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Journal articles on the topic 'Brazilian politics'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 15 February 2022

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1

McAllister, Mary Louise. "Brazilian Politics." Canadian Journal of Political Science 40, no. 3 (September 2007): 793–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423907070989.

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Brazilian Politics, Alfred P. Montero, Cambridge: Polity Press, 2005, pp. 167.Brazil is a country of contrasts. This is one of the first, and most ubiquitous, phrases that one encounters with respect to this intriguing country. Visitors to Brazil soon echo this sentiment as they note its cultural sophistication in the arts, technological expertise in a number of industries, its vast, diverse territory, as well as its extreme economic and social disparity. It is the ninth-largest economy in the world, yet it is also one of the most inequitable; the top 1 per cent of the population retains 40 per cent of the country's wealth (5). It is fitting then that this reality provides the integrative theme in Alfred Montero's primer on Brazilian politics. The topic is first introduced with an effective depiction of Brazilian president “Lula” da Silva as he struggles to bridge competing social and economic imperatives when he attends the World Social Forum held at Porto Alegre, Brazil, and the World Economic Forum at Davos, Switzerland. The text concludes with an observation that the president's adoption of a pragmatic agenda in order to secure economic growth through global markets will not adequately satisfy the desperate and immediate need for social reform where millions suffer and comparatively few prosper. Montero asserts that the root of this misery can be traced to the state's historic pattern of clientelistic politics, oligarchical rule and bureaucratic-authoritarianism (25).

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2

Johnson, Ollie. "Abdias Nascimento and Brazilian Politics." Journal of Black Studies 52, no. 6 (April 19, 2021): 627–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00219347211010293.

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The 2016 impeachment of Brazilian President Dilma Rousseff and the decisions by new President Temer require us to focus on the life and work of Abdias Nascimento. Temer’s actions remind us that the recent efforts of Brazilian governments to be more racially inclusive and egalitarian have not been consolidated and that policies such as affirmative action, the teaching of Afro-Brazilian history and culture, and racial quotas in the public sector are at risk. Nascimento dedicated his life to fighting against White racism in Brazil and promoting government policies to improve social, economic, and political opportunities for Afro-Brazilians. He witnessed and experienced racial discrimination in his own life and observed various responses to it. Nascimento decided that he would denounce it, fight against it, organize Afro-Brazilians to empower themselves, and campaign for a racially inclusive, democratic, and prosperous country. He lived to see the early implementation of some of his policies. Nonetheless, he recognized that 500 years of White racism would not be defeated easily.

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3

Dayrell, Carmen, and John Urry. "Mediating climate politics." European Journal of Social Theory 18, no. 3 (April 22, 2015): 257–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1368431015579962.

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This article examines the centrality of Brazil within the future of climate policy and politics. The state of the carbon sink of the Amazon rainforest has long been an iconic marker of the condition of the Earth. Brazil has been innovative in developing many non-carbon forms of energy generation and use and it has played a major role in international debates on global warming since the Rio Earth Summit in 1992. We examine various ways in which climate change has come to be centrally important in Brazilian public opinion. Survey evidence shows that Brazilians are the most concerned about issues of climate change – with less climate change scepticism as compared with more ‘advanced’ societies. Through using techniques of corpus linguistics we examine how Brazilian media has engendered and stabilized such a high and striking level of climate change concern. We show that the media helped to fix a ‘climate change framing’ of recent often strange weather. The article analyses the newly constructed Brazilian Corpus on Climate Change, presenting data on a scale and reach that is unique in this area of research.

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4

Baquero, Marcello, Sonia Ranincheski, and Henrique Carlos De O. De Castro. "The political formation of Brazil and the process of the inertial democracy." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 4 (December 28, 2016): 40–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2016-4-40-57.

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The article aims to study some important features of the Brazilian political culture. The article focuses on the concept of the “inertial democracy” elaborated by one of its authors, Marcello Baquero. With the purpose to discover the reasons of the disappointment of the Brazilians towards the politics the authors analyze the most signiﬁcant points of the Brazilian political formation and give their conclusions.

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5

Fearnside, P. M. "Brazilian politics threaten environmental policies." Science 353, no. 6301 (August 18, 2016): 746–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.aag0254.

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6

Maxwell, Kenneth, Henrik Kraay, B. J. Barickman, Pierre Verger, and Kim D. Butler. "Afro-Brazilian Culture and Politics." Foreign Affairs 77, no. 6 (1998): 159. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20049173.

