. Jamaica: African-Caribbean Institute of Jamaica, 1987. x + 133 pp.-David T. Edwards, Jean Besson ,Land and development in the Caribbean. London: Macmillan Caribbean, 1987. xi + 228 pp., Janet Momsen (eds)-David T. Edwards, John Brierley ,Small farming and peasant resources in the Caribbean. Winnipeg, Canada: University of Manitoba, 1988. xvii + 133., Hymie Rubenstein (eds)-Diane J. Austin-Broos, Anthony J. Payne, Politics in Jamaica. London and New York: C. Hurst and Company, St. Martin's Press, 1988. xii + 196 pp.-Carol Yawney, Anita M. Waters, Race, class, and political symbols: rastafari and reggae in Jamaican politics. New Brunswick, New Jersey: Transaction Books, 1985. ix + 343 pp.-Judith Stein, Rupert Lewis ,Garvey: Africa, Europe, the Americas. Jamaica: Institute of Social and Economic Research, 1986. xi + 208 pp., Maureen Warner-Lewis (eds)-Robert L. Harris, Jr., Sterling Stuckey, Slave culture: nationalist theory and the foundations of Black America. New York: Oxford University Press, 1987. vii + 425 pp.-Thomas J. Spinner, Jr, Chaitram Singh, Guyana: politics in a plantation society. New York: Praeger Publishers, 1988. xiv + 156 pp.-T. Fiehrer, Paul Buhle, C.L.R. James: The artist as revolutionary. New York & London: Verso, 1988. 197 pp.-Paul Buhle, Khafra Kambon, For bread, justice and freedom: a political biography of George Weekes. London: New Beacon Books, 1988. xi + 353 pp.-Robin Derby, Richard Turits, Bernardo Vega, Trujillo y Haiti. Vol. 1 (1930-1937). Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic: Fundación Cultural Dominicana, 1988. 464 pp.-James W. Wessman, Jan Knippers Black, The Dominican Republic: politics and development in an unsovereign state. Boston, London and Sidney: Allen & Unwin, 1986. xi + 164 pp.-Gary Brana-Shute, Alma H. Young ,Militarization in the non-Hispanic Caribbean. Boulder, Colorado: Lynne Rienner Publishers, Inc., 1986. ix + 178 pp., Dion E. Phillips (eds)-Genevieve J. Escure, Mark Sebba, The syntax of serial verbs: an investigation into serialisation in Sranan and other languages. Amsterdam and Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company, Creole Language Library = vol. 2, 1987. xii + 228 pp.-Dennis Conway, Elizabeth McClean Petras, Jamican labor migration: white capital and black labor, 1850-1930. Boulder and London: Westview Press, 1988. x + 297 pp.

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Ansolabehere, Stephen, Jonathan Rodden, and James M. Snyder. "Purple America." Journal of Economic Perspectives 20, no. 2 (May 1, 2006): 97–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.20.2.97.

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America, we are told, is a nation divided. The cartographers who draw up the maps of U.S. election results have branded a new division in American politics: Republican red versus Democratic blue. What is the source of this division? Most observers point not to the bread-and-butter economic issues of the New Deal alignment but to a “culture war.” In this paper, we draw on data from three decades of survey research to see how the electorate divides along economic and moral issues. While showing that moral values are not irrelevant, the survey data roundly reject the basic claims of the culture war thesis: that voters are polarized over moral issues, and this division maps onto important demographic categories like religious affiliation; that moral issues have more salience or weight in the minds of voters than economic issues; and that this division accounts for red and blue cartography (because red-state voters are moral conservatives who vote on moral issues without regard for their economic interests or preferences.) We put issue cleavages and electoral maps into historical perspective and demonstrate that over the course of the twentieth century there has been a noteworthy political convergence between the states. Compared to the past, the political geography of the United States today is purple.

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tompkins, kyla wazana. "Sylvester Graham's Imperial Dietetics." Gastronomica 9, no. 1 (2009): 50–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/gfc.2009.9.1.50.

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In ““Bodies Made of Bread”” I theorize eating as an intimate site through which power, in particular, the power that upheld the nineteenth-century United States' investment in imperial rhetoric and action, was both instantiated and undermined. Using the dietetic writings of nineteenth-century reformer and anti-masturbation campaigner Sylvester Graham, I assess the body politics that lurk behind the highly socialized but insistently naturalized act of eating. Eating in Graham's work is a quotidian act through which fictions of racial and gendered embodiment are upheld; through comparison to South Pacific islanders and other European colonists, Graham imagines an ideal American-ness which is founded upon the imperial fantasy of Euro-American indigeneity and regulated through the daily consumption of wheat and other ““farinaceous”” foods.

