Relevant bibliographies by topics / Bread politics

Academic literature on the topic 'Bread politics'

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Published: 15 June 2024

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Contents

  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Journal articles on the topic "Bread politics":

1

Erdener, Jasmine. "Prefigurative Politics at Bread and Puppet Theater." Cultural Politics 20, no. 1 (March 1, 2024): 92–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/17432197-10969240.

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Abstract Bread and Puppet (B&P) Theater is one of the oldest, most influential, and well-known puppet theaters both in the United States and abroad and has been at the forefront of puppetry, performance, and political protest for more than half a century. B&P also functions as a site of tension in prefigurative political theory, between creative world building and alternative decision-making structures. B&P fosters a powerful lived experience of prefigurative politics. The political process of envisioning alternative realities took place through performance, puppets, and the shifting sense of temporality in an isolated location. At the same time, B&P operates in a state of flux, at the center of a constant stream of apprentices, volunteers, and audience members. They rely on hierarchical decision-making to facilitate order, which challenges the prefigurative ideal of a democratic community. B&P models a mediated form of prefigurative politics in which a hierarchical governance structure and creative world building exist in tension with one another. The theater has worked within this tension to survive and even flourish. B&P complicates prefigurative politics in social movement theory and practice, as the hierarchy helps preserve some sense of order but conflicts with the more egalitarian vision of the world represented in their performances. B&P's intervention in prefigurative politics offers lessons to social movements and artistic practices in the contemporary resurgence of prefigurative politics.
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Eisinger, Peter. "The Politics of Bread and Circuses." Urban Affairs Review 35, no. 3 (January 2000): 316–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107808740003500302.

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Wylie, Kristin. "Taking bread off the table: race, gender, resources and political ambition in Brazil." European Journal of Politics and Gender 3, no. 1 (February 1, 2020): 121–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/251510819x15719917787141.

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Traditional gender roles, gendered political institutions and resource inequities disincentivise women’s participation in formal politics. This article analyses the Brazilian case – where women comprise 9.2 per cent of federal legislators elected since 1994 – to illustrate the centrality of resources in shaping candidate emergence. I examine how entrepreneurial elections, which incentivise intra-party competition and expensive campaigns, have sustained white men’s dominance in Brazilian political institutions and deterred white and Afro-Brazilian women’s political ambition. Using the latest data on campaign finance in Brazilian legislative elections, I explain how recent campaign finance reforms and a series of injustices provoking women’s emotive power yielded important resources catalysing the candidacies of women, especially Black women. The findings suggest that defraying campaign costs offers a potent mechanism for levelling the playing field, and remind us that women’s political ambition is shaped by their ‘relationally embedded’ risk assessment, constrained in no small part by the masculinised ethos of party politics.
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Abdul-Latif, Samshul-Amry, and Asmat-Nizam Abdul-Talib. "Boycott and racism: a loaf of bread is just a loaf of bread." Emerald Emerging Markets Case Studies 5, no. 6 (October 16, 2015): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/eemcs-09-2014-0224.

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Subject area This case study can be used for courses under marketing management, international marketing or public relations. Study level/applicability This case study may be suitable for courses which discuss decision-making and/or executive actions and execution, at both undergraduate and graduate levels. It could also be used in graduate classes as some open-ended questions are also included to illicit critical thoughts and fresh ideas. Case overview Companies can be boycotted for many reasons; for example, a company may be associated with or engage in egregious acts which trigger a consumer boycott. However, it is unusual for racial and political elements to form the basis of a consumer boycott. This paper describes how a current leader in the packaged bread market, Gardenia Bakeries Sdn Bhd (GBKL), responded to one such online campaign. This case study highlights the importance of effective communications and marketing strategies for responding to sensitive issues involving racism and politics. Expected learning outcomes Students are introduced to the concept of consumer boycotts and how this may affect a business. Students are exposed to the development of appropriate public relation strategies and explore creative methods to combat bad publicity and/or a smear campaign. Students can learn to appreciate the sensitivity of allegations of racism in a multi-ethnic country and understand how multi-ethnic consumers respond to these types of issues. Students are exposed to the effects of political and socio-demographic influences on purchase behavior in a particular market or country. Students may explore the effects of consumer activism on a company's brand image. Supplementary materials Teaching notes are available for educators only. Please contact your library to gain login details or email support@emeraldinsight.com to request teaching notes.
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KOCH, INSA. "Bread-and-butter politics: Democratic disenchantment and everyday politics on an English council estate." American Ethnologist 43, no. 2 (May 2016): 282–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/amet.12305.

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Zavershneva, Ekaterina, and René van der Veer. "Not by bread alone." History of the Human Sciences 31, no. 1 (February 2018): 36–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0952695117743408.

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On the basis of both published and unpublished manuscripts written from 1914 to 1917, this article gives an overview of Lev Vygotsky’s early ideas. It turns out that Vygotsky was very much involved in issues of Jewish culture and politics. Rather surprisingly, the young Vygotsky rejected all contemporary ideas to save the Jewish people from discrimination and persecution by creating an autonomous state in Palestine or elsewhere. Instead, until well into 1917, Vygotsky proposed the rather traditional option of strengthening the spiritual roots of the Jews by returning to the religious writings. Socialism was rejected, because it merely envisioned the compulsory redistribution of material goods and ‘man lives not by bread alone’. It was only after the October Revolution that Vygotsky switched from arguments in favour of the religious faith in the Kingship of God to the communist belief in a Radiant Future.
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MCLAUGHLIN, GREG, and STEPHEN BAKER. "The Media, the Peace Dividend and ‘Bread and Butter’ Politics." Political Quarterly 83, no. 2 (March 13, 2012): 292–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-923x.2012.02304.x.