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7

Lima, Flavia Danielle Santiago. "PROTECTING POLITICAL RIGHTS OR INTERFERING IN THE POLITICAL ARENA?" HUMANITIES AND RIGHTS GLOBAL NETWORK JOURNAL 2, no. 2 (December 31, 2020): 164–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.24861/2675-1038.v2i2.24.

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The interactions between legal and political system has been strengthened in recent years, especially through judicial review, with the transference to Courts of themes that define and divide a political system. In brazilian case, in the absence of legislative deliberation some of these discussions are forwarded Brazilian courts, who gave controversial decisions about “mega politics”. So, the research´s question “” is the Brazilian Federal Supreme Court (re) building electoral legislation, as a manifestation of judicial activism, interfering in mega politics?The study starts from a theoretical approach, with the deductive method, combined with a qualitative case analysis about courts´s decisions regarding party loyalty, coalition verticalizations, threshold clauses and the rights of legislative minorities, and political donations. Therefore, the research is supported by a bibliographical and documentary survey. Based on the methodological approach of Judicial Politcs, the legal protection of fundamental political rights and the structure of the Brazilian strong judicial system are described (Normative Theory), and evaluated the motivations of legal decisions, taking into account judicialization as exercise of a political activity (Positive Theory).

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8

Pagano, A. "Afro-Brazilian Religions and Ethnic Identity Politics in the Brazilian Public Health Arena." Health, Culture and Society 3, no. 1 (August 14, 2012): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/hcs.2012.92.

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In this article, I examine the ways in which health activists from Afro-Brazilian religions deploy ethnic identity politics within the Brazilian public health arena to gain recognition and respect for their beliefs and practices, as well as public health goods for their communities. I also discuss the creation and enactment of “culturally competent” healthcare initiatives for members of Afro-Brazilian religions. Finally, I examine the tension between universal particular identity frames that emerges within the political discourses of health activists from Afro-Brazilian religions. Throughout, I place this case study in dialogue with similar scholarship on minority health politics and cultural competence initiatives in other parts of the world.

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9

FERREIRA, IVAN VILELA, and INGRID DITTRICH WIGGERS. "BRAZILIAN KEY–THINKERS ON EDUCATION." Society Register 2, no. 2 (December 30, 2018): 107–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/sr.2018.2.2.06.

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It is almost a consensus among the Brazilians that, in order to solve the social issues, the education must be improved. Thus, the present study aimed to analyze the Brazilian key-thinkers on education. Rui Barbosa, Fernando de Azevedo, Anísio Teixeira, Cecília Meireles, and Paulo Freire were selected because they worked to develop some aspects of education: politics, educational system, philosophy of education, childhood education and pedagogical methods. These intellectuals fought against powerful societal forces, but they did not give up on transforming the Brazilian education, and, consequently, the Brazilian society. Therefore, they were selected to represent the Brazilian key-thinkers on education.

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10

Schneider, Aaron. "The Politics of Brazilian Development Strategy." Latin American Perspectives 30, no. 4 (July 2003): 92–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x03030004008.

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11

Porto, Mauro Pereira. "Realism and Politics in Brazilian Telenovelas." Media International Australia 106, no. 1 (February 2003): 35–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0310600105.

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Telenovelas have been central to the constitution and development of Latin American cultures, becoming the most popular genre of television broadcasting. In the Brazilian case, the melodramatic serials soon became the basis for the commercial success of TV Globo, the dominant network. The prime-time telenovelas of TV Globo are currently watched in almost 50 per cent of the dwellings with TV sets every night. This paper argues that this popularity is specific to the Brazilian industry. The realism and treatment of political issues in the genre is traced to the role of scriptwriters.

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12

Mitchell, Gladys. "Campaign Strategies of Afro-Brazilian Politicians: A Preliminary Analysis." Latin American Politics and Society 51, no. 03 (2009): 111–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2009.00058.x.

