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Journal articles on the topic 'Bourgeois virtues'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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1

Fishman, Leonid G. "Socialist Bourgeois Virtues." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Filosofiya, sotsiologiya, politologiya, no. 58 (December 1, 2020): 255–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/1998863x/58/23.

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2

Persky, Joseph. "John Stuart Mill, Virtues and the Laboring Classes, with Notes on McCloskey." Journal of Contextual Economics – Schmollers Jahrbuch 140, no. 3-4 (July 1, 2020): 341–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/schm.140.3-4.341.

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Deirdre McCloskey’s work on bourgeois virtues is pathbreaking, but it has relatively little to say about working class virtues. The present paper turns to John Stuart Mill (a McCloskey favorite) for his take on the “future of the laboring classes” (Mill [1848] 1965, 758 – 796). If modern capitalism is the world created by McCloskey’s bourgeois virtues, what would the world created by Mill’s working-class virtues look like? Key to that vision is the emergence of an economy based on producer cooperatives. McCloskey is undoubtedly right that the bourgeoisie has greatly improved the material conditions of the mass of workers, but those workers have been left viewing the larger portion of their lives as instrumental. The major workday virtue of the modern worker remains temperance/discipline. Mill and his wife, Harriet Taylor, anticipate cooperatives as generating a much richer work life, a work life that would encourage the development of a range of virtues in the workers themselves. It is clear that Britain (and most of the rest of the world) has not evolved the way that Mill anticipated. To what extent then must we conclude that a widespread sense of virtue has slipped through our hands?

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3

Wells, Thomas, and Johan Graafland. "Adam Smith’s Bourgeois Virtues in Competition." Business Ethics Quarterly 22, no. 2 (April 2012): 319–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/beq201222222.

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ABSTRACT:Whether or not capitalism is compatible with ethics is a long standing dispute. We take up an approach to virtue ethics inspired by Adam Smith and consider how market competition influences the virtues most associated with modern commercial society. Up to a point, competition nurtures and supports such virtues as prudence, temperance, civility, industriousness and honesty. But there are also various mechanisms by which competition can have deleterious effects on the institutions and incentives necessary for sustaining even these most commercially friendly of virtues. It is often supposed that if competitive markets are good, more competition must always be better. However, in the long run competition enhancing policies that neglect the nurturing and support of the bourgeois virtues may undermine the continued flourishing of modern commercial society.

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4

Unger, Danny. "Sufficiency Economy and the Bourgeois Virtues." Asian Affairs: An American Review 36, no. 3 (July 2009): 139–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00927670903259897.

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5

Arbo, Matthew. "Materially Blessed are the Middle Classes, for They are Virtuous: A Review Essay on Deirdre McCloskey’s Bourgeois Trilogy." Studies in Christian Ethics 31, no. 3 (April 19, 2018): 271–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0953946818770401.

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This essay reviews Deirdre McCloskey’s trilogy in political economy: Bourgeois Virtues, Bourgeois Dignity, and Bourgeois Equality. In this trilogy McCloskey seeks to reestablish the ethical, historical, and political legitimacy of modern capitalism. Success of the project is offset by misapprehension of normativity and thus of how human economy is ethical.

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6

Goodnight, G. Thomas. "The Bourgeois Virtues: Ethics for an Age of Commerce." Quarterly Journal of Speech 95, no. 3 (August 2009): 346–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00335630903141679.

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7

Keating, Maryann O. "The Bourgeois Virtues: Ethics for an Age of Commerce." Review of Social Economy 67, no. 1 (March 2009): 115–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00346760801933385.

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8

Tolin, Tom. "The Bourgeois Virtues: Ethics for an Age of Commerce." Eastern Economic Journal 34, no. 1 (December 17, 2007): 138–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.eej.9050016.

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9

Zaostrovtsev, A. "An Economist on History: Deirdre Mccloskey’s Perspective." Voprosy Ekonomiki, no. 12 (December 20, 2014): 129–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.32609/0042-8736-2014-12-129-146.