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Martínez, José Ciro. "LEAVENED APPREHENSIONS: BREAD SUBSIDIES AND MORAL ECONOMIES IN HASHEMITE JORDAN." International Journal of Middle East Studies 50, no. 2 (May 2018): 173–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743818000016.

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AbstractThis article analyzes the microprocesses that imbue bread with meaning and the macropolitics that shape its subsidized provision. It begins by outlining bread's multiple forms of value and significance, some easily quantifiable, others not. It problematizes the predominant approach to studying moral economies before putting forth an alternative framework. Drawing on eighteen months of fieldwork in Jordan, the following empirical sections examine the different ways in which bureaucrats, bakers, and ordinary citizens portray the government's universal subsidy of Arabic bread. I unpack the diverse opinions encountered in the field and discuss their links to the Hashemite regime's polyvalent legitimating discourse. The article then dissects the politics of provisions that contribute to the bread subsidy's paradoxical persistence. It concludes by considering the relationship between moral economies, opposition politics, and authoritarian power in the context of Jordan's ongoing food subsidy debate.
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Aquino, Karl, Maja Graso, and Stefan Thau. "Not by Bread Alone: Immoderate Politics and the Roots of Suffering." Psychological Inquiry 34, no. 1 (January 2, 2023): 17–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1047840x.2023.2192643.

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Bell, John. "Something Beautiful and Powerful: Politics, Art, and Bread and Puppet Theater." PAJ: A Journal of Performance and Art 45, no. 1 (January 1, 2023): 34–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/pajj_a_00639.

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You might also be interested in the extended bibliographies on the topic 'Bread politics' for particular source types:
Journal articles Dissertations / Theses Books

Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Bread politics":

1

Martinez, Jose Ciro. "The politics of bread : state power, food subsidies and neoliberalization in Hashemite Jordan." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2018. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/277529.

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This dissertation examines the bread subsidy in the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan. It scrutinizes the socio-political conflicts that surround this policy, the spatial practices that subsume it and the ways in which it is understood and given meaning. Despite repeated attempts by international financial institutions to eliminate them, authoritarian regimes throughout the region have gone to great lengths to maintain this and similar welfare programs, even extending them during the tumult of the so-called ‘Arab Spring.’ This dissertation seeks to answer why. Through the lens of bread, I suggest a new approach to understanding state power, not as the straightforward product of a monolithic entity but as the unstable product of social practices that make the state appear to exist. Building on the work of Judith Butler and Alex Jeffrey, I call these routine actions “performing the state.” The empirical chapters, based on extensive fieldwork in Jordan, attend to how welfare provision not only reflects the state—its capacities, historical development or cultural proclivities—but performs it into being. The analysis centers on how certain institutions and actors, through their imbrication in the social, spatial and political patterns of welfare provision, work to entrench the state—as an idea, a material force and a locus of affective investment—in the lives of citizens. In attending to how the Jordanian state is constituted and reproduced through discourses, spatial practices of reach, moral economies and political rationalities, this study seeks to illuminate the iterative processes of reference that create the appearance of an autonomous structure that both citizens and scholars call the state. By understanding the state as the contingent product of routine performances, we can better examine the disproportionate importance of particular welfare programs to assembling state power and fostering authoritarian outcomes, as well as their links to key political processes and policy outcomes.
2

Garrett, Brenda. "Voicing grace, radical utopian politics in Dionne Brand's No language is neutral and Bread out of stone." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/MQ55144.pdf.

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Sagerson, Erin Jean. "Art and bread Mike Gold, proletarian art, and the rhetoric of American communism /." [Fort Worth, Tex.] : Texas Christian University, 2009. http://etd.tcu.edu/etdfiles/available/etd-05012009-115428/unrestricted/Sagerson.pdf.

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Leathers, David M. "Against the Grain: The IMF, Bread Riots, and Altered State Development in the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1200.

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Since the end of World War II, and especially over the past three decades, there has been a dramatic increase of interactions between international financial institutions (IFIs) and states. This paper will explore these interactions by examining the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan and the International Monetary Fund (IMF). This paper rests on the assumption that the complex implications of these interactions are not yet comprehensively understood and will move towards that goal by setting forth a collection of new approaches to further understand IFI-state interaction. It will discuss Jordan’s economic and political history, structural adjustment policies implemented by the IMF, and responses and consequences of such policy on economic, cultural, and political dimensions. Then, theories on sovereignty, identity, nationalism and colonialism will be applied to Jordan-IMF interaction in order to suggest new ways of understanding the implications of IFI-state interaction.
5

Jamoul, Lina. "The art of politics : broad-based organising in Britain." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.435088.

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Brink, Anna. "On the political economy of municipality break-ups." Göteborg : Dept. of Economics, School of Economics and Commercial Law [Nationalekonomiska institutionen, Handelshögsk.], Univ, 2003. http://www.handels.gu.se/epc/archive/00002724/01/Brink.full.pdf.

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VASILE, ANGELICA. "The segregation of women in politics could gender quotas break the glass ceiling?" Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/685306.