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Abstract Racial politics in Brazil have changed dramatically: the nation-state that once denied racism now enacts racial policies for Afro-Brazilians. The discourse of race has also changed: it is now common for the media to discuss Afro-Brazilians as a voting bloc. Using qualitative methods, this article tests the hypothesis that Afro-Brazilian politicians seek a racial vote from the Afro-Brazilian electorate. Analyzing campaign advertisements from select candidates in Salvador and São Paulo, this study finds that most Afro-Brazilian politicians use racial cues, and interviews show that most Afro-Brazilian politicians address racial issues during their campaigns. Not all of them seek racial votes, however: at the federal level, Afro-Brazilian politicians believe that this strategy would not get them elected. Many use campaigns nevertheless to raise racial consciousness among the electorate.

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13

Meznar, Joan E. "The Brazilian Republic: An Overview." Americas 48, no. 2 (October 1991): 273–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1006827.

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Brazil came late to republican government. By 1889 Brazilians had witnessed almost a century of tumultuous politics in neighboring republics. The aspirations of the 1817 and 1824 separatists had been transformed as order and progress, the positivist creed, chased away the specter of social reform. In some ways Brazil itself had changed profoundly during the empire; yet in others it remained deeply rooted to its colonial past. The tension between tradition and change, between old alliances and new possibilities, highlighted the proclamation and consolidation of Brazil's republic. Political transition provided opportunity for widely differing groups to seek preeminence. The myth of a uniquely Brazilian peaceful transition to republicanism is shattered as we witness the power struggles that began on November 15, 1889. But one hundred years later it is the image of lost opportunity, the failure to seize the moment created by abolition, the absence of the povo from the process, that impresses those who experience another transition in Brazilian republican history.

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14

Wylie, Kristin. "Taking bread off the table: race, gender, resources and political ambition in Brazil." European Journal of Politics and Gender 3, no. 1 (February 1, 2020): 121–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/251510819x15719917787141.

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Traditional gender roles, gendered political institutions and resource inequities disincentivise women’s participation in formal politics. This article analyses the Brazilian case – where women comprise 9.2 per cent of federal legislators elected since 1994 – to illustrate the centrality of resources in shaping candidate emergence. I examine how entrepreneurial elections, which incentivise intra-party competition and expensive campaigns, have sustained white men’s dominance in Brazilian political institutions and deterred white and Afro-Brazilian women’s political ambition. Using the latest data on campaign finance in Brazilian legislative elections, I explain how recent campaign finance reforms and a series of injustices provoking women’s emotive power yielded important resources catalysing the candidacies of women, especially Black women. The findings suggest that defraying campaign costs offers a potent mechanism for levelling the playing field, and remind us that women’s political ambition is shaped by their ‘relationally embedded’ risk assessment, constrained in no small part by the masculinised ethos of party politics.

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15

Norden, Deborah L. "Brazilian Party Politics and the Coup of 1964. By Ollie Andrew Johnson III. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2001. 176p. $55.00 cloth." American Political Science Review 96, no. 3 (September 2002): 663–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000305540276036x.

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In 1964, Brazil embarked on one of Latin America's longest experiments in modern military authoritarianism. Ollie Johnson's Brazilian Party Politics seeks to understand one of the important antecedents to the coup by looking at the political party system during the 1945–64 period. While the book does not succeed in demonstrating a strong causal connection between party politics and the coup, it does provide a very interesting new perspective on party politics and realignment, looking beyond the more immediate electoral indicators of the Brazilian party system.

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16

Bueno, Eva Paulino. "Brazilian Naturalism and the Politics of Origin." MLN 107, no. 2 (March 1992): 363. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2904744.

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17

Chilcote, Ronald H. "Book Review: Brazilian Politics Above and Below." Latin American Perspectives 33, no. 3 (May 2006): 111–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x06287339.

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18

Rajagopalan, Kanavillil. "Emotion and Language Politics: The Brazilian Case." Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development 25, no. 2-3 (June 2004): 105–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01434630408666524.

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19

Freston, Paul. "The protestant eruption into modern Brazilian politics." Journal of Contemporary Religion 11, no. 2 (May 1996): 147–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537909608580765.

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20

Goodman, Glen S. "The Enduring Politics of German-Brazilian Ethnicity." German History 33, no. 3 (August 17, 2015): 423–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghv083.

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21

Albarracín, Juan. "Criminalized electoral politics in Brazilian urban peripheries." Crime, Law and Social Change 69, no. 4 (November 30, 2017): 553–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10611-017-9761-8.

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22

Ribke, Nahuel. "Entertainment politics: Brazilian celebrities’ transition to politics, recent history and main patterns." Media, Culture & Society 37, no. 1 (October 9, 2014): 35–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0163443714549087.

