Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Bread politics'
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1
Martinez, Jose Ciro. "The politics of bread : state power, food subsidies and neoliberalization in Hashemite Jordan." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2018. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/277529.
Abstract:
This dissertation examines the bread subsidy in the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan. It scrutinizes the socio-political conflicts that surround this policy, the spatial practices that subsume it and the ways in which it is understood and given meaning. Despite repeated attempts by international financial institutions to eliminate them, authoritarian regimes throughout the region have gone to great lengths to maintain this and similar welfare programs, even extending them during the tumult of the so-called ‘Arab Spring.’ This dissertation seeks to answer why. Through the lens of bread, I suggest a new approach to understanding state power, not as the straightforward product of a monolithic entity but as the unstable product of social practices that make the state appear to exist. Building on the work of Judith Butler and Alex Jeffrey, I call these routine actions “performing the state.” The empirical chapters, based on extensive fieldwork in Jordan, attend to how welfare provision not only reflects the state—its capacities, historical development or cultural proclivities—but performs it into being. The analysis centers on how certain institutions and actors, through their imbrication in the social, spatial and political patterns of welfare provision, work to entrench the state—as an idea, a material force and a locus of affective investment—in the lives of citizens. In attending to how the Jordanian state is constituted and reproduced through discourses, spatial practices of reach, moral economies and political rationalities, this study seeks to illuminate the iterative processes of reference that create the appearance of an autonomous structure that both citizens and scholars call the state. By understanding the state as the contingent product of routine performances, we can better examine the disproportionate importance of particular welfare programs to assembling state power and fostering authoritarian outcomes, as well as their links to key political processes and policy outcomes.
2
Garrett, Brenda. "Voicing grace, radical utopian politics in Dionne Brand's No language is neutral and Bread out of stone." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/MQ55144.pdf.
3
Sagerson, Erin Jean. "Art and bread Mike Gold, proletarian art, and the rhetoric of American communism /." [Fort Worth, Tex.] : Texas Christian University, 2009. http://etd.tcu.edu/etdfiles/available/etd-05012009-115428/unrestricted/Sagerson.pdf.
4
Leathers, David M. "Against the Grain: The IMF, Bread Riots, and Altered State Development in the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1200.
Abstract:
Since the end of World War II, and especially over the past three decades, there has been a dramatic increase of interactions between international financial institutions (IFIs) and states. This paper will explore these interactions by examining the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan and the International Monetary Fund (IMF). This paper rests on the assumption that the complex implications of these interactions are not yet comprehensively understood and will move towards that goal by setting forth a collection of new approaches to further understand IFI-state interaction. It will discuss Jordan’s economic and political history, structural adjustment policies implemented by the IMF, and responses and consequences of such policy on economic, cultural, and political dimensions. Then, theories on sovereignty, identity, nationalism and colonialism will be applied to Jordan-IMF interaction in order to suggest new ways of understanding the implications of IFI-state interaction.
5
Jamoul, Lina. "The art of politics : broad-based organising in Britain." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.435088.
6
Brink, Anna. "On the political economy of municipality break-ups." Göteborg : Dept. of Economics, School of Economics and Commercial Law [Nationalekonomiska institutionen, Handelshögsk.], Univ, 2003. http://www.handels.gu.se/epc/archive/00002724/01/Brink.full.pdf.
7
VASILE, ANGELICA. "The segregation of women in politics could gender quotas break the glass ceiling?" Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/685306.
Abstract:
Women’s participation in politics has increased significantly over the past 100 years. Indeed, in 1890 women did not have the right to vote anywhere in the world, while nowadays 81% of the world's countries have at least 10% of women in their Parliaments.
Although women have made remarkable inroads into traditionally male occupations (and higher education), the political sphere remains an area where women still have far to go (Paxton and Hughes, 2017). In other words, politics remains an area dominated by men.
In an effort to change this trend, many countries have adopted gender quotas mechanisms (reserved seats, party quotas, legislative quotas) in order to increase women’s representation (Schwindt-Bayer, 2009:5; Krook 2005; Norris 2004; Dahlerup, 2006).
Generally speaking, in relation to the presence of women in politics, there is a common factor that can be found in virtually every country, i.e., gender horizontal segregation, and gender vertical segregation. Concerning horizontal segregation, defined as the over- or under-representation of a certain social group in specific occupations or sectors, which is not supported by any factual criterion (Bettio and Verashchagina, 2009; Regini, 2007), it is considered as a constant in the labour market in all Western countries (Rubery and Fagan, 1993; Anker, 1998) and it is also deeply rooted in history. As for horizontal segregation, the distribution of women and men ministers by type of portfolio indicates that men continue to hold most of the key positions, such as economics and finance, foreign and international affairs and defense. On the contrary, women continue to hold the so-called “soft” portfolios with socio-cultural functions.
On the other hand, vertical segregation occurs when the opportunities for career developments within a sector are severely reduced or denied to a given group (Bettio and Verashchagina, 2009:32). As a result, vertical segregation tends to keep women out of the top positions in private and public organisations (Maron and Meulders, 2008) as well in politics (Reskin, 2000). Closure connected to the concept of vertical segregation is glass ceiling, defined as an invisible barrier which prevents women to achieve the highest positions of power.
This last form of underrepresentation, that of women in electoral bodies, will be the focus of this study. The main motivation for specifically dealing with the domain of politics, in relation to the scarce presence of women, is that politics is the crucial arena, where rules are set and decisions taken that concern both genders – but actually and unfortunately without enough active participation and contribution of women. The main questions around which the present study revolves are the following: is there any means to overcome the vertical segregation of women in politics, or the glass ceiling? Are gender quotas such a means? And, at all events, do women really make a difference in the political arena? If so, to what extent and in what terms? Do we need women to be represented in the public sphere because they can take care of their own interests better than men, or because they work for the good of the entire society? Ultimately, all these questions amount to one: why should we care for women to be equally represented in the political sphere? Apart from considerations of social justice and equal rights – that have a worth in themselves, of course – can we single out any further reason that would backup the claims for equal representation? After all – although indeed history does not say this is the case – men could be capable of taking care of everybody’s interest, irrespective of his/her gender. Why do we need women in politics? Evidently, the latter question is rhetorical; but is it really so, after all?
Research evidence coming from seventy countries shows that men are more oriented towards individualistic values, competitiveness, power and success in life, while women privilege universalistic and communitarian values (Schwartz and Rubel, 2005). Does this make any difference, when it comes to politics?
In the Italian context, the glass ceiling in politics confines women to position of lesser power than those held by men; hence, it is worth asking whether the above-mentioned findings also hold when we get to the highest level of political representation, namely, the Italian Parliament: do women make a difference? Do more women mean a better politics for a better society?
The dissertation will seek at addressing these issues by combining the vast body of knowledge on the topic of women and politics, with an approach borrowed from economics, that is, treating the Italian Parliament as if it were a corporation, and measuring the effectiveness of a condition (ie., the presence or absence of women in the Parliament) on the output of the ‘company’, namely the kind and number of bills proposed by parliamentarians in the legislatures from 2001 to 2018. Italy has been taken as a case study, since in 2008 the Democratic Party voluntarily introduced gender quotas in its statute, being the only Italian party (back then and until present days) to do so. However, the approach and methodology I propose can be easily generalized to other countries and periods, while the Italian case can be interesting per se, given the sharp resurgence of sexism and male chauvinism this country witnessed from the first Berlusconi government on, starting in 1995 (Volpato, 2013), well represented by the proudly masculine and genuinely sexist character of parties like the Lega Nord (Baroncelli, 2006; Caputo, 2012).
Moving on to the specific focus of this research, there were four main aspects taken into consideration. First of all, the analysis concentrated on the effectiveness of voluntarily gender quotas adopted by the Italian Democratic Party in its electoral lists. In order to determine whether gender quotas have to an increase in the number of women elected in the Chamber of Deputies, we considered the two legislatures prior to the introduction of quotas, and the two legislatures that followed (from the XIV to the XVII legislature, from 2001 to 2018). By considering different control variables, such as age and education level, social status in connection with a deputy’s career and the geographical area of the electoral district in which she or he was elected, and by means of binomial logit regressions, the hypothesis has been confirmed.
Secondly, it was important to test the hypothesis that whether an increased number of female representatives, elected mainly thanks to the quota mechanism, has led to an increased focus on issues concerning women's interests (i.e., women’s rights, violence, sexual harassment), by representatives of both genders. In other words, I wanted to test the existence of substantive representation, i.e, speaking for and acting to support women’s issues such as violence against women, sexual harassment and so on (Krook, 2007; Dalehrup, 2006) by both women and men. Indeed, several studies show that an increased number of elected women leads to greater attention to women’s issues in the policy making process (Krook and Zetterberg, 2016). The results of the second hypothesis confirm previous studies (see for example Krook, 2007; Dalehrup, 2006; Krook and Zetterberg, 2016).
Thirdly, I sought to verify whether women representatives elected in the Democratic Party, more than their male colleagues, tend to propose bills in women's interest. The results show that this is indeed true, thus bringing the following question: if female elected officials better represent women's interests, as shown by the changes that have occurred after the introduction of gender quotas, then who had been representing women's interest in the past?
Finally, I considered whether the women elected with the Democratic Party after the introduction of quotas have proposed more bills not only concerning women's interests, but also in other fields such as children and family, health, education, welfare policies and environment, as domains of common interest for the society as a whole. Results indicate that Democratic women deputies, elected after quotas were established, are indeed more active than their male counterparts in proposing bills in all the above-listed fields, not only in those directly connected with women's interests and rights.
8
Wellhausen, Rachel L. (Rachel Louise). "When governments break contracts : foreign firms in emerging economies." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/74270.
Abstract:
Thesis (Ph. D.)-Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2012.This electronic version was submitted by the student author. The certified thesis is available in the Institute Archives and Special Collections.
Cataloged from student-submitted PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 283-292).
Emerging economy governments commit to protect the property rights of foreign firms through a variety of contracts, from treaties to direct agreements. In an era of liberalized capital flows, these contracts are thought to be self-enforcing: the fear of capital exit compels governments to honor their obligations. But extraordinary variation in contract sanctity in countries around the world suggests the inadequacy of this view. This dissertation seeks to explain the varying pressures on emerging economy governments to honor or break contracts with foreign firms. I find that foreign firms' national origins play a key role in their contract sanctity. Firms of the same nationality are more likely to share political risks thanks to a variety of institutional and historical factors specific to the home-host country relationship. Co- national firms can also uniquely access diplomatic support. Shared risks and resources make firms more likely to act in ways costly to the host government when a co-national firm's contract is broken. In contrast, firms are likely indifferent to breach with firms of another nationality. These firm-level reactions generate a counterintuitive result in the host country as a whole. The more diverse foreign firms' national origins, the more space a host government has to compromise one national group's contract sanctity without threatening broader capital access. Using quantitative analysis, I demonstrate that firms differentially draw down FDI after government breach of contract with co-national firms. I also use over 130 interviews with foreign investors in Ukraine, Moldova, and Romania to demonstrate that co-national actors' protests are stronger and more effective when the foreign investor community is less nationally diverse. The theory offered here takes seriously the bilateral relationship embedded in each foreign investment transaction. Far from having faded from relevance in a world of economic globalization, bilateral relations shape foreign firm and diplomatic responses to breach. Because host governments breach contracts with certain foreign firms and are met with indifference by others, nationality diversity can be a liability to investors while providing an opening for governments to prioritize other goals over the property and preferences of foreign capital.
by Rachel L. Wellhausen
Ph.D.