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Women’s participation in politics has increased significantly over the past 100 years. Indeed, in 1890 women did not have the right to vote anywhere in the world, while nowadays 81% of the world's countries have at least 10% of women in their Parliaments. Although women have made remarkable inroads into traditionally male occupations (and higher education), the political sphere remains an area where women still have far to go (Paxton and Hughes, 2017). In other words, politics remains an area dominated by men. In an effort to change this trend, many countries have adopted gender quotas mechanisms (reserved seats, party quotas, legislative quotas) in order to increase women’s representation (Schwindt-Bayer, 2009:5; Krook 2005; Norris 2004; Dahlerup, 2006). Generally speaking, in relation to the presence of women in politics, there is a common factor that can be found in virtually every country, i.e., gender horizontal segregation, and gender vertical segregation. Concerning horizontal segregation, defined as the over- or under-representation of a certain social group in specific occupations or sectors, which is not supported by any factual criterion (Bettio and Verashchagina, 2009; Regini, 2007), it is considered as a constant in the labour market in all Western countries (Rubery and Fagan, 1993; Anker, 1998) and it is also deeply rooted in history. As for horizontal segregation, the distribution of women and men ministers by type of portfolio indicates that men continue to hold most of the key positions, such as economics and finance, foreign and international affairs and defense. On the contrary, women continue to hold the so-called “soft” portfolios with socio-cultural functions. On the other hand, vertical segregation occurs when the opportunities for career developments within a sector are severely reduced or denied to a given group (Bettio and Verashchagina, 2009:32). As a result, vertical segregation tends to keep women out of the top positions in private and public organisations (Maron and Meulders, 2008) as well in politics (Reskin, 2000). Closure connected to the concept of vertical segregation is glass ceiling, defined as an invisible barrier which prevents women to achieve the highest positions of power. This last form of underrepresentation, that of women in electoral bodies, will be the focus of this study. The main motivation for specifically dealing with the domain of politics, in relation to the scarce presence of women, is that politics is the crucial arena, where rules are set and decisions taken that concern both genders – but actually and unfortunately without enough active participation and contribution of women. The main questions around which the present study revolves are the following: is there any means to overcome the vertical segregation of women in politics, or the glass ceiling? Are gender quotas such a means? And, at all events, do women really make a difference in the political arena? If so, to what extent and in what terms? Do we need women to be represented in the public sphere because they can take care of their own interests better than men, or because they work for the good of the entire society? Ultimately, all these questions amount to one: why should we care for women to be equally represented in the political sphere? Apart from considerations of social justice and equal rights – that have a worth in themselves, of course – can we single out any further reason that would backup the claims for equal representation? After all – although indeed history does not say this is the case – men could be capable of taking care of everybody’s interest, irrespective of his/her gender. Why do we need women in politics? Evidently, the latter question is rhetorical; but is it really so, after all? Research evidence coming from seventy countries shows that men are more oriented towards individualistic values, competitiveness, power and success in life, while women privilege universalistic and communitarian values (Schwartz and Rubel, 2005). Does this make any difference, when it comes to politics? In the Italian context, the glass ceiling in politics confines women to position of lesser power than those held by men; hence, it is worth asking whether the above-mentioned findings also hold when we get to the highest level of political representation, namely, the Italian Parliament: do women make a difference? Do more women mean a better politics for a better society? The dissertation will seek at addressing these issues by combining the vast body of knowledge on the topic of women and politics, with an approach borrowed from economics, that is, treating the Italian Parliament as if it were a corporation, and measuring the effectiveness of a condition (ie., the presence or absence of women in the Parliament) on the output of the ‘company’, namely the kind and number of bills proposed by parliamentarians in the legislatures from 2001 to 2018. Italy has been taken as a case study, since in 2008 the Democratic Party voluntarily introduced gender quotas in its statute, being the only Italian party (back then and until present days) to do so. However, the approach and methodology I propose can be easily generalized to other countries and periods, while the Italian case can be interesting per se, given the sharp resurgence of sexism and male chauvinism this country witnessed from the first Berlusconi government on, starting in 1995 (Volpato, 2013), well represented by the proudly masculine and genuinely sexist character of parties like the Lega Nord (Baroncelli, 2006; Caputo, 2012). Moving on to the specific focus of this research, there were four main aspects taken into consideration. First of all, the analysis concentrated on the effectiveness of voluntarily gender quotas adopted by the Italian Democratic Party in its electoral lists. In order to determine whether gender quotas have to an increase in the number of women elected in the Chamber of Deputies, we considered the two legislatures prior to the introduction of quotas, and the two legislatures that followed (from the XIV to the XVII legislature, from 2001 to 2018). By considering different control variables, such as age and education level, social status in connection with a deputy’s career and the geographical area of the electoral district in which she or he was elected, and by means of binomial logit regressions, the hypothesis has been confirmed. Secondly, it was important to test the hypothesis that whether an increased number of female representatives, elected mainly thanks to the quota mechanism, has led to an increased focus on issues concerning women's interests (i.e., women’s rights, violence, sexual harassment), by representatives of both genders. In other words, I wanted to test the existence of substantive representation, i.e, speaking for and acting to support women’s issues such as violence against women, sexual harassment and so on (Krook, 2007; Dalehrup, 2006) by both women and men. Indeed, several studies show that an increased number of elected women leads to greater attention to women’s issues in the policy making process (Krook and Zetterberg, 2016). The results of the second hypothesis confirm previous studies (see for example Krook, 2007; Dalehrup, 2006; Krook and Zetterberg, 2016). Thirdly, I sought to verify whether women representatives elected in the Democratic Party, more than their male colleagues, tend to propose bills in women's interest. The results show that this is indeed true, thus bringing the following question: if female elected officials better represent women's interests, as shown by the changes that have occurred after the introduction of gender quotas, then who had been representing women's interest in the past? Finally, I considered whether the women elected with the Democratic Party after the introduction of quotas have proposed more bills not only concerning women's interests, but also in other fields such as children and family, health, education, welfare policies and environment, as domains of common interest for the society as a whole. Results indicate that Democratic women deputies, elected after quotas were established, are indeed more active than their male counterparts in proposing bills in all the above-listed fields, not only in those directly connected with women's interests and rights.
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Wellhausen, Rachel L. (Rachel Louise). "When governments break contracts : foreign firms in emerging economies." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/74270.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)-Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2012.
This electronic version was submitted by the student author. The certified thesis is available in the Institute Archives and Special Collections.
Cataloged from student-submitted PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 283-292).
Emerging economy governments commit to protect the property rights of foreign firms through a variety of contracts, from treaties to direct agreements. In an era of liberalized capital flows, these contracts are thought to be self-enforcing: the fear of capital exit compels governments to honor their obligations. But extraordinary variation in contract sanctity in countries around the world suggests the inadequacy of this view. This dissertation seeks to explain the varying pressures on emerging economy governments to honor or break contracts with foreign firms. I find that foreign firms' national origins play a key role in their contract sanctity. Firms of the same nationality are more likely to share political risks thanks to a variety of institutional and historical factors specific to the home-host country relationship. Co- national firms can also uniquely access diplomatic support. Shared risks and resources make firms more likely to act in ways costly to the host government when a co-national firm's contract is broken. In contrast, firms are likely indifferent to breach with firms of another nationality. These firm-level reactions generate a counterintuitive result in the host country as a whole. The more diverse foreign firms' national origins, the more space a host government has to compromise one national group's contract sanctity without threatening broader capital access. Using quantitative analysis, I demonstrate that firms differentially draw down FDI after government breach of contract with co-national firms. I also use over 130 interviews with foreign investors in Ukraine, Moldova, and Romania to demonstrate that co-national actors' protests are stronger and more effective when the foreign investor community is less nationally diverse. The theory offered here takes seriously the bilateral relationship embedded in each foreign investment transaction. Far from having faded from relevance in a world of economic globalization, bilateral relations shape foreign firm and diplomatic responses to breach. Because host governments breach contracts with certain foreign firms and are met with indifference by others, nationality diversity can be a liability to investors while providing an opening for governments to prioritize other goals over the property and preferences of foreign capital.
by Rachel L. Wellhausen
Ph.D.
9