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The article analyzes the conception of the history and progress of mankind, presented in recent fundamental research by Deirdre McCloskey. The author stresses the non-materialistic view of institutional change that is characteristic of them. The article examines the controversy with almost all current explanations of the breakthrough of the Western world to the economic growth and prosperity. The paper also presents McCloskey’s own theory that explains this breakthrough by the radical change of rhetoric recognizing the “bourgeois virtues” and the dignity of the bourgeoisie. Attention is drawn to the fact that McCloskey’s views repudiate the predetermined course of history, on the one hand, and its irreversibility, on the other.

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10

Horwitz, Steven. "How capitalism and the bourgeois virtues transformed and humanized the family." Journal of Socio-Economics 41, no. 6 (December 2012): 792–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.socec.2012.05.004.

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11

Boettke, Peter J. "DEIRDRE McCLOSKEY'S THE BOURGEOIS VIRTUES: ETHICS FOR AN AGE OF COMMERCE." Economic Affairs 27, no. 1 (March 2007): 83–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0270.2007.00716.x.

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12

Sumner, Scott. "Book Review: The Missionary: McCloskey's Apologia for Bourgeois Virtues and the Market." Business and Society Review 112, no. 4 (December 2007): 573–600. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8594.2007.00310.x.

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13

Lasch-Quinn, E. "Deirdre N. McCloskey. The Bourgeois Virtues: Ethics for an Age of Commerce." Enterprise and Society 10, no. 2 (May 1, 2009): 419–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/es/khp007.

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14

cohen, jere. "The bourgeois virtues: ethics for an age of commerce – By Deirdre N. McCloskey." Economic History Review 60, no. 2 (May 2007): 452–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0289.2007.00384_34.x.

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15

McCloskey, Deirdre. "Listening, really listening: a response to Graafland, Binmore and Ferber onThe Bourgeois Virtues." Journal of Economic Methodology 16, no. 2 (June 2009): 221–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501780902940836.

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16

Rodger, N. A. M. "Honour and duty at sea, 1660–1815." Historical Research 75, no. 190 (November 1, 2002): 425–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2281.00159.

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Abstract This article looks at the changing meaning of the concepts of honour and duty among sea officers over the ‘long eighteenth century’. As gentlemen and as fighting men, sea officers felt particularly close to the concept of honour; but as members of a skilled, semi–bourgeois profession which was substantially open to talent, they were seen by others as being on the margins of gentility. The rise of the middle–class virtues of duty and service in public esteem at the end of the century, benefited the sea officers by making their long–standing combination of honour and duty fashionable.

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17

Smith, Jeffrey A. "Nationalism, Virtue, and the Spirit of Liberty in Rousseau's Government of Poland." Review of Politics 65, no. 3 (2003): 409–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500038304.

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According to Rousseau in The Government of Poland, the “love of liberty,” when properly cultivated, engenders the patriotism and virtue of citizens. The citizen's love of liberty, however, is not his enjoyment of liberty; it is his fiery longing or passion for national liberty, which has endured in the hearts of Poles owing to the constant threat posed by Russian imperialism. Unless the Poles continue to believe their liberty is threatened, they will begin to believe they can enjoy the luxury of possessing liberty; and then Poland will start down the familiar path of bourgeois corruption, culminating in despotism. Therefore, Rousseau's proposed “reform” of Polish institutions in fact aims to refine “the advantageous evils” of Poland's weakness and anarchy. His intention is to intensify and to orchestrate the defensiveness of all Polish citizens—against internal as well as external threats to liberty—for Rousseau understands that state of soul to be “the leaven” of the magnificent virtues of the ancients.

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18

Perović, Ana. "The role of clothing in the pre-bourgeois ambience of Kersnik’s novels." Journal of Education Culture and Society 4, no. 1 (January 12, 2020): 267–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.15503/jecs20131.267.280.