9
Wojciak-Pleyn, Piotr. "PERSIST OR FAIL: CAN THE BROAD FRONT FOR PEACE, DEMOCRACY AND SOCIAL JUSTICE SURVIVE TO BECOME A VIABLE POLITICAL PROJECT FOR THE COLOMBIAN LEFT?" Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Romanska och klassiska institutionen, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-123602.
Abstract:
The Broad Front for Peace, Democracy and Social Justice is a Colombian coalition party formed by an array of left-wing social and political movements. It is characterized by an agenda consisting of increased citizen participation and the promotion of the Colombian peace process. The fledgling party has announced its plans to partake in the local elections scheduled for late 2015, with the intent of accruing support in advance of the upcoming presidential ballot. However, similar wide-ranging leftist political projects have traditionally struggled to consolidate themselves on the Colombian political scene. Thus, in order to achieve the comprehensive political and social changes it advocates, the Broad Front has to focus on long-term persistence. This study proposes a theoretical framework measuring social movement-based parties’ potential for persistence. The framework consists of three variables. Firstly, parties concerned with persistence have to be able to offer a participative linkage that existing parties fail to provide. Secondly, they have to exercise this linkage by building bottom-up party structures and maintaining horizontal and democratic internal organization. Finally, they have to develop a leadership of an ideological/charismatic nature, favoring constituency representation over electoral competition. Simultaneous adoption of all three cascading variables is likely to improve the capacity of a new social movement-based party to persist long-term. According to the analysis, the coalition party satisfies all three conditions described by the variables in the framework for persistence. Therefore, the conclusion is that the Broad Front for Peace, Democracy and Social Justice has the potential to persist as a political project.
10
Bunyan, Paul. "Broad-based community organising in the UK : re-imagining politics through the prism of civil society." Thesis, Edge Hill University, 2018. http://repository.edgehill.ac.uk/10378/.
Abstract:
The study examines the emergence of broad-based community organising in the UK and how it informs understanding of civil society and its capacity to effect social and political change. The thesis can be stated simply as follows: Broad-based community organising represents a new and distinct form of civil society-driven politics in the UK, building the power of civil society organisations to more effectively engage in public life to effect social and political change. Deserving of special attention, it is argued, are those civil society organisations which develop sufficient power and legitimacy to act politically in the public sphere, both in contesting and holding the state and market to account and in pushing the boundaries of civility and social justice. Employing a critical social theory paradigm, broad-based community organising is understood as a distinctive political methodology, ontologically rooted in civil society and epistemologically based upon the central concept of power. The body of work provides a coherent, original and significant contribution to knowledge of broad-based community organising within the context of the UK and to broader questions about the nature of civil society and its role in effecting social and political change.
11
Jagers, Sverker C. "Justice, liberty and bread : for all ? : on the compatibility between sustainable development and liberal democracy /." Göteborg : Göteborg University, 2002. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/toc/fy042/2003502553.html.
12
Ring, Fred. "Outsourced Public Service, Make or Break the Rule of Law?" Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-377689.
Abstract:
Corruption is an area that has intrigued plenty of political scientists. This thesis is an attempt to examine how corruption is affected by the sheer amount of public outsourcing with a sample of countries used in a qualitative multivariate analysis. The variables used to control the correlation are inspired by previous research on what causes corruption, while the sample of countries used are those countries that had representation in the indexes used between 2012 to 2015. The main findings are that spending more on public outsourcing tend to lead to slightly less corruption. These results are inconclusive since the main findings was a non-statistically significant when introduced to my set of control variables. However, there is a silver-lining to this inconclusiveness, that being to pinpoint a mechanism for outsourcing and/or corruption: civil wages.
13
Horne, Renee Karol Cynthia. "The politics of economic empowerment in post-apartheid South Africa : the case of broad-based black economic empowerment (BBBEE)." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.668131.
14
Yellen, Bailey. "Using Words to Break the Chains of Bondage: Examining the Political Narratives of American Slaves." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1397.
Abstract:
The purpose of this thesis is to examine the narratives of five formerly enslaved men and women in order to understand how they used this literary form to insert their voices into the anti-slavery discourse. These slave narratives were important for the advancement of the anti-slavery movement, both because they provided glimpse into the realities of the system of slavery from individuals who experienced it, and because these texts questioned the very ideologies they were meant to uphold by highlighting their inherent racial prejudices. Ultimately, the slave narrative allowed these formerly enslaved authors to demonstrate their autonomy through the act of authorship.
15
Dix, Hywel Rowland. "Raymond Williams, cultural materialism and the break-up of Britain." Thesis, University of South Wales, 2006. https://pure.southwales.ac.uk/en/studentthesis/raymond-williams-cultural-materialism-and-the-breakup-of-britain(14d4e1c2-f350-4d0c-8b55-57345163b9bc).html.
Abstract:
This thesis re-examines the writing of Raymond Williams. It has two goals. Firstly, it explores Williams's concept of cultural materialism, which theorises the role played by cultural forms in the creation and contestation of a national political order. Secondly, it extrapolates Williams's implicit critique of the unitary British state, and his theory of how cultural forms relate to that state. In Chapter One, I argue that Williams developed his theory of culture by combining a theoretical critique of national literary traditions with an interest in the emergent drama of nineteenth-century Scandinavia and twentieth-century Ireland and Wales. This theme is developed in Chapter Two, where I suggest that certain cultural and political experiences in Wales helped Williams to develop a cultural theory that was more generally applicable. Central to Williams's political aspirations was an attempt to expand and democratise the education system. In Chapter Three, I argue that Williams's novels can be understood as university fiction, providing examples of the kind of university he wished to develop. Since universities arose as institutions generating a sense of unified national culture during the imperial period, to re-think the work of the university is also to re-think the political make-up of the nation. This theme is expanded in Chapter Four, where I argue that Williams related the break-up of the British empire to the break-up of the British state, via devolution in Scotland and Wales. Williams theorised the part played by fiction and other cultural forms in enabling those nations to develop their own voices. He also showed that fiction could provide an imaginative critique of the unitary British state from a series of other perspectives, notably feminism and ethnic subcultures. Finally, in Chapter Five I argue that Raymond Williams can be understood as a film theorist, and demonstrate that a similar renegotiation of British identities occurs in contemporary film. An interest in the political make-up of the British state, and an attempt to develop alternative political and cultural formations, spanned Williams's career. This aspect of his work has hitherto received little critical attention. By discussing Williams in relation to the political break-up of Britain, this thesis makes a significant contribution to our understanding of the Williams oeuvre.
16
Johansson, Kristina. "Broad entrance - vague exit : the trajectory of political science students through higher education into work life /." Linköping : Institutionen för beteendevetenskap, Linköpings universitet, 2007. http://www.bibl.liu.se/liupubl/disp/disp2007/ibv116s.pdf.
17
Johansson, Kristina. "Broad Entrance - Vague Exit : The trajectory of Political Science students through higher education into working life." Doctoral thesis, Linköpings universitet, Institutionen för beteendevetenskap och lärande, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-9326.
Abstract:
The aim of this thesis is to describe Political Science students’ experiences of studies and work life. Students’ reflections on their study situation as well as their envisaged and later experienced work life have been analysed through cross-sectional as well as longitudinal data. Central research questions are how students at the beginning and the end of their studies perceive their study program, how the communication patterns between teacher and students are negotiated, and what discourses of knowledge and competence operate in the program and in work life as well as how students of Political Science experience the transition from higher education to working life at two Euro-pean universities, and how Political science students and students in two professional programmes experience the transition from higher education to work life. The empiri-cal studies are presented in four articles. Ethnography, phenomenography and dis-course analysis have been applied. The results show that students embark on the pro-gram with dreams of being in the halls of power in Brussels or becoming famous by appearing in the media. They are, however, also driven by a Bildung incentive. Towards the end of their studies, more down-to-earth visions of the future as investigators have replaced their previous dreams. Another result is the ongoing negotiations about their role and the purpose of e.g. seminars, which convey double messages about what to say and when to contribute. They also report a rational and generic relationship between their studies and the work tasks, indicating that they have acquired a set of general skills that are helpful for them in their work. When moving from studies into work life, they report having a feeling of being squeezed between the politicians and the general public. Surprisingly, few of them regard themselves as having power in the decision-making arena. Keywords: Higher education, Work life, Trajectories of learning, National comparisons,Syftet med avhandlingen är att beskriva studenter inom statsvetenskap och deras resa genom akademin ut i arbetslivet. Genom att undersöka studenternas reflektioner och tankar kring sin studiesituation och hur de ser på sitt kommande arbete genom att an-vända en undersökningsdesign som består av en tvärsnittsstudie och en longitudinell studie. Med utgångspunkt i syftet har ett antal forskningsfrågor formulerats; Hur upp-fattas utbildningen av studenter i början och slutet av sina studier? Vilka diskurser kring kunskap och kompetens återfinns i studieprogrammen? Vilka diskurser kring kunskap och kompetens återfinns i arbetslivet? Hur upplever studenter i statsveten-skap vid två europeiska universitet övergången mellan akademi och arbetsliv? Hur upp-lever studenter i statsvetenskap och studenter från två professionsutbildningar över-gången mellan akademi och arbetsliv? De empiriska studierna rapporteras i fyra upp-satser. Etnografi, fenomenografi och diskursanalys är de metoder som använts vid ana-lyserna av empiriska data. Många studenter väljer att läsa statsvetenskap på grund av ett allmän- bildningsin-tresse, de uttrycker också drömmen om att få arbeta i maktens korridorer eller bli kän-da som experter i media. I slutet av sin utbildning infinner sig snarare en bild av en framtida roll som utredare. Eftersom studier i statsvetenskap har en rationell karaktär med fokus på generiska färdigheter är detta inte särskilt förvånande. En grupp studen-ter som följdes under sina första fem veckor i en seminarieserie fick dubbla signaler rörande sin roll vid seminarier. Relationen mellan utbildning och arbete beskrivs som i första hand rationell och generisk, dvs de har förvärvat allmänna färdigheter som är dem till stor hjälp i arbetet. När de som nya på arbetsmarknaden talar om sin identitet, framgår att de beskriver sig som klämda från två håll i sin roll som förmedlare mellan allmänheten och makthavarna. Förvånansvärt få anser att de har någon reell makt när det gäller beslutsfattande. Nyckelord: Högre utbildning, arbetsliv, lärande, identitet, nationella jämförelser, inter-nationella jämförelser, nybörjare, erfarna studenter, professionella noviser.