Wojciak-Pleyn, Piotr. "PERSIST OR FAIL: CAN THE BROAD FRONT FOR PEACE, DEMOCRACY AND SOCIAL JUSTICE SURVIVE TO BECOME A VIABLE POLITICAL PROJECT FOR THE COLOMBIAN LEFT?" Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Romanska och klassiska institutionen, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-123602.

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The Broad Front for Peace, Democracy and Social Justice is a Colombian coalition party formed by an array of left-wing social and political movements. It is characterized by an agenda consisting of increased citizen participation and the promotion of the Colombian peace process. The fledgling party has announced its plans to partake in the local elections scheduled for late 2015, with the intent of accruing support in advance of the upcoming presidential ballot. However, similar wide-ranging leftist political projects have traditionally struggled to consolidate themselves on the Colombian political scene. Thus, in order to achieve the comprehensive political and social changes it advocates, the Broad Front has to focus on long-term persistence. This study proposes a theoretical framework measuring social movement-based parties’ potential for persistence. The framework consists of three variables. Firstly, parties concerned with persistence have to be able to offer a participative linkage that existing parties fail to provide. Secondly, they have to exercise this linkage by building bottom-up party structures and maintaining horizontal and democratic internal organization. Finally, they have to develop a leadership of an ideological/charismatic nature, favoring constituency representation over electoral competition. Simultaneous adoption of all three cascading variables is likely to improve the capacity of a new social movement-based party to persist long-term. According to the analysis, the coalition party satisfies all three conditions described by the variables in the framework for persistence. Therefore, the conclusion is that the Broad Front for Peace, Democracy and Social Justice has the potential to persist as a political project.
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Bunyan, Paul. "Broad-based community organising in the UK : re-imagining politics through the prism of civil society." Thesis, Edge Hill University, 2018. http://repository.edgehill.ac.uk/10378/.

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The study examines the emergence of broad-based community organising in the UK and how it informs understanding of civil society and its capacity to effect social and political change. The thesis can be stated simply as follows: Broad-based community organising represents a new and distinct form of civil society-driven politics in the UK, building the power of civil society organisations to more effectively engage in public life to effect social and political change. Deserving of special attention, it is argued, are those civil society organisations which develop sufficient power and legitimacy to act politically in the public sphere, both in contesting and holding the state and market to account and in pushing the boundaries of civility and social justice. Employing a critical social theory paradigm, broad-based community organising is understood as a distinctive political methodology, ontologically rooted in civil society and epistemologically based upon the central concept of power. The body of work provides a coherent, original and significant contribution to knowledge of broad-based community organising within the context of the UK and to broader questions about the nature of civil society and its role in effecting social and political change.
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Books on the topic "Bread politics":

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Zuern, Theodore F. Bread & freedom. Chamberlain, S.D: St. Joseph's Indian School, 1991.

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Davies, Sonja. Bread and roses: Her story. 2nd ed. Masterton, N.Z: D. Bateman in association with Fraser Books, 1993.

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Brand, Dionne. Bread Out of Stone: Sex, Recognitions, Race, Dreaming, Politics. Toronto: Coach House Press, 1994.

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Saine, Thomas P. Black bread--white bread: German intellectuals and the French Revolution. Columbia, SC, USA: Camden House, 1988.