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The article focuses on the analysis of women’s and men’s clothing appearances in the pre-bo-urgeois ambience of Kersnik’s novels. Particular clothing items and clothing appearances indicate the presence of specifi c spiritual and social characteristics, typical for the cultural and historical environment in which the two literary works were created. The methodological approach of the analysis in terms of theory is based on general semiotic theory (Eco, Lotman), cultural semiotics (Barthes), literary theory and literary history, Lotman’s symbol theory, clothing culture, discourse analysis and Bourdieu’s theory of habitus. The article discusses separately the clothing appearan-ces of male and female characters. The descriptions of clothing appearances reveal the socio-histo-rical background of the literary works as well as many other abstract categories such as characters’ mental states, their ideologies, political beliefs, positive and negative character attributes as well as their moral virtues and vices. Clothes as part of the pre-bourgeois habitus try to establish a balance between the urban and the rural, between prestige and humility, between refi nement and coar-seness. Irony is often a result of the contrast between the physical determinants and the associate variable, i.e. the clothing. The author uses a range of various clothing appearances to characterize and mock different classes of people; the trivial conversations about fashion denote the banality of social life; the differences between the “true” bourgeoisie and those who strive to reach and fi t into that social class are already strongly indicated in the descriptions of their external appearances.

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19

Solomon, Robert C. "The Virtues of a Passionate Life: Erotic Love and “the Will to Power”." Social Philosophy and Policy 15, no. 1 (1998): 91–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052500003083.

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I would like to defend a conception of life that many of us in philosophy practice but few of us preach, and with it a set of virtues that have often been ignored in ethics. In short, I would like to defend what philosopher Sam Keen, among many others, has called the passionate life. It is neither exotic nor unfamiliar. It is a life defined by emotions, by impassioned engagement and belief, by one or more quests, grand projects, embracing affections. It is also sometimes characterized (for example, by Johann Wolfgang von Goethe in Faust, by Søren Kierkegaard and Friedrich Nietzsche) in terms of frenzy, vaulting ambition, essentially insatiable goals, impossible affections. I want to contrast this conception of life with ordinary morality and “being a good person,” although for obvious reasons I do not want to say that one must give up the latter in pursuing the former. This is a mistake that Nietzsche often suggests with his “immor-alist” posturing and warrior metaphors, but I am convinced—on a solid textual basis—that he intended no such result. Nor do I want to dogmatically assert any superiority of a passionate, engaged life over a life that is more calm and routine (“bourgeois” in the standard cant of Bohemian rebellion). On the other hand, I do want to raise the question whether mere proper living, obedience to the law, utilitarian “rational choice” calculations, respect for others' rights and for contracts, and a bit of self-righteousness is all there is to a good life, even if one “fills in” the nonmoral spaces with permissible pleasures and accomplishments. Even a greatly enriched version of Kant, in other words, such as that recently defended by Barbara Herman, unfairly denigrates a kind of life that many of us deem desirable.

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20

Helmius, Agneta. "Mode och moral - Begär och hushållning i svenska 1700-talspublikationer." Tidskrift för genusvetenskap 32, no. 1 (June 13, 2022): 65–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.55870/tgv.v32i1.3571.

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In this article I turn to the 18th century Swedish public debate on fashion and morality. In the Swedish ‘moral’ essay papers of the 1730’s fashion was portrayed as a woman named Madame la Mode who embodied the sin or desire of vanity or self interest. Her character and stories about how she seduced women and men were meant to be read as metaphors of how traditional society was threatened by ‘modernity’, by la mode. It is important to analytically separate the construction of gender symbolically and structurally. While Madame la Mode challenges traditional virtues of both men and women on a symbolic level, many small prints later in the 18th century argue that it is the upbringing – in a structural order – of bourgeois girls, by their greedy parents, that causes society’s tremor. This in turn should be remedied, says one of the participants in the debate, by public measures such as schools for girls and ‘household universities’. Fashion then, can be seen as the opposite of virtue i.e. morality. Contemporary fashion theorists – in this article I particularly mention two – seem to ignore the moral debate on fashion in the 18th and 19th centuries, just because it was moral, thereby forgetting the moral dimensions of fashion also later on. But if morality concerns the relations between individuals and society, and if fashion is about the exploitation of desire, then morals should be considered a significant part of the modern global economic fashion system.