18
Larson, Jennifer Mary. "The Good, the Bad and the Cunning: How Networks Make or Break Cooperation." Thesis, Harvard University, 2012. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10171.
Abstract:
Groups often find themselves in a position to self-govern: sometimes a formal governing apparatus is weak or nonexistent; sometimes the legal system is underdeveloped, heavily back-logged or inapplicable; and sometimes groups simply have a preference for informal processes. In such cases, contrary to the Hobbesian vision of a self-help nightmare, groups often fare remarkably well both cooperating internally and coexisting with other groups. Diffuse punishment institutions induce cooperation well in tight-knit groups: the theory is well-understood and empirical examples abound. In many realistic settings, though, groups are imperfectly tight-knit, especially when populations are large or sparse or when communications technology is poor (even Facebook networks with very low-cost links are incomplete). Here I relate cooperation to a group's exact structure of communication to identify the role that networks play in making or breaking cooperation. By generalizing the game-theoretic model in Fearon and Laitin (1996), I present a model flexible enough to account for the various ways that a group may be imperfectly tight-knit.Government
19
Sancho, David. "'The year that can break or make you' : the politics of secondary schooling, youth and class in urban Kerala, South India." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2012. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/43282/.
Abstract:
Education harbours some of the most pervasive contradictions in contemporary India. While it produces world famous human capital enhancing the country's rising competitiveness as a global ‘knowledge economy', millions of children still lack access to basic education. In Kerala, a state famous for the success of its educational achievements, the benefits of education that can be gained by those in the lower strata of society continue to be marginal regardless of policies of positive discrimination. Focusing on youth at the higher secondary school level (grades 11-12), ‘the primary bottleneck in the education system today' (World Bank 2012), this thesis seeks to understand the social processes that go into making education a key resource to the (re)production of inequalities. Based upon a year's ethnographic fieldwork in and around two schools in Ernakulam, South India, this thesis examines the ways in which two distinct groups of youth – one attending a top end private English medium school at the heart of a city and the other educated in an institution at the bottom of the schooling ladder – inhabit their final year of schooling and generate future projects and aspirations. I located their experiences at the intersection of the two educational sites par excellence: the school and the house. In the city, middle-class schooling and parental regimes attempt to orient youth's lives towards the acquisition of multiple competences aimed at enhancing their individual prospects towards becoming competitive professionals, depicted as garnering maximum amounts of wealth and prestige in today's globalised economy of paid employment and migration. At the fringes of middle-class urban life and the quest for professionalism, youth are becoming subject of an increasing ghettoisation: only the educationally, financially and socially poor are left to attend their school. In that stark scenario, education emerged as central to both youth performances of class, status and gender. They constructed and embodied identities based on education and more generally with ideas of competence. This creative work revealed an overtly hierarchical field formed of distinctive peer groups engaged in overt practices of exclusion and inclusion according to imagine futures: mostly elusive fantasies that reveal the youth marked by uncertainties in a time shaped by rising expectations and increasingly intricate and unequal paths leading to them.
20
McCaul, Emily Patricia. "Replicating the Kaepernick Effect: The Power of Polarizing Frames to Make or Break Consumer Loyalty." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/99296.
Abstract:
This thesis evaluates the ways media frames influence attitude towards brands when the brand endorses a controversial celebrity spokesperson. This research was created with the intent to fill a current gap in communication research, providing original data and addressing the influence that external factors, specifically media frames and political orientations, hold over an audience's perception of spokespeople and the brands they later endorse. This was accomplished through an original, cross-sectional experiment that measured how celebrity athletes, who speak out about partisan issues, function as agents for messaging in brand advertisements. This thesis draws upon the communication theories of agenda setting, and primarily framing, in order to evaluate how impactful media frames of an athlete can become to consumers once the media highlights the spokesperson through a polarizing frame. This experiment attempts to replicate 'the Kaepernick effect,' inspired by the polarizing media coverage of Colin Kaepernick over his 2016-NFL season with the 49-ers, leading up to his partnership with Nike for its 2018 "Dream Crazy" advertisement. The findings from this study reveal that media frames, though carrying some impact, are not the most influential factor in shaping audiences' attitudes towards spokespeople or the brands they advertised. This study contributes new data to the discipline of media effects research, extending the conversation about celebrity athlete endorsers, the influence of media frames on consumer response, and implications for future studies.Master of Arts
This thesis looks at the effects that media frames, within news stories, have on audiences' attitudes and behaviors. Specifically, this thesis examines audiences' developed attitudes towards controversial celebrity spokespeople, who speak out about partisan issues, and later endorse or align themselves with a brand. This thesis utilizes an original experiment that measures how controversial celebrity figures, athletes specifically, function as agents for messaging in brand advertisements. This thesis draws upon the communication theories of agenda setting, and primarily framing, in order to evaluate how impactful media frames of an athlete can become to consumers once the media highlights the spokesperson through a polarizing frame. This experiment attempts to replicate 'the Kaepernick effect,' inspired by the polarizing media coverage of Colin Kaepernick over his 2016-NFL season with the 49-ers, leading up to his partnership with Nike for its 2018 "Dream Crazy" advertisement. The findings from this study reveal that media frames, though carrying some impact, are not the most influential factor in shaping audiences' attitudes towards spokespeople or the brands they advertised. This study contributes new data to the discipline of media effects research, extending the conversation about celebrity athlete endorsers, the influence of media frames on consumer response, and implications for future studies.
21
Vander, Broek Allison. "Rallying the Right-to-Lifers: Grassroots Religion and Politics in the Building of a Broad-based Right-to-Life Movement, 1960-1984." Thesis, Boston College, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:107943.
Abstract:
Thesis advisor: James M. O'TooleThis dissertation explores the formative years of the right-to-life movement in the decade prior to Roe v. Wade and explains how early right-to-lifers built a vast and powerful movement in the 1960s and 1970s. Whereas most previous studies have focused on the connection between right-to-life organizing and the conservative ascendancy in religion and politics in the 1970s and 1980s, this dissertation studies the movement’s origins in state and local organizing in the years before Roe v. Wade and its growth into a national political crusade in the 1970s. During these years, grassroots activists fostered a vision for a broad-based right-to-life movement—a movement consisting of Americans from across the political and religious spectrums. This movement was made up of Catholics, Protestants, and Jews, Democrats and Republicans, conservatives and liberals, lay people as well as religious leaders—all of whom opposed legalized abortion for a range of reasons. Right-to-lifers believed their broad-based approach was the most effective way to fight abortion, and they embraced this diverse coalition, attacking abortion on a number of fronts with strategies ranging from legislative lobbying to alternatives to abortion to nonviolent direct action. Though their coalition eventually broke apart in the 1980s, this eclectic group of right-to-lifers built a dynamic and diverse movement and proved the powerful resonance of the abortion issue in American society
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2018
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: History
22
Ilari, Mayumi Denise Senoi. "Teatro político e contestação no mundo globalizado: o Bread & Puppet Theater na sociedade de consumo." Universidade de São Paulo, 2008. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8147/tde-14052008-134439/.
Abstract:
Criado na cidade de Nova Iorque no início dos anos sessenta, o Bread & Puppet Theater estabeleceu-se em meio à vanguarda artística norte-americana do século XX, tornando-se célebre nas apresentações e paradas de rua em protesto contra a guerra do Vietnã. Quatro décadas de teatro mais tarde, em plena guerra no Iraque, o grupo dirigido por Peter Schumann, agora radicado em Vermont, prossegue com seu teatro de papel-maché, em protesto contra os impérios vis e injustos do mundo globalizado. Esta pesquisa compara o espetáculo Portões do Inferno, último \"Circo de Ressurreição Doméstica\" (1998), espetáculo anual apresentado a dezenas de milhares de pessoas, a O Mundo de Pernas para o Ar, uma nova versão do Circo - \"Circo de Insurreição do Primeiro Mundo\" (2004), analisando relações entre forma e história. Observaremos que, em nossa atual civilização, fundada na lógica da mercadoria, na comercialização da arte, na espetacularização da vida (no sentido debordiano), e no embrutecido e fragmentário deslumbramento pós-moderno frente aos mesmos paradigmas exaltados como inovações (ou no esmaecimento do afeto, na expressão de Jameson), o teatro histórico, épico e dialético do Bread and Puppet segue resistindo efetivamente, na contramão da sociedade de consumo, na insurreição contra o mundo globalizado, a insurreição \"da mente contra a supremacia do dinheiro e a insurreição de toda a alma do teatro de bonecos contra a estupidez do maravilhamento pós-moderno\".Originated in the city of New York in the 1960s, the Bread & Puppet Theater established itself amidst the North American artistic vanguard of the 20th century. It was especially known for its demonstrations and protests against the Vietnam war. Four decades later, during the Iraq war, the group leaded by Peter Schumann, now established in Vermont, continues with their papier-maché theater, demonstrating and protesting against the evil and unfair empires of the globalized world. This study compares Gates of Hell (1998) - the final \"Domestic Resurrection Circus\"- an annual show presented to thousands of people, to Upside Down World - a new version of the circus called \"First World Insurrection Circus\" (2004) - analyzing the relationships between form and history. The analysis reveals that in our current civilization, which is largely based on the logic of commodities, in the commercialization of art, in the \"spectacularization\" of life (in debordian sense) and in the brutalized and fragmented post-modern wonderfulness, which presents and glorifies the same paradigms as innovations (or in its waning of affect, in Fredric Jameson\'s sense), Bread and Puppet\'s historical, epic and dialectic theater effectively resists, going the opposite direction of consumer society, in the insurrection against globalized world, the insurrection \"of the mind against the supremacy of money and the insurrection of the whole soul of puppetry against the stupidity of post-modern wonderfulness\".
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Béthaz, Marzia. "To Eat an Idea : On the transformative potential of engaging with local cereal in a mountain territory." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Socialantropologiska institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-189499.
Abstract:
This study investigates the values expressed and implemented through local cereal and cereal-related products such as bread and flour in the alpine region of Valle d’Aosta (north-west Italy), contributing to the existing body of literature on food values. It is based on anthropological fieldwork among people engaging with cereal both professionally and non-professionally (such as bakers, farmers, agronomists and other categories of people involved in the cereal sector) and on theories drawn from food and economic anthropology, anthropological theories of value and literature on social movements. This research aims at understanding the values that inform cereal-related practices in Valle d’Aosta and that precede the relationships its inhabitants generate around cereal. Such values are intended as moral standpoints from which people engaging with cereal organise their action and conceptualise their own understanding of their practices. Values of tradition, community and individual place identity, health, environmental and socio-economic values serve as spectacles through which to grasp the vision that people engaging with cereal in Valle d’Aosta have of society, of the role of the economy, of the relationship between the community and the individual. Ultimately, cereal-related practices, based on a particular conception of the economy which puts into question the neoliberal system, are represented as tools bridging past, present and future, as the past serves as a source of inspiration to bring about a better future and to materialise it into the present, through a deeply moral endeavour.