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23

Chrysostomo, Maria Isabel de Jesus, and Higor Mozart Geraldo Santos. "TERRITORIAL POLITICS IN NATIVE-BRAZILIAN BACKWOODS, XIX CENTURY." MERCATOR 15, no. 01 (March 26, 2016): 55–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.4215/rm2016.1501.0005.

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24

Samuels, David, and Cesar Zucco. "Lulismo, Petismo, and the Future of Brazilian Politics." Journal of Politics in Latin America 6, no. 3 (December 2014): 129–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1866802x1400600306.

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25

Hochstetler, Kathryn, and Marília Oliveira. "Old Ways and New Alternatives in Brazilian Politics." Current History 114, no. 769 (February 1, 2015): 62–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2015.114.769.62.

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26

Viola, Eduardo, and Matías Franchini. "Brazilian climate politics 2005-2012: ambivalence and paradox." Wiley Interdisciplinary Reviews: Climate Change 5, no. 5 (May 22, 2014): 677–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/wcc.289.

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27

Rajagopalan, Kanavillil. "The ambivalent role of English in Brazilian politics." World Englishes 22, no. 2 (May 2003): 91–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-971x.00281.

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28

Mitchell, Sean T. "Afro-Brazilian citizenship and the politics of history." African and Black Diaspora: An International Journal 10, no. 2 (July 6, 2016): 109–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17528631.2016.1189765.

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29

Paquette, Gabriel. "The Brazilian origins of the 1826 Portuguese Constitution." European History Quarterly 41, no. 3 (July 2011): 444–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691411405137.

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The dissolution of the Luso-Brazilian empire weakened, but did not destroy, the political, intellectual and economic connections between Portugal and Brazil. This article argues that Portuguese and Brazilian politics remained entangled in the late 1820s, well after Independence. Using Portugal’s 1826 Constitution, or Carta Constitucional, as a test case, the article examines the intellectual influences shaping the Carta, investigates its Brazilian ‘origins’, analyses its reception in Portugal, and traces the reaction to it by Europe’s leading geopolitical powers.

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30

NEEDELL, JEFFREY D. "Brazilian Abolitionism, Its Historiography, and the Uses of Political History." Journal of Latin American Studies 42, no. 2 (May 2010): 231–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x1000043x.

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AbstractExplanations of the Abolitionist movement's success in Brazil (1888) have, since the 1960s and 1970s, emphasised the movement's material context, its class nature, and the agency of the captives. These analyses have misunderstood and gradually ignored the movement's formal political history. Even the central role of urban political mobilisation is generally neglected; when it is addressed, it is crippled by lack of informed analysis of its articulation with formal politics and political history. It is time to recover the relationship between Afro-Brazilian agency and the politics of the elite. In this article this is illustrated by analysing two conjunctures critical to the Abolitionist movement: the rise and fall of the reformist Dantas cabinet in 1884–85, and the relationship between the reactionary Cotegipe cabinet (1885–88), the radicalisation of the movement, and the desperate reformism that led to the Golden Law of 13 May 1888.

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31

Campesato, Lílian. "Politics of listening." Revista Música 20, no. 1 (July 11, 2020): 493–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/rm.v20i1.172299.

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In this work I intend to explore the issue of listening in regards to gender and music by discussing two projects in which I have participated: the collective Sonora: Músicas e Feminismos; and the work on 'conversation' and 'self-listening' conducted in conjunction with Brazilian composer and scholar Valéria Bonafé. In both of them I want to stress the connection between the idea of community as a space for the establishment of differences and the question of listening as an exercise of otherness.

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32

Patterson, Eric. "Religious Activity and Political Participation: The Brazilian and Chilean Cases." Latin American Politics and Society 47, no. 1 (2005): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2005.tb00299.x.

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Scholars debate whether the recent conversion of millions of Latin Americans to evangelical Protestantism bodes well for democratic participation or reinforces authoritarian culture and practices. Using a resource model, this study examines the link between participation in religious organizations, political engagement, and political participation in Brazil and Chile. Survey data indicate that religious organizations, particularly Protestant ones, can provide skills that members can transfer to political activity; and that different religions can result in different politics.

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33

Lebner, Ashley B. "A Christian Politics of Friendship on a Brazilian Frontier." Ethnos 77, no. 4 (December 2012): 496–517. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00141844.2011.610512.