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Gerschenkron, Alexander. Bread and democracy in Germany. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1989.

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Brand, Dionne. Bread Out of Stone: Recollections, Sex, Recognitions, Race, Dreaming, Politics. Toronto, ON: Coach House Press, 1995.

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Brand, Dionne. Bread Out of Stone: Recollections, Sex, Recognitions, Race, Dreaming, Politics. Toronto: Vintage Canada, 1998.

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Brand, Dionne. Bread Out of Stone: Recollections, Sex, Recognitions, Race, Dreaming, Politics. Toronto, Ont.: Coach House Press, 1994.

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Kathrada, A. M. No bread for Mandela: Memoirs of Ahmed Kathrada. New Delhi: National Book Trust, India, 2008.

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Green, Susan. Bread & puppet: Stories of struggle & faith from Central America. Burlington, Vt: Green Valley Film and Art, 1985.

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Book chapters on the topic "Bread politics":

1

Martínez, José Ciro. "Bread and its subsidy." In Routledge Handbook of Middle East Politics, 456–68. New York : Routledge, 2020.: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315170688-36.

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Seddon, David. "Politics and the Price of Bread in Tunisia." In Food, States, and Peasants, 201–23. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429035623-11.

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París, Álvaro. "King, War and Bread: Popular Royalism in Southern Europe (1789–1830)." In Royalism, War and Popular Politics in the Age of Revolutions, 1780s-1870s, 61–87. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-29511-9_4.

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Spiekermann, Uwe. "Brown Bread for Victory: German and British Wholemeal Politics in the Inter-War Period." In Food and Conflict in Europe in the Age of the Two World Wars, 143–71. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230597495_7.

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Ackah, Ishmael, and Denis M. Gyeyir. "Saving Today’s Bread for Tomorrow’s Consumption? The Politics of Trade-offs in the Governance of Ghana’s Petroleum Funds." In The Political Economy of Natural Resource Funds, 117–45. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-78251-1_6.

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Dunn, David J. "The Ontological Break." In From Power Politics to Conflict Resolution, 95–114. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230536708_6.

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Pyman, Mark, and Paul M. Heywood. "Remediation: Broad Framing." In Political Corruption and Governance, 65–82. Cham: Springer Nature Switzerland, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-59336-9_6.

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AbstractThis chapter introduces the concept of remediation, which entails choosing the strategies to get things done and have a practical effect. It explores how to identify the way that political context and judgement influence sequencing of changes and provides an introduction to a range of broad framing options.
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Weiler, Joseph H. H. "Not on Bread Alone Doth Man Liveth (Deut. 8:3; Mat 4:4): Some Iconoclastic Views on Populism, Democracy, the Rule of Law and the Polish Circumstance." In Defending Checks and Balances in EU Member States, 3–13. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-662-62317-6_1.

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AbstractPolarization in today’s politics, pre- and post COVID, transcends nations, states regions and continents. It’s a feature of politics which, in and on itself, when played to extremes by demonizing one’s opponents, it threatens democracy itself—since it frays the demos some cohesion of which is necessary for the legitimacy of majoritarianism, one of the pillars of national democracies. Its lexical manifestation is to be found with expressions such as ‘traitors’ or ‘not real’ Americans, Italians, Israelis—take your pick and fill in the gap.It has, lamentably in my view, a spillover effect also into the academic world of scholarship. A word of criticism of, say, the European Court of Justice instantly brands you a ‘Eurosceptic’ and one of ‘them’. To speak of Universal Values, casts you as an enemy of this or that national cause. This is not to say, not at all, that one cannot bring to one’s scholarship a fully engaged normative and ethical commitment, especially in the field of law which has, or should have, at its roots a commitment to justice. But it militates against careful listening, complex reasoning and understanding and more fine grained normative judgments. Justice is oftentimes not black and white.It is particularly so when it comes to dealing with the phenomenon of Populism which has moved from the fringe to the center of politics. Trying to understand Populism is not akin to justifying it.
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Tilly, Charles. "Does Modernization Breed Revolution?" In Collective Violence, Contentious Politics, and Social Change, 55–70. New York, NY: Routledge, 2017.: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315205021-4.

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Johnson, R. W. "Tom Nairn and the Break-up of Britain." In The Politics of Recession, 117–22. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1985. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-17722-6_19.

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Conference papers on the topic "Bread politics":

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Jedani, Tony. "Case Study on the Role of Socio-Technical Influences on the Implementation and Success of Nuclear Power in France." In 12th International Conference on Nuclear Engineering. ASMEDC, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icone12-49016.

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To fully understand a technological development one must appreciate social, political and economic factors in addition to the technological components (Hughes, 1991). The systems perspective, asserted by Hughes, implies that technologies cannot be understood in isolation, but only in their contexts, especially in their systemic contexts. This theory is illustrated through an examination of France’s implementation of its nuclear power program in the early 1970’s. Nuclear power provided France with the opportunity to achieve energy independence and, as a result, political control over its energy supply. The scope of this case study is limited to consideration of the socio-technical influences on the rise of nuclear power in France and includes an examination of the technical aspects of the innovation. In considering the socio-technical system encompassing France’s adoption of nuclear power, this case study will contemplate: how France was able to persuade its people to accept nuclear power; what it is about French culture and politics that allowed them to succeed where most other countries have failed; the break throughs that led to the broad commercialisation of nuclear power in France in the 1970’s; and how France achieved its status as one of the world’s top producers of nuclear energy. The time period during which this study is based is limited to the early 1970’s, when France was reliant upon external energy supplies, up until the present day, where nuclear power has become France’s main source of energy, thus contributing to France’s autonomy in terms of its energy supply. This study will not address the issue of nuclear waste or the nuclear power safety debate which is also beyond the scope of this study.
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"Analysis of the Practical Teaching Mode of Ideological and Political Courses in Colleges and Universities from the Perspective of "Broad Ideology and Politics"." In 2019 International Conference on Arts, Management, Education and Innovation. Clausius Scientific Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.23977/icamei.2019.224.