24
Heyns, Anri. "Empowerment through mine community development: how the politics of development perpetuate poverty in mining areas – a legal theoretical analysis." Doctoral thesis, Faculty of Law, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/32685.
Abstract:
The Mineral and Petroleum Resources Development Act (“MPRDA”) and the Broad-Based Socio-Economic Empowerment Charter for the South African Mining and Minerals Industry (“Mining Charter”), created in terms of the MPRDA, aim to address the exploitative legacies of past discriminatory practices in the mining industry. Impoverished mining communities stand to benefit from empowerment under the Mining Charter in the form of mine community development – one of the elements that constitute a mining right holder's commitment under the Mining Charter. Despite this legislative intervention and the relative wealth generated by the extraction of mineral resources, poverty and conflict have become the stereotypical images associated with mining areas. This project aims to determine why the empowerment of mining communities through mine community development perpetuates poverty from the past and creates new inequalities. To answer this main question, it is considered how the historical context within which the relevant policy and legislation were created, affected legislative drafting. Second, the effects of promoting development and empowerment in legislative provisions are explored to determine which worldviews and underlying values are being promoted by the legislative instruments under discussion. Furthermore, it is considered how these worldviews and underlying values affect how mining communities, subjected to harsh socio-economic living conditions, are depicted in legislative provisions. Here, it is specifically considered what the notion of “community” signifies in a development context and how “community” is represented in legislation. The thesis is a theoretical exposition of the ideological assumptions underlying the concepts “development”, “empowerment”, “community” and “poverty”. It is shown that “mine community development” is an inherently contradictory notion in South African law. The development paradigm implies the universalisation of values, effectively creating “the poor”, and causing vagueness and paradoxes. It results not only in a perpetuation of poverty and inequality from the past but also in the creation of new inequalities, as is evident in the differentiation drawn by the Mining Charter between different types of communities in mining areas. Measures currently being enforced by the legislation under discussion, are in desperate need of reconsideration.
25
Little, Ryan King. "Does Revolution Breed Radicalism? An Analysis of the Stalled Revolution in Syria and the Radical Forces Since Unleashed." Scholar Commons, 2014. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/5528.
Abstract:
This thesis examines the turn to conflict in Syria during 2011 to see if it is revolutionary in nature and if so, why has it not succeeded? This thesis aims to analyze the anatomy of Syria's "revolution" in order to determine the causes behind the initial popular mobilization and transition to conflict. Then, further analysis of the essential elements of successful revolutionary movements will be undertaken to reveal what conditions remain unmet for Syria to culminate in a full revolutionary transformation. Special attention will be paid to the revolutionary Opposition itself, since, to date, it has proved unable to generate the power necessary to destroy the old order and rebuild a new system. The significant role of external intervention will also be addressed, since these forces have simultaneously helped cause the conflict, prolong the conflict and prop up the regime. Finally, the negative consequences of undertaking a revolutionary process, especially when left only partially complete, will be highlighted throughout the study. Syria's own "rise of the radicals," has manifested itself in the phenomenon of ISIL or ISIS, which has proven the strongest and most violent Opposition group to emerge from Syria's revolutionary environment.
26
Gozali, Harris K. "New Breed Leaders in Indonesian Democracy: A Critical Pluralist Examination of Ganjar Pranowo's Election as Governor of Central Java Province in 2013." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1127.
Abstract:
A phenomenal thing is occurring in Indonesia’s young democracy. Politicians who are actually interested in propagating good governance and addressing the needs of their constituents are coming to power across the archipelago in increasing numbers. These fresh faces bring with them a pragmatic style of leadership that balks the trend of poor governance set by their distant, corrupt, and bureaucratic predecessors. Unsurprisingly, they have been lauded as the heroes of the people and the products of a maturing democratic regime. The foreign media, in particular, seem convinced that the people’s power, as expressed through democracy, is the driving force behind the rise of such “new breed” leaders. A closer look at the Central Java gubernatorial elections, however, reveals a more complex picture.
Through the use of a critical pluralist framework, this paper aims to shed light on the reality of how power is organized between oligarch and non-oligarch actors in the Indonesian polity. In the process, we also build a systematic framework that can be applied to other cases of “new breed” leaders coming to office, so that in the future, a more comprehensive comparative analyses on the topic can be done.
27
Silva, Lajosy. "Historicidade, representação e sexualidade: uma leitura crítica das contradições do teatro contemporâneo em \'Bent\' de Martin Sherman e \'Amor e restos humanos\' de Brad Fraser." Universidade de São Paulo, 2007. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8147/tde-31102007-151206/.
Abstract:
Esse trabalho pretende discutir a questão histórica e da representação da homossexualidade no teatro a partir de duas peças de teatro: Bent do americano Martin Sherman e Amor e Restos Humanos do canadense Brad Fraser. As peças encenadas em 1979 e 1989 permitem uma leitura e interpretação do tempo e do espaço enquanto representação da história e das contradições da sociedade contemporânea. O trabalho também pretende discutir a noção de gênero e suas limitações enquanto representação de minorias, assim como a representação da homossexualidade estaria ligada a questões mais amplas que abarcam aspectos sócioeconômicos, políticos e ideológicos.This work aims to discuss the historical concerned to the representation of homosexuality in the theater based on the reading of two plays: Bent by American playwright Martin Sherman and Unidentified Human Remains and The True Nature of Love by Canadian playwright Brad Fraser. These two plays were performed in 1979 and 1989 and allow us to develop an interpretation of time and space as historical representation of the contradictions of contemporary society. This work also aims to discuss the notion of genre and its limitations towards the representation of minorities as well as the homosexuality would be connected to wider issues such as social, economic, political and ideological issues.
28
Choi, Eunbong. "The break-up and privatization policy of the Japan National Railways, 1980-87 : a case study of Japanese public policy-making structure and process /." The Ohio State University, 1991. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/26965626.html.
29
Régis, Nina. "Le pain de guerre allemand : une histoire culturelle de l'arrière, 1914-1919." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Toulouse 2, 2022. http://www.theses.fr/2022TOU20083.
Abstract:
Durant la Première Guerre mondiale, l’impossibilité d’importer des matières premières et des céréales depuis les pays ennemis oblige l’Allemagne à rationner ses denrées. Le premier aliment soumis à ce régime est le pain. Depuis le début du conflit en 1914 jusqu’au traité de Versailles en 1919, il s’agit d’étudier l’expérience de cet aliment de base et de montrer en quoi son évolution qualitative et quantitative a eu un effet sur le soutien de l’arrière à la poursuite de la guerre. Cette question invite à lier l’histoire des sens à l’histoire des émotions, l’étude des pratiques sociales et des représentations culturelles, de la presse et de la censure, de la politique du pain, de la médecine et de la sécurité alimentaire. L’anticipation des premiers manques se matérialise d’abord, entre 1914 et 1916, par la création de nouvelles institutions et par la recherche de farines de substitution, mais aussi par l’invention d’un pain de guerre, dont la consommation se mue en acte patriotique. À partir de 1916, la dégradation qualitative de l’aliment de base, refusé, mais souvent subi, raillé par l’ennemi, entraîne l’expression du dégoût. Entre 1918 et 1919, le pain de guerre est au cœur de revendications, d’un retour aux goûts des temps de paix et d’une remise en cause plus fondamentale du rationnement, ainsi que du rôle de l’État. Rendue possible par de riches fonds d’archives, cette étude invite à remettre en question plusieurs préjugés français concernant « le pain de guerre allemand », prenant racine dans une opposition plus ancienne entre pain blanc et pain noir. La conservation des traces matérielles et la transmission des pratiques de fabrication indiquent enfin le rôle capital de cet aliment de base dans l’expérience, mais également dans le souvenir de la guerre, et démontrent l’intérêt d’un sujet dont les enjeux se prolongent jusqu’à la Seconde Guerre mondialeDuring the First World War, as it was impossible to import raw material and cereals from enemy countries, Germany had to impose bread rationing on the population. The first food to be rationed was bread. From the beginning of the conflict in 1914 to the treaty of Versailles in 1919, this study’s objective is to understand the experience of this food and in what way it’s qualitative and quantitative evolution influenced the Homefront’s will to support the war. The question leads to link the history of the senses with the history of emotions, the study of social practices and of cultural representations, of the press and the censorship, of the politics of bread, of the medicine and of the food security. The anticipation of the first shortages materializes from 1914 to 1916 through the creation of new institutions and the search for new substitutes to replace flour, but also through the invention of a war bread, which consumption becomes a patriotic gesture. From 1916 on, the bread’s qualitative and quantitative decline leads to the expression of disgust and to its refusal, although it continues to be suffered by the consumers and mocked by the enemies. From 1918 to 1919, war bread remains in the heart of demands for the return to the tastes of peace times and a more fundamental reassessment of the rationing system, as well as the State’s role. This study had been made possible thanks to many precious archives and invites to question several prejudices concerning « the German war bread » rooted in a more ancient opposition between white and black bread. The conservation of material traces and the transmission of bread-making practices in the long run indicate the capital role of this food for the experience, but also for the remembrance of the war. They prove the interest of a subject which stakes stretch out until the Second World War
Während des Ersten Weltkrieges, als keine Rohstoffe und Getreide mehr aus den benachbarten verfeindeten Staaten importiert werden konnten, mussten Lebensmittel in Deutschland rationiert werden. Das erste rationierte Lebensmittel war das Brot. Vom Anfang des Krieges an, im Jahre 1914, bis zum Vertrag von Versailles im Jahre 1919 geht es darum, die Broterfahrung zu erforschen und zu zeigen, inwiefern die qualitativen und quantitativen Veränderungen die Bereitschaft, der in der Heimat verbliebenen, den Krieg weiterhin zu unterstützen, beeinflusste. Diese Frage ermöglicht es, die Geschichte der Sinne und der Emotionsgeschichte, die Studie der sozialen Praktiken und der kulturellen Darstellungen, der Presse und der Zensur, der Brotpolitik, der Medizin und der Ernährungssichterheit, miteinander zu verbinden. Den ersten Mangelerscheinungen wurde zwischen 1914 und 1916 einerseits durch die Bildung von neuen Institutionen und durch die Suche nach neuen Ersatzmehlsorten entgegengewirkt, andererseits durch die Erfindung eines Kriegsbrotes, dessen Konsum als eine patriotische Geste gedeutet wurde. Ab 1916 rief die qualitative Verschlechterung des Grundnahrungsmittels, das abgelehnt, doch oft erduldet und von den Feinden verspottet wurde, das Gefühl des Ekels hervor. Zwischen 1918 und 1919 befindet sich das Kriegsbrot im Mittelpunkt der Forderungen nach einer Rückkehr zu den Geschmäckern der Friedenszeiten, und zugleich einer grundsätzlicheren Infragestellung des Rationierungssystems und der Rolle des Staates. Ermöglicht wurde diese Forschung durch eine günstige Quellenlage. Durch diese werden Vorurteile bezüglich des « deutschen Kriegsbrotes » hinterfragt, die mit der viel älteren Gegenüberstellung zwischen Weiß- und Schwarzbrot zusammenhängen. Die langfristige Konservierung der materiellen Spuren und die Weitergabe der Herstellungspraktiken deuten auf die wesentliche Rolle des Nahrungsmittels für die Kriegserfahrung, aber auch für die Erinnerung an den Krieg. Sie beweisen die zentrale Stelle eines Themas, das bis zum Zweiten Weltkrieg weiterhin eine Schlüsselrolle einnimmt
30
Mull, Haley Grace Liqing. "Break a Leg- Just not in Alabama: Analyzing the Timing of Medicaid's Adoption and State Variation in Medicaid Eligibility." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1588084119596649.