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21

SUTCLIFFE-BRAITHWAITE, FLORENCE. "NEO-LIBERALISM AND MORALITY IN THE MAKING OF THATCHERITE SOCIAL POLICY." Historical Journal 55, no. 2 (May 10, 2012): 497–520. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x12000118.

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ABSTRACTAfter 1945, neo-liberal thinkers and think-tanks in the US and UK outlined different state welfare systems for the poor, such as Milton Friedman's negative income tax. These were underpinned by a rational, economistic conception of human nature. Between 1975 and 1979, Thatcher's Conservative party abandoned attempts to develop comprehensive, state-led, paternalistic schemes to tackle poverty. Thatcherites focused instead on creating what they saw as a rational tax/benefit system which would provide a safety-net for the poor, but encourage effort and thrift. They attempted to marginalize the importance of state welfare for the middle classes, to re-invigorate the ‘bourgeois virtues’ which had flourished in Victorian Britain. A family-centred, moralistic individualism underpinned Thatcherite policies; this individualism was not precisely congruent with that of neo-liberal theorists. Its roots lay in personal sources (particularly Methodism), as well as home-grown discourses on poverty and a Hayekian fear of the state. Though Thatcherites took ideas from diverse sources, their political project had a single guiding purpose: the moral (and, secondarily, economic) rejuvenation of Britain. Thatcherism was, thus, an ‘ideology’ in the sense used by Michael Freeden.

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22

Urban, Florian. "The Hut on the Garden Plot." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 72, no. 2 (June 1, 2013): 221–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jsah.2013.72.2.221.

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In Berlin, self-built huts and sheds were a part of the urban fabric for much of the twentieth century. They started to proliferate after World War I and were particularly common after the Second World War, when many Berliners had lost their homes in the bombings. These unplanned buildings were, ironically, connected to one of the icons of German orderliness: the allotment. Often depicted as gnomeadorned strongholds of petty bourgeois virtues, garden plots were also the site of mostly unauthorized architecture and gave rise to debates about public health and civic order. In The Hut on the Garden Plot: Informal Architecture in Twentieth-Century Berlin, Florian Urban argues that the evolution and subsequent eradication of informal architecture was an inherent factor in the formation of the modern, functionally separated city. Modern Berlin evolved from a struggle between formal and informal, regulation and unruliness, modernization and lifestyles that appeared to be premodern. In this context, the ambivalent figure of the allotment dweller, who was simultaneously construed as a dutiful holder of rooted-to-the-soil values and as a potential threat to the well-ordered urban environment, evidences the ambiguity of many conceptual foundations on which the modern city was built.

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23

Rothblatt, Sheldon. "The Bourgeois Virtues: Ethics for an Age of Commerce. By Deirdre N. McCloskey. Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 2006. Pp. xiv, 616. $32.50." Journal of Economic History 67, no. 3 (September 2007): 825–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050707000393.

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24

Emmett, Ross B. "Deirdre N. McCloskey, The Bourgeois Virtues: Ethics for an Age of Commerce (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2006), pp. xviii, 616, $23.50. ISBN: 0-226-55663-8." Journal of the History of Economic Thought 30, no. 3 (September 2008): 420–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1053837208000400.

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25

Lasch-Quinn, Elisabeth. "Deirdre N. McCloskey. The Bourgeois Virtues: Ethics for an Age of Commerce. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2006. xviii + 616 pp. ISBN 0-226-55663-8, $32.50." Enterprise & Society 10, no. 2 (June 2009): 419–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1467222700008090.

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26

Tilly, Charles. "The Bourgeois Virtues: Ethics for an Age of Commerce. By Deirdre N. McCloskey. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2006. xviii + 616 pp. Index, notes, bibliography, figures. Cloth, $32.50. ISBN: 0-226-55663-8." Business History Review 81, no. 1 (2007): 188–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007680500036539.