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Meng, Yanqiao. "Reform and Practice of Education for Ideological and Political Lesson in Vocational Colleges under the Pattern of 'Broad Ideological and Politic." In 2014 International Conference on Education Technology and Social Science. Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icetss-14.2014.36.

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Sorocean, Inga. "The writer and the power: Strategies of identity construction in the volume of documentary prose "Me and the world" by Alexei Marinat." In Conferință științifică internațională "FILOLOGIA MODERNĂ: REALIZĂRI ŞI PERSPECTIVE ÎN CONTEXT EUROPEAN". “Bogdan Petriceicu-Hasdeu” Institute of Romanian Philology, Republic of Moldova, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.52505/filomod.2023.17.04.

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The author proposes to approach the identity of the character in the volume Me and the world by Alexei Marinat from the perspective of the construction and reconstruction of the self in relation to the totalitarian Power by bringing into discussion a potential crisis generated by the conflict between the identity imposed by the political Power and one’s own values. The relationship between the diary character, implicitly the one from the documentary prose fragments ‒ narratives that identify with A. Marinat, articulating the trajectory of the writer’s human and literary destiny, and totalitarian Power, the reactions of the budding writer to the identity project imposed by the system ‒ will be analysed to underline the consequences of political pressure on the character’s moral profile. Thus, the study offers a broad perspective on the meaning of Power, seen on the one hand as "a diabolical force" and on the other hand as a "necessary evil" that involuntarily strengthens the identity of the individual, representing a case of resistance to the politics in which the power undoubtedly belongs to the writer A. Marinat.
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Noordin, Nazni, Mohd Zool Hilmie Mohamed Sawal, Syazliyati Ibrahim, Zaliha Hj Hussin, Zaherawati Zakaria, and Jennifah Nordin. "Malaysian young voters voices: Make or break political development?" In 2010 International Conference on Science and Social Research (CSSR). IEEE, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/cssr.2010.5773813.

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Jenzer, H., H. Jenzer, P. Maag, and S. Groesser. "2SPD-048 Political report—options to break through medicine shortages." In 25th Anniversary EAHP Congress, Hospital Pharmacy 5.0 – the future of patient care, 23–28 March 2021. British Medical Journal Publishing Group, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/ejhpharm-2021-eahpconf.31.

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Abderrahmane, Research ABDI. "FEATURES OF LEGITIMATE POLITICS IN BUILDING THE CONTEMPORARY STATE." In I. International Century Congress for Social Sciences. Rimar Academy, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/soci.con1-22.

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This research seeks to study Sharia politics in its broad sense, its features and principles, to build the state in order to facilitate the life of human society, reform it, and achieve its immediate and future interests. This can only be achieved by managing the affairs of the state, which must have three conditions and pillars: the people, the territory, and the authority. We establish a harmonious society based on the principles of justice, freedom, and consultation. The Prophet, may God bless him and grant him peace, relied in his policy for the people while building the Islamic state on these landmarks and principles, and after him the Rightly Guided Caliphs, and therefore the state must preserve these landmarks and principles so that it can manage and manage public affairs. In a way that ensures achieving interests and eliminating harms, within what does not exceed the limits of Sharia law and its universal principles
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Dufour, Sebastien, and Rajesh D. Sharma. "How Digitization Lowers Oil & Gas Industry Break Even Cost." In SPE Middle East Oil & Gas Show and Conference. SPE, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2118/204753-ms.

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The Oil&Gas industry has experienced three price crises over the past twelve years. Swings in the key variables of politics, economy and technology affect supply and demand dynamics and consequently oil prices. The rise of unconventional sources brought the industry into a recurrent surplus of supply, putting pressure on prices and the combination of a supply shock, shortage of storage and an unprecedent demand drop brought prices to a 30-years low in April 2020. Although volatile oil prices make it challenging for oil companies to manage their markets, the silver lining in low oil prices is that it forced the industry to focus on rendering their internal operations more efficient. O&G producers cut their costs dramatically to remain profitable. The industry embarked on an optimization path and consequently accelerated the adoption of digital transformation. The COVID-19 crisis along with increasing societal pressure has only been a catalyzer to this digital transformation, unlocking significant operational improvements and reducing carbon emissions. According to the latest Rystad Energy analysis average breakeven price dropped 35% between 2014 and 2018, and an additional 10% over the last 2 years, to a $50 breakeven price per barrel.
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Eryücel, Ertuğrul. "A Comparative Analysis on Policy Making in Western Countries and Turkey in the Context of Eugenics." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c08.01847.