31
JÃnior, Raimundo Bezerra. "RelaÃÃes de poder e prÃticas polÃticas no municÃpio de Pereiro-Ce." Universidade Federal do CearÃ, 2015. http://www.teses.ufc.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=13932.
Abstract:
CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeiÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel SuperiorA presente pesquisa tem o objetivo de resgatar e analisar as relaÃÃes de poder e prÃticas polÃticas dos gestores do municÃpio de Pereiro, situado na regiÃo do Vale do Jaguaribe, estado do CearÃ, no perÃodo 1936 a 2012. Nossa anÃlise apoia-se no referencial teÃrico do mandonismo local de Maria Isaura Pereiro de Queiroz e na tese do sistema coronelista de Victor Nunes Leal. TambÃm nos apropriamos dos resultados de estudos e pesquisas de historiadores, cientistas sociais, sociÃlogos e cientistas polÃticos cearenses contemporÃneos que versam acerca da polÃtica cearense. Foi por intermÃdio do entrelaÃamento desse referencial teÃrico, entrevistas e outras fontes, que fizemos a reconstituiÃÃo das relaÃÃes, do exercÃcio do poder e das disputas polÃticas entre as facÃÃes polÃticas do municÃpio. Por meio de descriÃÃo e anÃlise qualitativa, destacamos a forma que o prefeito ascende ao poder, como governa, como se sustenta no poder e o porquà de ter perdido tal poder. Para compreendermos esses aspectos, foi necessÃrio fazer a ligaÃÃo da polÃtica local com os fatos, mudanÃas e rupturas econÃmicas e polÃticas decorrentes no Ãmbito nacional e estadual, que replicaram no Ãmbito municipal, influenciando a ascensÃo ou derrocada do governante municipal. A partir dessas percepÃÃes, observamos que o municÃpio passou por vÃrios ciclos de comando ou domÃnio polÃticos. Desde sua fundaÃÃo, em 1842, atà o ano de 1930, o municÃpio foi dirigido pela classe dirigente composta de colonizadores da regiÃo, fazendeiros e oficiais da Guarda Nacional de Pereiro. ApÃs a revoluÃÃo de 1930, nasce a elite polÃtica dirigente, formada por bacharÃis, fazendeiros e comerciantes. A partir de 1936, chefes polÃticos das famÃlias Nogueira de Queiroz e DiÃgenes dominariam a polÃtica local atà o fim de 1988. Desde entÃo, uma eletividade de fatores decorrente no paÃs provocaria significativa ruptura na polÃtica do estado, estendendo-se ao interior, provocando mudanÃas do sistema coronelista para o sistema democrÃtico de cunho empresarial. Levando-nos a defender a tese que os coronÃis perderam seu prestÃgio, enquanto profissionais liberais e empresÃrios ascenderam, de modo que a violÃncia material na polÃtica foi substituÃda por outros mecanismos, ou seja, a polÃtica deixou de ser resolvida à bala, como acontecia em alguns casos atà o final da dÃcada de 1980 no CearÃ.
The thesis analyzes power relations and political practices of local power elites in the municipality of Pereiro situated in the Jaguaribe Valley in the state of CearÃ, between 1936 and 2012. It withdrew its main theoretical references from the works of Maria Isaura Pereira de Queiroz on âmandonismo localâ (local despotism) and Victor Nunes Leal on âcoronelismoâ (political bosses). In addition, it surveyed recent studies by anthropologists, historians, political scientists and sociologists on the state of Cearà politics. From the review of theory and literature, it established a typology of local political power to guide qualitative field research. Through observations, and extended interviews, it described the exercise of municipal power and struggles for leadership between different factions of local political elites. It highlighted how mayors sustained different cycles of power through election. It also showed how changes and economic disruptions at the state and national levels replicated in the municipality, influenced the rise and fall of local elites. Based on these insights, it established that the municipality had gone through several political cycles. From its founding in 1842 until 1930, the first colonizers composed of farmers and officials of the National Guard ruled Pereiro. The 1930 revolution gave birth to a new ruling elite formed by a mixture of barristers, landowners and merchants. From 1936 to 1988, two political bosses representing two distinct extended local families alternated in power. However, national and state political democratic changes disrupted the oligarchic rule when it affected the traditional landownership system and forced transition to a business-based social relation. The conclusion made the case against the thesis of the survival of traditional politics. It argued that the âcoronÃisâ lost prestige to new groups composed of liberal professionals and businesspersons. Consequently, new forms of economic domination and symbolic violence replaced violence and coercion that characterized traditional politics. Since then, money and economic influence replaced guns and bullets as the means of political domination in the state of CearÃ.
32
ADI, SAPUTRA PUTU MAHARDIKA. "Three essays on international trade." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Roma "Tor Vergata", 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2108/1169.
Abstract:
This doctoral thesis consists of three independent chapters. However, those three chapters discuss a similar big issue, i.e. international trade. In depth, they talk about an empirical case of trade in Southeast Asian area (Chapter 1), and Indonesian manufacturing industries (Chapter 2 and 3). Chapter 1 will put its intention in the bilateral trade relationship among ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nation) countries itself and between ASEAN and their major trading partners, Japan and the US. Chapter 2 will do an investigation on the level of efficiency of Indonesian manufacturing industries and study the determinants of export in Indonesian manufacturing. Finally, Chapter 3 observes the decision of doing export in a specific Indonesian manufacturing industry, i.e. textile and apparel firms. In fact, we specifically put our intention on the theme of export. The discussion of it unifies those 3 chapters. However, each chapter has different emphasizes on its export idea. We stress our analysis on the effect of change in real exchange rate, real domestic income, and real domestic cash balance on the real bilateral trade balance in the first chapter, while in the second chapter; we observe the influence of capital intensity, size, export diversification and technical efficiency on the export performance, then for the last but not the least, third chapter will study the decision to export of Indonesian textile apparel firms. Furthermore, efficiency also obtains our great concern, as we believe that efficiency is one of the important aspects that can positively affect country’s export performance (which is stated by self-selection hypothesis), thus country’s economy as well. When a firm or industry could achieve a higher level of efficiency, it should be able to enjoy a better export performance or a higher probability of becoming an exporter. More exports could be nearly related to more profit which can be collected by a firm, since export can be used by firm as a way for generating profit. Assuming firms will not do exports if they can not get any profit, then through the accumulation of the exporter’s profits, the country’s trade balance and economy will also positively flourish. Efficiency is measured by technical efficiency in the second chapter and by total factor productivity (and labor productivity) in the third chapter. To explain shortly the discussion of the thesis, a concise description about each chapter can be shown as follows.
The first chapter examines the short run and long run effects of real exchange rate, real domestic (foreign) income, and real domestic (foreign) cash balance on the real bilateral trade balance in ASEAN region. Based on quarterly data set 1980q1 to 2007q3, investigations are carried out using VECM method. However, the impulse response functions, the variance decompositions, as well as the OLS are analyzed in order to capture further the dynamic perspective of the research. Expanding our analysis, we do test and analysis for a possibility of the presence of structural break. The Chow test is applied when a structural break with a known break point is considered. While, Zivot and Andrews (1992) unit root test, Gregory and Hansen (1996) cointegration test, and two steps Engle-Granger method are performed when a structural break with an unknown break point is measured. Results show that in the long run: (i) income effect is found to be dominant in determining the change in trade balance, either when a structural break is omitted or allowed; (ii) the cash balance effect do influence the bilateral trade; (iii) the exchange rate effect significantly plays a role only in the period before the regime shift where it is absent in the post regime shift, indicating that the structural break carries a significant impact in removing the positive long run effect of exchange rate on trade balance. With respect to that, the small economy effects are suspected to be present in ASEAN region. Meanwhile, in the short run: (i) the cash balance effect relatively plays a major role in influencing the improvement of trade balance, either when a structural break is omitted or allowed, (ii) compared to cash balance effect, the income effect is present with slightly less difference in contribution; (iii) the exchange rate effect is always observed in all types of analysis and is more discernible when a structural break is omitted, while a J-curve phenomenon is present in minor cases. On the contrary, once a structural break is allowed, we provide lack of evidence for the presence of the phenomenon. The second chapter examines the technical efficiency of Indonesian manufacturing industry by estimating a stochastic production frontier (SPF) and the constant returns to scale (CRS) output-oriented DEA approach. In addition, this chapter also analyzes the determinants of export performance of the industries using panel analytical model. The results show that the estimated mean technical efficiency of Indonesian manufacturing industries which are found by those approaches are lower than 0.5. It indicates that there is substantial inefficiency problem in the industry. Comparing the scores obtained by SPF and DEA, we identify there are six relatively prominent industries in term of efficiency achievement, namely iron & steel, tobacco, transport equipment, food products, industrial chemicals, and machinery, electric. Our results which correspond to the technical efficiency indicate that the estimated mean technical efficiency in the DEA approach is larger than those obtained from the SPF. Utilizing Fixed Effect Model (FEM), we find that all export determinants, i.e. capital intensity (CAP), number of labor (SIZE), diversification (DIV) and technical efficiency (TE) shows the appropriate significant sign. The highest elasticity coefficient is provided by diversification (DIV) variable. With respect to the relationship between efficiency and export performance, we provide evidence for the presence of self-selection hypothesis. Then, the third chapter is devoted to the examination of factors which influence the decision to export of firms in Indonesian textile and apparel industry. Using a panel of firm-level data and a panel probit model, we test for the role of heterogeneous characteristics of firms in determining firms’ probability of exporting. We use two different definitions of firm productivity in our model, i.e. TFP and labour productivity. Besides executing the general estimation for whole observations, we execute as well the disaggregated specifications concerning the firm size (middle and large size). Mostly, the main findings in this study are in line with related previous works. In particular, we find that productivity increases the probability of exporting. Likewise, firm characteristics related to size and foreign ownership has a positive influence on the probability of exporting. On the other hand, variables accounting for capital intensity and Java region dummy affect negatively the decision to export. However, in the general estimation results, we find no significant effect of labor quality on our model. Concerning the estimation results of disaggregated specifications, a consistent finding with the general estimation results is basically provided, except for labor quality variable which is significantly negatively related with exporting in middle-size firms’ case. This condition seemingly reflects the actual state of the textile and apparel industry in the developing economy, such as Indonesia. In which, exporters are generally inclined to be more labor intensive, and ‘cheap’ labors are specifically dominant to be employed among middle firms. Besides, the reason of less competitive in the international market also should be taken into account. Although still showing positive signs, the coefficients of productivity lose their statistical significance when the models are applied for large-sized firms. However, in general, our findings corroborate the self-selection hypothesis.