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34

Stam, Robert. "Visual Style and Racial Politics in Three Brazilian Features." Nuevo Texto Crítico 11, no. 21-22 (1998): 101–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ntc.1998.0014.

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35

Porto, Mauro P. "Telenovelas and politics in the 1994 Brazilian presidential election*." Communication Review 2, no. 4 (May 1998): 433–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10714429809368567.

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36

McDonald, Matt. "Environment and security: Global eco-politics and Brazilian deforestation." Contemporary Security Policy 24, no. 2 (April 2003): 69–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523260312331271919.

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37

McLaren, Peter. "Postmodernity and the Death of Politics: A Brazilian Reprieve*." Educational Theory 36, no. 4 (September 1986): 389–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1741-5446.1986.00389.x.

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38

Williams, Daryle. "Afro-Brazilian Culture and Politics: Bahia, 1790s to 1990s." Hispanic American Historical Review 79, no. 4 (November 1, 1999): 774–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-79.4.774.

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39

Asokan, Ratik. "Machado de Assis’s Afterlives: The Brazilian novelist’s overlooked politics." Yale Review 109, no. 2 (2021): 187–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tyr.2021.0046.

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40

AGUREEV, Stanislav A., and Andrei A. BOLTAEVSKIY. "The situation in the Guiana region and Brazilian politics." Nauchno-analiticheskii zhurnal Obozrevatel' - Observer, no. 2 (2021): 81–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.48137/2074-2975_2021_2_81.

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41

Laukkanen, Tatu-Ilari. "Sino-brazilian cinematic connections." Idéias 9, no. 2 (December 14, 2018): 161–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.20396/ideias.v9i2.8655601.

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This article positions Lik-wai’s 2008 Sino-Brazilian film Plastic City as a precursor of BRICS cinema and, through a close textual analysis demonstrates how it critically engages Sino-Brazilian relations, flows of capital, commodities, immigration and culture, as well as environmental issues in a matrix of globalization from an emerging economy perspective. Plastic City is intertextually linked to Chinese, Brazilian and world cinema, illuminating its connections to past and present film movements and how it mobilizes their poetics and politics.

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Campos, Luiz Augusto, and Carlos Machado. "The Colour of the Elected: Determinants of the Political Under-Representation of Blacks and Browns in Brazil." World Political Science 14, no. 1 (April 25, 2018): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/wps-2018-0001.

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Abstract It appears to be beyond dispute that Brazilian politics is overwhelmingly White. Recent surveys indicate that the proportion of people of colour in the federal parliament is around 20%. But despite such obvious marginalisation, little is known about the causes of this political under-representation. This paper attempts to shed light on the main filters driving out non-Whites, i.e. Blacks and Browns, from Brazilian politics. To this end, we have carried out a survey of the skin colour of candidates to a seat in the City Council of Brazil’s two largest cities: São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro, in the 2012 elections. Given the lack of official records on the race or skin colour of these candidates, we chose to submit their photos, made publicly available by the Supreme Electoral Court, to classification by a team of researchers. The results have allowed us to gauge the extent to which the political alienation of non-White Brazilians is due to: (a) bias in party recruitment; (b) differences in educational capital and personal wealth between White and non-White candidates; (c) inequalities in the distribution of party and electoral resources; or (d) the electoral preferences of voters themselves. Apparently, the electoral opportunities of Blacks and Browns reflect the difficulties that these groups face when trying to ascend to the small elite of candidates that have the biggest funding and the most votes.

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43

Okuneva, L. S. "Brazil: radicalization of the political process (2013–2019)." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 3 (September 28, 2019): 7–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2019-3-7-11.

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The article is devoted to the analysis of such an important trend in the development of the political process in modern Brazil as radicalization and polarization. These trends began to appear even from the mass social movements of 2013, gradually gained strength, and became decisive in the series of presidential elections in 2014 and 2018 and are now the main trend of Brazilian politics. The release of prison in November 2019 and the inclusion in the political live of the former president Luíz Inácio Lula da Silva, the largest leftist Brazilian politician, can give a special impetus to political radicalization.

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44

Ribeiro, Gustavo. "Practicing Anthropology in Brazil: A Retrospective Look at two Time Periods." Practicing Anthropology 26, no. 3 (July 1, 2004): 6–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/praa.26.3.m584824n56543k2r.