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The word eugenics was coined in 1883 by the English scientist Francis Galton, who took the word from a Greek root meaning “good in birth” or “noble in heredity”. Eugenics aimed to assist states in implementing negative or positive policies which would improve the quality of the national breed. The intensive applications of eugenic policies coincide between two World Wars. İn the decades between 1905 and 1945, eugenics politics implemented in more than thirty countries. The method of this study is based on a literature survey on the sources of the eugenic subject. The sources of the data are documents such as books, articles, journals, theses, projects, research reports about the politics and legal regulations of the countries on the family, population, sport, health and body. This study comparatively examines eugenic policy-making in Turkey and in Western countries: Britain, United States, France, Germany (1905-1945). This study aims to discuss the relation of eugenic politics in countries with nation building process, ethnic nationalism, and racism. This is a basic claim that the eugenic practices in Turkey contain more positive measures and that there is no racial-ethnic content of eugenics in Turkey.
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Popović, Gabrijela, Miodrag Brzaković, Darjan Karabašević, Srđan Novaković, and Pavle Brzaković. "Multiple-Criteria Approach for Serbian Tourism Products Assessment." In Seventh International Scientific-Business Conference LIMEN Leadership, Innovation, Management and Economics: Integrated Politics of Research. Association of Economists and Managers of the Balkans, Belgrade, Serbia, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31410/limen.2021.313.

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The main intention of this paper is to emphasize the crucial tour­ism products that will contribute to the tourism development of the Repub­lic of Serbia. With that aim, the Multiple-Criteria Decision-Making – MCDM approach is proposed based on the PIvot Pairwise RElative Criteria Impor­tance Assessment – PIPRECIA and the Simple Weighted Sum Product – WISP methods. PIPRECIA method is applied for defining the criteria weights, while the WISP method is used for ranking the considered tourism products. The final results are reliable and the tourism product City break is emphasized as the one with the greatest potential.

Reports on the topic "Bread politics":

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Vilela, Ines, Pedro C. Vicente, Alexander Coutts, and Alex Armand. Does Information Break the Political Resource Curse? Experimental Evidence from Mozambique. The IFS, January 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1920/wp.ifs.2019.0119.

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Khan, Mahreen. The Role of Clans in Moldova in Politics and Economics. Institute of Development Studies, May 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.116.

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Moldova’s politics, economy, justice system and media are increasingly dominated by a powerful group of elites, led by oligarchs - a new breed of businessmen-politicians who have emerged in the past decade - controlling strategic sectors of the economy and finance, hijacking the political system, taming the judiciary and acquiring monopolistic control of mass media, to promote and protect their vast business empires. Alongside traditional clan, kinship and patronage networks these elites exert influence through informal politics , shaping Moldova’s politics and economy, often hindering reforms for democratisation, rule of law, meritocracy and transparency. This helpdesk report looks at the nature and role of clans in Moldova in the country’s politics and economy. This literature review utilises academic as well as grey sources, research papers, media and blogs published mainly in the past ten years. The sources reveal a paucity of Moldova centric material, especially on the sub-issue of clans, but much more literature is available on the role of informal politics and state capture by elites, especially oligarchs, in Moldova. The evidence found did not address gender and disability issues.
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Egeresi, Zoltán. Movement for Rights and Freedom: Bulgaria’s Turkish minority party. Külügyi és Külgazdasági Intézet, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.47683/kkielemzesek.ke-2021.68.

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This paper describes the political trajectory of the Movement for Rights and Freedom (MRF) in Bulgaria. It outlines the history of the Turkish minority in Bulgaria, as well as the social background enabling the emergence of the party. The paper also describes the political history of the party during the last thirty years and highlights its role in Bulgarian politics. It is argued that the MRF has built a solid electoral base by relying not only on the Turks living in Bulgaria but also on the Turks who live in Turkey but have a Bulgarian citizenship. Despite several attempts to break its political hegemony over the Turkish electorate, the party has managed to keep its primacy and resist any kind of counter-hegemonic attempts.
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Adleh, Fadi, and Diane Duclos. Key Considerations: Supporting ‘Wheat-to-Bread’ Systems in Fragmented Syria. SSHAP, July 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/sshap.2022.027.

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Since the end of 2021, the food crisis in Syria has worsened. Humanitarian agencies working in Syria, as well as other experts, have warned the food crisis could rapidly lead to famine unless immediately addressed. This brief describes the social and political dimensions of food insecurity in Syria. It provides insights into how territorial fragmentation affects wheat-to-bread systems, outlines key threats to wheat production, and sets out key considerations for the humanitarian sector, researchers, and donors responding to the crisis. Sources for this brief include published papers, reports, media articles, and open-source datasets. It also draws on consultations with farmers and other experts that were conducted in November and December 2021. Consultations were held across the three main areas of control in Syria: North East Syria, North West Syria, and territories controlled by the government of Syria. This briefing was written by Fadi Adleh (independent researcher) and Diane Duclos (London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine) for the Social Science in Humanitarian Action Platform (SSHAP). It was reviewed externally by Edward Thomas (Rift Valley Institute) and support for field assessments was provided by Ali Ahmad (agronomist). The briefing was edited by Victoria Haldane and Leslie Jones (Anthrologica) and internally reviewed by Santiago Ripoll, Melissa Parker, and Annie Wilkinson. The brief is the responsibility of SSHAP.
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Armand, Alex, Ana Isabel Costa, Alexander Coutts, Pedro Vicente, and Ines Vilela. Using information to break the political resource curse in natural gas management in Mozambique. International Initiative for Impact Evaluation (3ie), March 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.23846/tw8ie93.

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Moraes, Juan Andrés, Carlos Fernández, Constanza Moreira, Fernando Filgueira, and Carlos Filgueira. Political Environments, Sector-Specific Configurations, and Strategic Devices: Understanding Institutional Reform in Uruguay. Inter-American Development Bank, March 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0011291.