33
Bindal, Aditya. "The Great Indian Growth Puzzle: What Caused a Spike in 2003?" Scholarship @ Claremont, 2011. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/140.
Abstract:
This paper will employ unit root tests for finding structural breaks endogenously among India’s key macroeconomic aggregate series, as well as their components and subcomponents. The same analysis will be repeated, wherever data are available, for states. The results from these unit root tests will then be used in regression models for national and state level data to understand the causes behind structural breaks. We find that breakpoints cluster around 1982 and 2003 for most series at the national and state level. The services component appears to be a promising candidate for explaining the 2003 structural break in some of the series.
34
Bezerra, Júnior Raimundo. "Relações de poder e práticas políticas no município de Pereiro-CE." www.teses.ufc.br, 2015. http://www.repositorio.ufc.br/handle/riufc/11781.
Abstract:
BEZERRA JÚNIOR, Raimundo. Relações de poder e práticas políticas no município de Pereiro-CE. 2015. 257f. – Tese (Doutorado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Programa de Pós-graduação em Sociologia, Fortaleza (CE), 2015.Submitted by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2015-05-04T14:46:47Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2015_tese_rbjunior.pdf: 3495299 bytes, checksum: 91ea4870af40b7aa9a1d6f3f548f64ec (MD5)
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The thesis analyzes power relations and political practices of local power elites in the municipality of Pereiro situated in the Jaguaribe Valley in the state of Ceará, between 1936 and 2012. It withdrew its main theoretical references from the works of Maria Isaura Pereira de Queiroz on “mandonismo local” (local despotism) and Victor Nunes Leal on “coronelismo” (political bosses). In addition, it surveyed recent studies by anthropologists, historians, political scientists and sociologists on the state of Ceará politics. From the review of theory and literature, it established a typology of local political power to guide qualitative field research. Through observations, and extended interviews, it described the exercise of municipal power and struggles for leadership between different factions of local political elites. It highlighted how mayors sustained different cycles of power through election. It also showed how changes and economic disruptions at the state and national levels replicated in the municipality, influenced the rise and fall of local elites. Based on these insights, it established that the municipality had gone through several political cycles. From its founding in 1842 until 1930, the first colonizers composed of farmers and officials of the National Guard ruled Pereiro. The 1930 revolution gave birth to a new ruling elite formed by a mixture of barristers, landowners and merchants. From 1936 to 1988, two political bosses representing two distinct extended local families alternated in power. However, national and state political democratic changes disrupted the oligarchic rule when it affected the traditional landownership system and forced transition to a business-based social relation. The conclusion made the case against the thesis of the survival of traditional politics. It argued that the “coronéis” lost prestige to new groups composed of liberal professionals and businesspersons. Consequently, new forms of economic domination and symbolic violence replaced violence and coercion that characterized traditional politics. Since then, money and economic influence replaced guns and bullets as the means of political domination in the state of Ceará.
A presente pesquisa tem o objetivo de resgatar e analisar as relações de poder e práticas políticas dos gestores do município de Pereiro, situado na região do Vale do Jaguaribe, estado do Ceará, no período 1936 a 2012. Nossa análise apoia-se no referencial teórico do mandonismo local de Maria Isaura Pereiro de Queiroz e na tese do sistema coronelista de Victor Nunes Leal. Também nos apropriamos dos resultados de estudos e pesquisas de historiadores, cientistas sociais, sociólogos e cientistas políticos cearenses contemporâneos que versam acerca da política cearense. Foi por intermédio do entrelaçamento desse referencial teórico, entrevistas e outras fontes, que fizemos a reconstituição das relações, do exercício do poder e das disputas políticas entre as facções políticas do município. Por meio de descrição e análise qualitativa, destacamos a forma que o prefeito ascende ao poder, como governa, como se sustenta no poder e o porquê de ter perdido tal poder. Para compreendermos esses aspectos, foi necessário fazer a ligação da política local com os fatos, mudanças e rupturas econômicas e políticas decorrentes no âmbito nacional e estadual, que replicaram no âmbito municipal, influenciando a ascensão ou derrocada do governante municipal. A partir dessas percepções, observamos que o município passou por vários ciclos de comando ou domínio políticos. Desde sua fundação, em 1842, até o ano de 1930, o município foi dirigido pela classe dirigente composta de colonizadores da região, fazendeiros e oficiais da Guarda Nacional de Pereiro. Após a revolução de 1930, nasce a elite política dirigente, formada por bacharéis, fazendeiros e comerciantes. A partir de 1936, chefes políticos das famílias Nogueira de Queiroz e Diógenes dominariam a política local até o fim de 1988. Desde então, uma eletividade de fatores decorrente no país provocaria significativa ruptura na política do estado, estendendo-se ao interior, provocando mudanças do sistema coronelista para o sistema democrático de cunho empresarial. Levando-nos a defender a tese que os coronéis perderam seu prestígio, enquanto profissionais liberais e empresários ascenderam, de modo que a violência material na política foi substituída por outros mecanismos, ou seja, a política deixou de ser resolvida à bala, como acontecia em alguns casos até o final da década de 1980 no Ceará.
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ASSAYEW, Tsegaye Anduanbessa. "Finance, private sector development and inequality." Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Bergamo, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10446/30382.
Abstract:
The first chapter seeks to reveal the long-run causal relationship among financial development, savings, openness and growth in Ethiopia using annual data from 1970 through 2010 in a VAR framework. I find no causal relationship between the series, to the dismay of the large “finance-openness-led growth” literature. The evidence, nevertheless, does not entail the impression that financial repression or trade restriction propels economic growth. The early 1990’s and 2000’s are identified as the periods when apparent regime shifts are observed in the economy of the country.
Identifying the economic sector that ensures maximum jobs creation remains the most challenging tasks for local and national governments. Chapter Two, explores the local multiplier effect of entry into the tradable sector on that of entry to the nontradable sector using a large panel dataset obtained from the South Africa’s CIPC’s databases on South African metropolitan cities. I find that new entry to tradable sector is significantly associated with entry to nontradable businesses. For each additional establishment of firms in the manufacturing sector in a given municipal unit, 15.26 firms are created in the nontradable sector in the same place.
There is an ongoing debate on inequality as a cause for a delay in recovery in the aftermath of recession. Using a simulation of U.S. household income and consumption, I show in Chapter Three that it is possible to get significant differences in savings across income groups based on income-smoothing alone. I have statistically shown that the “rich” may appear to save a higher share of their income than the rest of the people even though the saving rate out of permanent income is the same for all individuals, by assumption. It is, however, less clear that the transitory income effect does, in fact, explain most of the saving rate differences across income groups.
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Kisieliute, Ieva. "This war will never be forgotten : A study of intertextual relations between Homer's Iliad and Wolfgang Petersen's Troy." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för genus, kultur och historia, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-3169.
Abstract:
In 2004 Troy was released in movie theatres worldwide and almost immediately sparked up discussions on film’s relation to the ancient epic of Homer. The main purpose of this paper is to see the connection between Troy and Homer’s The Iliad – motion pictures’ only officially credited source of inspiration. By using comparative method and intertextual approach I try to see how a literary piece, for centuries recited and cherished by the highest academic circles is remodelled to fit the taste of a mass public. How The Iliad mutates to be a marketable product. I discuss the changes of the plot that were introduced in Troy and try to see those changes as an outcome of mutation process. Apart from the plot, the notion of a hero is also discussed: how the definition of hero changed through time? To illustrate the changes, two main heroes – Achilles and Hector are discussed, yet again using the comparative method. By approaching Troy and The Iliad as two separate cultural products (I did not view Troy as a documentary on The Iliad) I was able to connect them. I could see that the essence of the literary work and the film appears to be the same. It shows that the ancient Greek values, especially those, related to warfare and heroism, have definitely survived long enough to penetrate the modern thought.
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Hempartian, Azita. "Traduire Shâmlu, poète iranien en français." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013AIXM3134.
Abstract:
La littérature persane est surtout connue en Occident par les excellentes traductions en français d'illustres poètes classiques comme Omar Khayyam, Roumi, Hafîz. Genre majeur de la littérature persane, la poésie s'impose pendant des siècles avec ses règles draconiennes de prosodie et de versification. Dans les années 1930, une jeune génération de poètes, sensibles aux transformations sociales, politiques, culturelles et ayant découvert la poésie et la littérature occidentales, s'est engagée dans une lutte systématique contre ces règles intangibles. Le pionnier de ce mouvement est Nimâ Yshij. Il rejette les règles de la poésie classique, aussi bien en ce qui concerne la métrique que la place de la rime. Ahmad Shâmlu, disciple de Nimâ, va plus loin en refusant même la prosodie. En rupture permanente, Shâmlu a marqué la poésie moderne persane, par son œuvre, par ses idées et par ses attitudes. Soucieux des événements de son temps et de sa société, ce poète, traducteur et directeur de revues, a lutté toute sa vie pour ses idéaux humanistes. Une anthologie de ses œuvres traduites en français permettra de faire découvrir aux amateurs ce grand poète persan moderne et contemporainPersian literature is best known in the West by the excellent French translations of famous classical poets like Omar Khayyam, Rumi, Hafeez. As a major genre of Persian literature, poetry has for centuries imposed draconian rules of prosody and versification. In the 1930s, younger generation of poets, sensitive to social, political and cultural changes, discovered Western poetry and literature, and engaged in a systamtic struggle against these intangible rules. the pioneer of this movment in Nima Yshij. Her rejected the rules of classical potry, where both versification and rhyme are concerned. Ahmad Shâmlu, a disciple of Nima, goes even further by refusing prosody. Breaking constantly with traditon, Shâmlu has left his mark on modern Persian poetry, in his work, and by his ideas and attitudes. Mindful of the events of his time and of his life for his humanistic ideals. An antthology of his works translatedinto French will enable poetry-lovers to discover this great modern contemporary Persian poet
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BENITO, ALAS FERNANDO. "ANÁLISIS DE LA SITUACIÓN ECONÓMICA-FINANCIERA DEL SECTOR PRODUCTOR DE LA DORADA (Sparus aurata L.), LUBINA (Dicentrarchus labrax L.) Y CORVINA (Argyrosomus regius A.), EN EL LITORAL MEDITERRANEO ESPAÑOL." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Politècnica de València, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10251/62187.