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Moore, Pete W. "States of Subsistence: The Politics of Bread in Contemporary Jordan. By José Ciro Martínez. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press 2022. 368p. $30.00 paper." Perspectives on Politics 21, no. 4 (December 2023): 1499–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592723002244.

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Lear, Joseph M. "Liturgy with Ruth." Journal of Pentecostal Theology 29, no. 2 (September 21, 2020): 194–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455251-02902002.

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Abstract How the church thinks about food has everything to do with her politics of immigration. Ruth’s story is one of gratefully receiving the other over a table of food. This is put in the context of what Patrick Deneen calls late modern liberalism’s ‘liberal anti-culture’. Foreigners in American contexts are mere items of consumption like the food we eat. We do not receive food with gratitude, so we do not receive the foreigner with gratitude. Ruth’s story is presented as a eucharistic liturgy that the church can perform, speaking blessings over foreigners as they are invited to eat a morsel of bread, take a sip of wine, and participate in community potlucks. A response follows which engages issues of multiculturalism, double-distancing of immigrants, Ruth’s contribution to the meal at the table, and the eucharist as a space-making event.

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Hartman, Stephanie. "The Political Palate: Reading Commune Cookbooks." Gastronomica 3, no. 2 (2003): 29–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/gfc.2003.3.2.29.

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This article examines cookbooks produced by American communes in the early 1970s, considering each as the historical record of a unique political and social community. It also analyzes them as still-relevant examples of how eating habits can reflect political ideals. The variety of these books testifies to the many ways of negotiating this question. The first part provides an overview of the counter-cultural movement and the role of food within it. The conviction that society had gone terribly awry led to the founding of thousands of utopian communities, determined to invent and model alternatives. Food was inseparable from the most closely held values of commune residents, who tried to live what they believed through making conscious choices about what they ate, how they grew or got their food, and how they divided the labor. What people discussed most on communes was apparently not sex, not "the revolution," but food. These eclectic, irreverent cookbooks remind us that eating is seldom a pure expression of political conviction; it also reflects considerations of economy, availability, ethnicity, personal history, and sensual gratification. Interspersing recipes with creative writing and psychedelic art, one cookbook explains how to skin a porcupine, cook with hashish, and make Grand Marnier sabayon. Another advocates bread-baking and shop-lifting in its critique of capitalism; a third approaches cooking as part of Buddhist practice. Throughout, their leisurely, process-oriented approach to food is the antithesis of both Betty Crocker and Martha Stewart. They show how cooking and eating can bring together pleasure and politics in unexpected ways.

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Zylberman, Patrick. "Making Food Safety an Issue: Internationalized Food Politics and French Public Health from the 1870s to the Present." Medical History 48, no. 1 (January 1, 2004): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0025727300000089.

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Food safety is an ever more conflictive issue receiving media attention. “The increased activity of interest groups, the impact of the Common Agricultural Policy and changes in the retail economy have combined to transform [a relatively closed] food policy community into an issue network”. This account of recent changes lacks the historical dimension that might endow it with meaning. It is hardly appropriate to describe the current situation as a reawakening after a long slumber. In France at least, complaints about food safety voiced in numerous newspaper articles echo enduring concerns and a permanent sense of alarm. In 1957, Demain ran a catalogue of food scares: industrial bread causing eczema; wine adulterated with sulphur anhydride (for safe transportation); eggs and milk feared by doctors to be toxic (because chickens were being fed with chemicals or fish, and cattle with ground up rubbish); and filthy conditions on cattle and poultry farms. Much the same sort of list could have been drawn up early in the century during meetings of the Société Scientifique d'Hygiène Alimentaire (created in 1904), or run in the press following passage of the 1905 Food Adulteration Act, or printed in popular pamphlets such as Dr Raffray's Le péril alimentaire (1912). As the Common Market took shape in the 1960s, repeated articles in the daily newspapers relentlessly focused on the issue of food and public health. In France, arguments were continually framed in the language of the 1905 act.

Journal articles on the topic 'Bread politics'

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