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27

McCloskey, Deirdre N. "Bourgeois Virtue and the History ofPandS." Journal of Economic History 58, no. 2 (June 1998): 297–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700020520.

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Since the triumph of a business culture a century and half ago the businessman has been scorned, and so the phrase “bourgeois virtue” sounds like an oxymoron. Economists since Bentham have believed that anyway virtue is beside the point: what matters for explanation is Prudence. But this is false in many circumstances, even strictly economic circumstances. An economic history that insists on Prudence Alone is misspecified, and will produce biased coefficients. And it will not face candidly the central task of economic history, an apology for or a criticism of a bourgeois society.

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28

Van den Broeke, Martin. "Kastelen in Zeeland, 1570-1670. Adellijke huizen en burgerlijke buitenverblijven." Virtus | Journal of Nobility Studies 28 (December 31, 2021): 9–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.21827/virtus.28.9-40.

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In the seventeenth century the Dutch Republic saw the rise of a culture of country living that was mainly driven by wealthy townspeople. Apart from newly built country estates, some older castles were used as country residences. This raises the question whether the possession of a castle was an expression of the exceptional position of well-to-do townspeople in the bourgeois Republic of the seventeenth century. Can this, moreover, be understood as a form of ‘aristocratisation’? Were there differences in the design of castles and newly-built country houses that indicate that the former enjoyed a prestige that other rural houses did not? To answer these questions, this article first outlines the rise and background of Zeeland’s culture of country living. Then, the focus turns to the castles, with the question of how they passed from noble possession to civilian hands. In order to investigate the developments in castle ownership and the function of castles, this contribution focuses on the islands of Zuid-Beveland and Walcheren. Finally, the question is answered to what extent there were indeed differences in design between castles and newly built country houses.

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29

Jiménez Contreras, Baruc. "Academic Integrity at Risk. Joan Robinson's Interpretation of Marxian Economics and Her Ethic Critique of Orthodox Economic Theory." Iberian Journal of the History of Economic Thought 9, no. 1 (May 5, 2022): 13–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/ijhe.78669.

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During the twentieth century, Joan Robinson introduced Marx's political economy into academic discussions of economic thought. This article argues that Robinson's work generates a proposal for academic integrity in economic ideas through an ethical vision of Marx's discourse and an epistemic critique of orthodox economic theory. Robinson's research shows that economic theory has been characterized by hiding the interests of the bourgeoisie, consolidating an "unethical behavior". Following Macfarlane's (2009) work on virtue theory, it is possible to identify in Robinson's production virtues that can enhance the academic integrity of economists.

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30

Frantz, Roger. "The Vices of Economists, The Virtues of the Bourgeoisie." Journal of Socio-Economics 28, no. 6 (January 1999): 777–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s1053-5357(99)00057-8.

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31

Ramírez Tovar, Yaeko. "I wonder where the dreams I don’t remember go, de Yoann Bourgeois." Investigación Teatral. Revista de artes escénicas y performatividad 12, no. 19 (May 23, 2021): 178–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.25009/it.v12i19.2668.

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Como parte de su temporada 2020-2021, Nederlands Dans Theater estrenó la coreografía I wonder where the dreams I don’t remember go, bajo la dirección del coreógrafo francés Yoann Bourgeois, una coreografía marcada por el estilo característico de Bourgeois, donde el desafío a la gravedad es el eje principal. Nederlands Dans Theater es una compañía de danza originaria de los Países Bajos y una de las pocas en el mundo que invita a diferentes coreógrafos anualmente, brindándoles la oportunidad de crear nuevas obras con una virtuosa y preparada compañía. Fue fundada por Benjamin Harkarvy, Aart Verstegen y Carel Birnie, en 1959.Recibido: 07 de diciembre de 2020Aceptado: 09 de febrero de 2021

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32

Janes, Regina. "Rhetorical Style and Bourgeois Virtue: Capitalism and Civil Society in the British Enlightenment." Scriblerian and the Kit-Cats 51, no. 2 (2019): 185–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/scriblerian.51.2.0185.