Abstract:
[EN] The state of the Spanish aquaculture Sea bream, Sea bass and Meagre produced in fish farms in the Spanish Mediterranean coast is analyzed setting as objective the analysis of the economical and financial situation of companies in the sector to characterize the successful companies.
For this project a study was made during the period from 2002 to 2011, on the period before the economical crisis (2002-2007) and also during the crisis (2007-2011), to interpret the evolution of the companies from the financial and economical information extracted from their financial statements filed with the Companies Registry and are supplied by the SABI database. Economic and financial ratios of the sample aquaculture companies located in the Mediterranean coast examines representing 63% (2007), production of Sea bream, Sea bass and Meagre in Spain using statistical correlation analysis, principal components and cluster group that have allowed companies based on their financial situation.
The combination of the economic and financial ratios to define a "Success Rate" of companies, it helps to know the status of each within the sector in relation to other companies, from assessing economical and financial variables if the steps taken leading to success or failure and thus becoming a key tool in making decisions at the enterprise level. The results indicate that only companies with high volume production or small well-managed companies have been able to withstand periods of economical crisis.
Likewise, annual ratios of companies with best results in each period are analyzed to define the business model of success that is configured as necessary reference in the process of management in the aquaculture sector.
During this time the evolution of the sales prices of the different aquatic species in Spain is also studied, from data the wholesale markets, the price observatory of the Ministerio de Agricultura, Alimentación y Medio Ambiente, and Mis Peces portal, as the price is vital for good economical performance, along with a sound technical and economical-financial management.
The concept of "success rate" is new in this sector, it has developed a valid tool for studying the situation of companies within the aquaculture sector from the financial economic variables, easily accessible to the Financial Statements proceed with a reasonable degree of reliability compared to other more subjective variables.[ES] Se analiza el estado de la acuicultura española de la dorada, lubina y corvina producidas en granjas marinas en el litoral del mar Mediterráneo español, fijándose como objetivo el análisis de la situación económico-financiera de las empresas del sector para caracterizar a las empresas de éxito. Para ello se realiza un estudio durante el periodo desde el año 2002 hasta el 2011, espacio de tiempo previo a la crisis económica (2002-2007) y durante la crisis (2007-2011), para analizar la evolución de las empresas a partir de la información económica financiera extraída de sus estados contables depositados en el Registro Mercantil y que son suministrados por la Base de Datos SABI. Se examinan los ratios económico-financieros de la muestra tomada de empresas de acuicultura ubicadas en el litoral Mediterráneo que representan el 63 % (2007), de la producción de dorada, lubina y corvina en España mediante análisis estadísticos de correlación, componentes principales y clúster, que han permitido agrupar a las empresas en función de su situación económico-financiera. La combinación de los ratios económico-financieros permite definir un "Índice de Éxito" de las empresas, que ayuda a conocer la situación de cada una de ellas dentro del sector en relación al resto de empresas, evaluando a partir de variables económico financieras si la gestión realizada lleva al éxito o al fracaso y convirtiéndose así en una herramienta clave en la toma de decisiones a nivel empresarial. Los resultados indican que solo empresas con gran volumen de producción o pequeñas empresas bien gestionadas, han sido capaces de soportar el periodo de crisis económica. Asimismo, se analizan los ratios anuales de las empresas con mejores resultados en cada periodo para definir el modelo de empresa de éxito que se configura como referencia necesaria en el proceso de gestión en el sector de la acuicultura. Durante este tiempo también se estudia la evolución de los precios de venta de las diferentes especies acuícolas en España, a partir de los datos de la Red de Mercas, el Observatorio de Precios del Ministerio de Agricultura, Alimentación y Medio Ambiente, y el portal Mis Peces, pues el precio de venta es vital para obtener buenos resultados económicos, además de una buena gestión técnica y económico-financiera. El concepto del "Índice de Éxito" resulta novedoso en este sector, pues se ha desarrollado una herramienta válida para estudiar la situación de las empresas dentro del sector acuícola a partir de las variables económicas financieras, fácilmente accesibles al proceder de los Estados Contables y con un razonable grado de fiabilidad frente a otras variables más subjetivas.
[CAT] S'analitza l'estat de l'aqüicultura espanyola de l'orada, llobarro i corbina produïdes en granges marines al litoral del mar Mediterrani espanyol, establint com a objectiu l'anàlisi de la situació económica i financera de les empreses del sector per tal de caracteritzar les empreses d'èxit. Per a això, es realitza un estudi durant el període des de l'any 2002 fins al 2011, que inclou un espai de temps previ a la crisi econòmica (2002-2007) i altre durant la crisi (2007-2011), per analitzar l'evolució de les empreses a partir de la informació econòmica-financera extreta dels seus estats comptables dipositats en el Registre Mercantil, i que són subministrats per la base de dades SABI. S'examinen les ràtios econòmicofinanceres d'un conjunt d'empreses d'aqüicultura ubicades al litoral Mediterrani, que representen el 63% (2007), de la producció d'orada, llobarro i corbina a Espanya, mitjançant diferents anàlisis estadístics, com l'anàlisi de correlació, components principals i clúster, que han permès agrupar les empreses en funció de la seva situació economicofinancera. La combinació de les ràtios economicofinanceres permet definir un "Índex d'Èxit" de les empreses, que ajuda a conèixer la situació de cadascuna d'elles dins del sector en relació a la resta d'empreses, avaluant a partir de variables econòmico-financeres si la gestió realitzada duu a l'èxit o al fracàs, convertint-se així en una eina clau en la presa de decisions a nivell empresarial. Els resultats indiquen que només empreses amb gran volum de producción, o xicotetes empreses ben gestionades, han estat capaços de suportar el període de crisi econòmica. Així mateix, s'analitzen les ràtios anuals de les empreses amb millors resultats en cada període per definir el model d'empresa d'èxit, esdevenenint aquest una referència necessària en el procés de gestió en el sector de l'aqüicultura. També s'estudia l'evolució dels preus de venda de les diferents espècies aqüícoles a Espanya durant el període entre 2002 i 2011, a partir de les dades de la Red de Mercas, l'Observatori de Preus del Ministeri d'Agricultura, Alimentació i Medi Ambient i el portal Mis Peces, ja que el preu de venda és vital per obtenir bons resultats econòmics, a més de la realització d'una bona gestió tècnica i econòmicofinancera. El concepte d'"Índex d'Èxit" és nou en aquest sector, i representa una eina vàlida per estudiar la situació de les empreses dins del sector aqüícola a partir de les variables econòmico-financeres, fàcilment accessibles ja que procedeixen dels estats comptables, i amb un raonable grau de fiabilitat en comparació amb altres variables més subjectives.
Benito Alas, F. (2016). ANÁLISIS DE LA SITUACIÓN ECONÓMICA-FINANCIERA DEL SECTOR PRODUCTOR DE LA DORADA (Sparus aurata L.), LUBINA (Dicentrarchus labrax L.) Y CORVINA (Argyrosomus regius A.), EN EL LITORAL MEDITERRANEO ESPAÑOL [Tesis doctoral no publicada]. Universitat Politècnica de València. https://doi.org/10.4995/Thesis/10251/62187
TESIS
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Merhy, Rayan. "Stories, memories, recipes: Politics of bread as a catalyst for sharing in the public space." Master's thesis, 2020. https://hdl.handle.net/10216/131134.
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Merhy, Rayan. "Stories, memories, recipes: Politics of bread as a catalyst for sharing in the public space." Dissertação, 2020. https://hdl.handle.net/10216/131134.
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WARKOTSCH, Jana. "Bread, freedom, human dignity : the political economy of protest mobilization in Egypt and Tunisia." Doctoral thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/35864.
Abstract:
Defence date: 13 May 2015Examining Board: Professor Donatella della Porta, (EUI Supervisor); Professor Philippe Schmitter, European University Institute; Professor Jeff Goodwin, New York University; Professor Emma Murphy, Durham University.
The thesis analyzes the interaction between authoritarian rule, and societal mobilization by focusing on the two uprisings in Tunisia and Egypt /.../ When the Arab spring started in the marginalized interior areas of Tunisia and spread to the densely populated capital of Egypt, removing two of the longest-standing dictators in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), it left observers and scholars with many puzzles to solve. After all, this was a region studied for its sturdy resistance to pressures for democratization. Scholars who had predominantly been occupied with understanding the unusual stability of Middle Eastern autocracies suddenly found themselves in need to explain the opposite – their unexpected vulnerability in the face of popular resistance. Their theories it seemed, were ill equipped for the task. Emerging out of the democratization-focused transitions literature, authoritarianism studies had in recent years departed from asking how institutions could push along democratization, to focus instead on how even seemingly democratic institutions could provide authoritarian regimes with stability and longevity. Their analysis thus heavily leaned on understanding elite coalitions and the institutions – formal or informal – that ensured regime maintenance. When scholars tried to understand the role of political opposition forces under authoritarian rule, it was mostly in the framework of either their lack of role or their (unwilling) support of authoritarian rule. The masses over which these regimes ruled, however, only rarely put in an appearance. It does therefore not come as a surprise that authoritarianism studies should have missed the widespread grievances brewing within Middle Eastern societies.
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Zeng, Ya-Xin, and 曾雅新. "Learning to Be a Citizen of Taiwan: Chungli Bread Fifth Grade Students Case Study of Political Socialization." Thesis, 2010. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/69651571003430724091.
Abstract:
碩士國立臺灣大學
國家發展研究所
98
In this study, aims at Chungli bread elementary school children''s political socialization of the current situation, in different background factors on the impact of political socialization, in different media factors on the impact of political socialization, social programs on the impact of political socialization. This research take Jhongli City Elementary School 98 school year of a five-grade school children to study a certain class as object of study. First, the main categories of political knowledge to students, the posttest, students in the "political community" of the highest rates of correct answers, in the "political canonical" advances in the highest magnitude. To students the various categories in terms of political knowledge, in the before and after the test, the "politicians" is the highest rate of correct answers ; "political parties" and "political structure" of the correct response rate is the lowest. Second, children''s political attitudes total scale, the political attitudes of students before the test appeared "slightly positive", the political attitudes of students after the test which seems to "positive." To students in terms of political attitudes subscale, the first test, the "national identity" is the highest score, "democratic values" is the lowest score; in the post-test, the "unification vs. independence orientation" is the highest score, "political trust "is the lowest score. To "ethnic consciousness", the students "Taiwanese identity" by the progress of 80% pretest to posttest, 100%. Third, students list the total terms of political participation, political participation, the students become the first test, "slightly positive", the political participation of students after the test it appears that "positive." In terms of student political participation subscales, the first test, the "political respect" is the highest score, "political interest" is the lowest score; in the post-test, the "sense of participation in effect," is the highest score, "political interest" is still lowest score. Forth, with different background factors or media, only "maternal education", "class cadres experience", "family structure" will result in political knowledge significantly different before and after the test. In political attitudes and political participation, different backgrounds or media reasons, apart from "political preferences", the rest were not in before and after the test result in significant differences, indicating the family''s political socialization function is limited. Fifth, the social programs in political knowledge, political attitudes, political participation, in addition to "national identity", "political trust", "political concern" and "political preferences", the all cause significant differences before and after the test on behalf of social programs ( including small mayor election), the effect of power is obvious.