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This paper argues for a multi-level explanatory model for understanding institutional reform. Using the case of Uruguay, the authors seek to show how a changed political environment combined with sector- specific configurations and political strategies of reformist leaders allowed for successful institutional reform. More specifically, the authors present that the dynamics of electoral politics and political learning are the clues that explain how the dynamics of cooperation and conflict in the political system in Uruguay moved from free rider behavior, to opposition restraint and finally to cooperative reformism thus enabling institutional reform. Furthermore, for the three cases of reform, technical accumulation and precise diagnosis, the power of administrative and beneficiaries corporations, the perception of the population regarding the quality of services and benefits, and the effects of the institutional diseases on the country as a whole appear as critical factors accounting for the intensity of the reformist impulse. Finally, the authors show how changes in the broad political environment were capitalized in social security and education and not in health and why.
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Moraes, Juan Andrés, Daniel Chasquetti, and Mario Bergara. The Political Economy of the Budgetary Process in Uruguay. Inter-American Development Bank, September 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0008732.

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This paper explores the extent to which Uruguayan institutions (as interbranch relations, electoral rules, budgetary rules, etc.) and political actors (parties, factions, interest groups and bureaucrats) involved in the budgetary process affect the fiscal performance of governments in terms of sustainability, efficiency and representativeness. Since the early nineties and the beginning of the structural adjustment and the economic reforms of the Washington Consensus, Uruguay has been strongly committed to implement a restrictive fiscal policy. However, unlike most Latin American countries, Uruguay has been able to sustain a relatively large public sector and particularly the largest welfare state in the region. To a large extent, this particular combination is the result of a Uruguay's particular democracy where the budget law has become the most important piece of legislation for all incumbent governments and relevant political actors. The paper includes a description of the broad policy making process and the set of actors and institutions characterizing the Uruguayan political system; a description of the budgetary policy making process; a set of hypotheses dealing with the level of Sustainability, Efficiency and Representativeness of the fiscal policy.
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Molinas, José R., Sebastián Saiegh, Marcela Montero, and Aníbal Pérez-Liñán. Political Institutions, Policymaking Processes and Policy Outcomes in Paraguay, 1954-2003. Inter-American Development Bank, April 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0011293.

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This paper characterizes the evolution of Paraguay's policymaking process (PMP) between 1954 and 2003. The authors present an overview of the PMP under the rule of Alfredo Stroessner (1954-89) and explore the institutional setting emerging after 1989. In addition, they discuss how the Colorado Party progressively broke up into several factions and characterize the distinctive patterns of policymaking that emerged after the adoption of the 1992 Constitution. The authors hypothesize that the presence of a large number of veto players has made policy change more difficult and that legislators are inclined to pursue particularistic policies. In order to test those hypotheses, they rely on a database containing virtually every bill introduced in Congress since April 1992. The conclusions suggest that the current Paraguayan PMP may be flexible for the provision of particularistic benefits but is rigid for the approval of broad regulatory or redistributive policies.
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Levy, Brian. How ‘Soft Governance’ Can Help Improve Learning Outcomes. Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE), February 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-rise-ri_2023/053.

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On the surface, global gains in educating children have been remarkable. Access has expanded enormously. So, too, has knowledge about ‘best practices’—both education-sector-specific knowledge about how students learn and successful teachers teach, and knowledge about ‘best practice’ arrangements for governing education systems. Yet the combination of access and knowledge has not translated into broad-based gains in learning outcomes. Why? In seeking to address this question, a useful point of departure is the 2018 Learning World Development Report’s distinction between proximate and underlying causes of learning shortfalls. Proximate causes include the skills and motivations of teachers, the quality of school management, the available of other inputs used in schools, and the extent to which learners come to school prepared to learn. Underlying these are the governance arrangements through which these inputs are deployed. Specialist knowledge on the proximate drivers of learning outcomes can straightforwardly be applied in countries where governance works well. However, in countries where the broader governance context is less supportive, specialist sector-specific interventions to support learning are less likely to add value. In these messy governance contexts, knowledge about the governance and political drivers of policymaking and implementation can be an important complement to sector-specific expertise. To help uncover new ways of improving learning outcomes (including in messy governance contexts), the Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE) Programme has championed a broad-ranging, interdisciplinary agenda of research. RISE was organised around a variety of thematic and country-focused research teams that probed both proximate and underlying determinants of learning. As part of the RISE work programme, a political economy team commissioned studies on the politics of education policy adoption (the PET-A studies) for twelve countries (Chile, Egypt, Ethiopia, India, Indonesia, Kenya, Nigeria, Pakistan, Peru, South Africa, Tanzania and Vietnam). A December 2022 RISE synthesis of the individual country studies1 laid out and applied a framework for systematically assessing how political and institutional context influences learning outcomes—and used the results to suggest some ‘good fit’ soft governance entry points for improving learning outcomes across a variety of different contexts. This insight note elaborates on the synthesis paper’s argument and its practical implications.
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DeMetri, Olga, Samuel Moreno, and Gerardo Funes. Executive Summary: Seizing the Market Opportunity of the Growing Latino and Caribbean Community in the United States. Inter-American Development Bank, November 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0005247.

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This is the executive summary of a study that explores the significant impact of the rapidly growing Latino and Caribbean community in the U.S., accounting for nearly 20% of the population. This community contributed $2.7 trillion to the U.S. economy in 2019 alone. It also plays a pivotal role in enhancing U.S. trade and investment ties with Latin America and the Caribbean. Case studies from key U.S. cities highlight the community's broad influence, from economics to culture and politics. Overall, this demographic growth presents abundant opportunities for both domestic and international collaborations across sectors.

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