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Brazilian anthropologists like to think of ourselves as political actors that play a critical role vis-à-vis the State and society in general. This approach reflects the most frequent way Brazilian anthropologists view themselves and their place in Brazilian life and represents the political loci that anthropology has had in the last four decades in Brazil. This "native's point-of-view" means that engaging in politics is the way "applied anthropology" is done in Brazil. This does not imply, however, that applied anthropology does not exist in Brazil in the classic sense of this term. Anthropologists do consulting work for governmental and non-governmental organizations, as well as private corporations. What I submit is that the preferred view, or the prevailing self-image of Brazilian anthropologists, one that is consolidated and disseminated in the Brazilian Anthropological Association (ABA), is that of a critically engaged professional who has historically defended human rights, especially of disenfranchised groups. Interestingly enough, a history of applied anthropology in Brazil is still to be done.

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45

Smith, William C. "The Travail of Brazilian Democracy in the “New Republic”." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 28, no. 4 (1986): 39–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165746.

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On March 15,1987, Brazil celebrated the second anniversary of the Nova República, the popular term for the new civilian government headed by José Sarney. While commemoration of the return to more open, competitive politics after 21 years of authoritarian rule is certainly cause for justifiable national pride, a worsening economic crisis combined with escalating domestic social and political conflict leave many Brazilians deeply worried about the future of their incipient democracy.By conventional standards, Brazil has joined the ranks of fullfledged political democracies. Nevertheless, a more stringent view would hold that Brazil has really only entered into a new, more complex phase of political transition in which genuine democracy has yet to become firmly established. The new civilian government must now address fundamental issues of social justice and more balanced, equitable economic growth than was realized under authoritarian rule.

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46

Steuernagel, Marcos. "Here We Are Again: Performing the Temporality of the Brazilian Transition." TDR/The Drama Review 61, no. 4 (December 2017): 9–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/dram_a_00712.

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In 2011, Brazilian theatre group Ói Nóis Aqui Traveiz staged an environmental production of Ariel Dorfman’s play Widows on an island that held political prisoners during the country’s military regime. In Viúvas-Performance sobre a ausência, Ói Nóis Aqui Traveiz, one of the most politically engaged theatre groups in the country, discloses relationships between disappearance, memory, and resistance in both politics and performance.

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47

Dávila, Jerry, and Zachary R. Morgan. "Since Black into White: Thomas Skidmore on Brazilian Race Relations." Americas 64, no. 3 (January 2008): 409–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2008.0017.

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In the 40 years since he published Politics in Brazil, 1930-1964: An Experiment in Democracy, Thomas Skidmore has simultaneously been a leading U.S. scholar of Latin American history and a prominent public figure in Brazil. Balancing these roles, Skidmore has written and commented extensively on recent Brazilian political and economic history. But he is also the author of an influential intellectual history of racial thought in Brazil, Black into White: Race and Nationality in Brazilian Thought (1974). Black into White examines what Skidmore calls the “whitening thesis” by which Brazilian intellectuals of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries managed their racial and nationalist anxieties by interpreting miscegenation as a dynamic process that would dilute Brazil’s black population.

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Salomão, Ivan Colangelo. "Liberal politician, interventionist policymaker: Oswaldo Aranha’s Economic Thought." Iberian Journal of the History of Economic Thought 8, no. 1 (April 19, 2021): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/ijhe.72625.

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Oswaldo Aranha was one of the most famous and prestigious Brazilian politicians of the 20th century. Known for presiding the UN session when the State of Israel was created, Aranha had an important role in Brazilian politics during the first half of the century. Even though he held a bachelor’s degree in Law, Aranha had to deal with various economic issues along his political career. This paper aims to analyze his economic ideas, arguing that despite his liberal influences, he became an interventionist policymaker in Getúlio Vargas’s administrations. We argue that his experience as the Brazilian Ambassador in Washington played a central role in the changes of his ideological positions and economic ideas

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Healy, David. "The Politics of Diplomacy: Brazilian-American Relations in the 1890s." Diplomatic History 22, no. 3 (July 1998): 467–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-7709.00130.

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Robinson, Joanna L. "Practical Authority: Agency and Institutional Change in Brazilian Water Politics." Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews 46, no. 1 (January 2017): 27–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094306116681813.

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