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Olešňaník, Tomáš. "Fiskální politika a vnější nerovnováha." Master's thesis, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-324661.
Abstract:
This thesis examines the implications of Euro on current account balances of countries using it. First, we summarize the main theoretical and empirical findings about determinants of current account deficits and possible implications of monetary union. Second, an empirical analysis of possible effects of single currency is presented. We employ time-specific fixed-effect estimator, corrected for possible endogeneity between fiscal policy stance and current account deficits. Our results do not support the hypothesis of any impact on current account balances as such, however we document positive role of single currency for gross saving and investment rates. We further examined eventual break in the relationship between fiscal and current account balances. Our regression indicates that the role of fiscal balance as determinant of current account transactions increased with introduction of single currency therefore implying less Ricardian behaviour of private sector in Eurozone. Keywords current account, monetary union, fiscal balance, shift Author's e-mail tomas.olesnanik@gmail.com Supervisor's e-mail jaromir.baxa@centrum.cz
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Santos, Gabriel Ravi de Sousa dos. "Break On Through (to the other side) of Political Connections: An exploratory Empirical Analysis of Portuguese Companies." Master's thesis, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/10362/136685.
Abstract:
Dissertation presented as the partial requirement for obtaining a Master's degree in Data Science and Advanced Analytics, specialization in Data ScienceTransparency International’s Global Corruption Barometer 2013 reveals that political parties, Parliament, the judiciary and the military are the most corrupt institutions in Portugal. Transparency International’s 2017 Corruption Perception Index ranks the country 29th place out of 180 countries. Although politicians have a great influence on company profits, there is no such research in Portugal that examines the impact of political connections on firms. This thesis tries to complete this task differently. With the information publicized on the Portuguese parliament website, databases that contain information about the public employees, and one of the Orbis Van Dijk databases about the Portuguese companies, this paper tries to evaluate the performance of these companies compared to the ones that don’t have connections. This dissertation describes the difference between companies that has government connections and compare to companies that don’t. The dissertation explains the origin of each database explains the keys to merge them, and then compares each one of them. In the end, the reader will be able to understand their behavior and how private companies with government connections have an advantage compared to the market. This thesis in among the first ones to examine the influence of political power connections in Portugal.
O Barómetro de Corrupção Global 2013 da Transparency International revela que os partidos políticos, o Parlamento, o sistema judiciário e os militares são as instituições mais corruptas em Portugal. O Índice de Percepção de Corrupção de 2017 da Transparency International classifica o país em 29º lugar entre 180 países. Embora os políticos tenham uma grande influência nos lucros das empresas, não existe em Portugal qualquer investigação que examine o impacto das ligações políticas nas empresas. Esta dissertação tenta completar essa tarefa de maneira diferente. Com a informações divulgadas no site do parlamento português com bases de dados públicas que contém informações sobre os funcionários públicos, e uma das bases de dados Orbis Van Dijk sobre as empresas portuguesas e seus respectivos desempenhos ao longo dos anos, esta tese procura avaliar o desempenho destas empresas face às que não o possuem conexões. Esta dissertação descreve a diferença entre empresas que têm ligações com o governo e compara com empresas que não têm. A dissertação explica a origem de cada banco de dados, explica as chaves para mesclá-los e, a seguir, compara cada um deles. Ao final, o leitor poderá entender seu comportamento e como empresas privadas com vínculo governamental levam vantagem em relação ao mercado.
45
Ferlaino, Beatrice. "Costellazioni di senso. Rappresentazioni del mutamento e della stabilità nel Marocco contemporaneo dei cereali." Doctoral thesis, 2022. https://hdl.handle.net/2158/1290570.
Abstract:
La tesi principale del lavoro è che ogni politica di cambiamento porta con sé un progetto di stabilità e che il rapporto tra questi due paradigmi è socialmente costruito attraverso rappresentazioni - spaziali, politiche, sociali - che costituiscono "costellazioni di senso". Questi riempiono di contenuto i termini vaghi e astratti di "cambiamento" e "stabilità" e orientano le scelte politiche concrete, le priorità e i valori degli attori sociali. Sono storicamente costruiti e guidano la comprensione comune degli elementi che formano il significato dell'azione sociale.
Questa costruzione analitica si basa sul lavoro sul campo svolto in Marocco dal 2015 (suddiviso tra tesi di laurea magistrale e ricerca di dottorato). Sulla base di interviste a testimoni privilegiati e della partecipazione a incontri ed eventi, ho esplorato il modo in cui il Plan Maroc Vert (attuale politica agricola marocchina) è stato concepito, attuato e trasformato nel tempo, nonché i suoi significati politici e sociali e le rappresentazioni su cui si basano. In particolare, ho analizzato la politica a partire dalla filiera dei cereali, dal modo in cui essa viene governata e costruita quotidianamente e dai significati che gli vengono attribuiti a livello politico e sociale. Per farlo, seguo una duplice tradizione disciplinare: la sociologia storica dei processi politici ha strutturato il mio ragionamento ponendo al centro la comprensione dei fenomeni sociali nella loro profondità storica e la costruzione di un'elaborazione intellettuale che colleghi teoria ed empiria; la geografia storica e politica ha contribuito a orientare il mio interesse per le rappresentazioni sociali e per il modo in cui esse sono radicate nella storia dei territori e influenzano i processi decisionali.
The thesis of this work is that every policy of change carries a project of stability and that the relationship between these two paradigms is socially constructed through - spatial, political, and social - representations that constitute 'constellations of meaning'. These fill the vague and abstract terms of 'change' and 'stability' with content guiding the political choices, priorities and values of social actors. These 'constellations' are historically constructed and orient the common understanding of the elements that form the meaning of social action.
This analytical construction is based on a fieldwork carried out in Morocco since 2015 (divided between master's thesis and doctoral research). Based on interviews with privileged witnesses, different kinds of meetings and events, I explored how the Plan Maroc Vert (the current Moroccan agricultural policy) was conceived, implemented and transformed over time, as well as its political and social meanings and the representations on which they are based. In particular, I have analysed the way the cereal sector is governed and constructed on a daily basis. To do so, I follow a dual disciplinary tradition: the historical sociology of political processes has structured my reasoning by focusing on the understanding of social phenomena in their historical depth and the construction of an intellectual elaboration linking theory and empiricism; the historical and political geography has helped to orient my interest in social representations and the way they are rooted in the history of territories and influence decision-making processes.
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Magnan, André. "The Canadian Wheat Board and the Creative Re-constitution of the Canada-UK Wheat Trade: Wheat and Bread in Food Regime History." Thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1807/24822.
Abstract:
This dissertation traces the historical transformation of the Canada-UK commodity chain for wheat-bread as a lens on processes of local and global change in agrofood relations. During the 1990s, the Canadian Wheat Board (Canada’s monopoly wheat seller) and Warburtons, a British bakery, pioneered an innovative identity-preserved sourcing relationship that ties contracted prairie farmers to consumers of premium bread in the UK. Emblematic of the increasing importance of quality claims, traceability, and private standards in the reorganization of agrifood supply chains, I argue that the changes of the 1990s cannot be understood outside of historical legacies giving shape to unique institutions for regulating agrofood relations on the Canadian prairies and in the UK food sector. I trace the rise, fall, and re-invention of the Canada-UK commodity chain across successive food regimes, examining the changing significance of wheat- bread, inter-state relations between Canada, the UK, and the US, and public and private forms of agrofood regulation over time. In particular, I focus on the way in which changing food regime relations transformed the CWB, understood as the nexus of institutions tying prairie farmers into global circuits of accumulation. When in the 1990s, the CWB and Warburtons responded to structural crises in their respective industries by re-inventing the Canada-UK wheat trade, the result was significant organizational and industry change. On the prairies, the CWB has shown how – contrary to expectations -- centralized marketing and quality control may help prairie farmers adapt to the demands of end-users in the emerging ‘economy of qualities’. In the UK, Warburtons has led the ‘premiumisation’ of the bread sector, traditionally defined by consumer taste for cheap bread, over the last 15 years. The significance of the shift towards quality chains in the wheat-bread sector is analyzed in light of conflicts over the proposed introduction of genetically engineered (GE) wheat to the Canadian prairies.
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Le, Roux Zacharias Petrus. "Black theology and apartheid theology : an investigation into epitheton theology." Thesis, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/17190.
Abstract:
Black theology and apartheid theology are theologies making
use of an epitheton. The use to which the epitheton is put in
these theologies is of crucial importance, that is, they are
couplet theologies being used in a subjective genitive fashion.
The question is whether the couplet becomes a theology
of/concerning the epitheton or is it used in an objective
genitive fashion.
When the epitheton is used in the objective genitive sense it
of necessity has to generate an epistemological break in order
to distinguish it from orthodox theology. This in turn necessitates a conscientisation of a contextually predicated theology The theology becomes reductive. In this way an epitheton
theology forming part of a couplet becomes attenuated and diverges from orthodox theology in the construction of its theology. This can lead to the espousal of heretical teachings.
Conclusion:
The conclusion arrived at is
the objective genitive sense,
that an epitheton theology, in
for the purpose of advancing a
particular secular base or pseudo-theological base for Christian
society, once it has gained a life of its own, will lead
to heresy unless erroneous or sinful teachings are confessed
and repented of.Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology
D. Th. (Systematic Theology)
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Schneider, Pavel. "Strategické řízení školství. Komparace vzdělávacích politik hlavních politických stran a vliv těchto politik na tvorbu strategie vzdělávání." Master's thesis, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-336592.
Abstract:
The final essay concerns itself with the issue of creating strategic material for educational development in the Czech Republic on the basis of possible consensus of the major political forces in the country. This work's goal is formulating aspects of the strategy, which could be accepted by the major political forces and is therefore possible to predict its embracement and realistic execution. Formulation of these cycles comes from a conducted comparison of the various political party programs, which received more than 1.5% of votes in the 2013 parliamentary elections. The comparison's result will be further equated with the document of the MŠMT The Main directions of the educational policy until year 2020. Based on which, problems will be formulated and through their solution, a consensus can be expected, which will therefore become the basis for future strategies of the development of Czech education. The work's results bring possibilities of utilisation, by the ongoing discussions about the strategy of education, which will be usable in the deliberations between representatives of political parties and other subjects working on the creation of the strategy. This way, it will be possible to anticipate the situation where by each change of government a major change of the education policy will...