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33

Walzer, Arthur. "Rhetorical Style and Bourgeois Virtue: Capitalism and Civil Society in the British Eighteenth Century." Quarterly Journal of Speech 104, no. 4 (August 20, 2018): 455–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00335630.2018.1505468.

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34

Zhang, Nan. "‘Solemn Progress’: Woolf, Burke, and the Negotiation of Virtue." Modernist Cultures 12, no. 3 (November 2017): 391–415. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/mod.2017.0184.

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This essay analyzes Virginia Woolf's exploration of a public spirit exceeding both bourgeois egotism and narrow patriotic allegiances prescribed by the imperial state. Excavating hitherto unexamined affinities between Woolf and Edmund Burke, the essay shows how Woolf's vision of ‘solemn progress’ in Mrs Dalloway effectively conjoins a Burkean emphasis on the civilizing effects of aesthetic sentiments with a Renaissance humanist notion of virtù. Woolf's re-imagining of solidarity involves two moves that are temporally divergent yet temperamentally complementary: a renewal of attention to older conceptions of civil society whose ethic was civilized rather than narrowly civic; and an extension of the domain of society to a cosmic realm of life beyond the purview of the political state. By realigning public spirit with moral responses to a view of shared fate, Woolf seeks to relocate virtue in a collective experience across class and national boundaries.

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35

Regaignon, Dara Rossman. "INSTRUCTIVE SUFFICIENCY: RE-READING THE GOVERNESS THROUGH AGNES GREY." Victorian Literature and Culture 29, no. 1 (March 2001): 85–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1060150301291062.

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IN NINETEENTH-CENTURY ENGLAND, a governess was the primary educator of male and female children in a middle-class household; particularly by virtue of her work educating girls through their mid-teens, the governess simultaneously effected and disrupted the transparent transmission of class and gender identity between generations of middle-class women. Recent scholarship has de-emphasized this pedagogical function in its readings of the figure.1 Discussion has centered, instead, on the ways in which the governess represented a crisis for early Victorian definitions of bourgeois femininity (which centered on middle-class women’s financial dependence and apparent leisure) because she was a middle-class woman who earned her own living. But to read the figure of the Victorian governess through Anne Brontë’s Agnes Grey (1847) is to see that she troubled bourgeois hegemony because of her job. I contend that the governess disturbed the early Victorians not only because she blurred the boundary between the separate spheres, but also because she dramatized the potentially illimitable effects of education. When you hire someone to teach your children, how do you ensure that she is teaching what you wish and as you wish?

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36

Bellhouse, Mary L. "Crimes and Pardons: Bourgeois Justice, Gendered Virtue, and the Criminalized Other in Eighteenth-Century France." Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 24, no. 4 (July 1999): 959–1010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/495400.

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37

Morelon, Claire. "Respectable Citizens: Civic Militias, Local Patriotism, and Social Order in Late Habsburg Austria (1890‒1920)." Austrian History Yearbook 51 (March 24, 2020): 193–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237820000156.

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AbstractThis article analyzes the role of urban civic militias (burgher corps) in Habsburg Austria from the end of the nineteenth century to the aftermath of World War I. Far from a remnant of the early modern past, by the turn of the twentieth century these militias were thriving local institutions. They fostered dynastic patriotism and participated in the growing promotion of shooting among the population in the lead-up to the conflict. But they also played a major role in upholding the bourgeois ideals of protection of social hierarchies and property. In the context of the rise of the workers' movement and social unrest, the militias saw themselves as bulwarks of social order and bastions of bourgeois virtue. They reflected an exclusive conception of armed citizenship opposed to the egalitarian notion of the citizen-soldier that survived into the twentieth century. The sensory experience of burgher corps parades during the patriotic or church celebrations was supposed to convey stability and express hierarchies in the urban space. This article also links the practices of armed civilians before the war to the paramilitary groups that emerged in 1918 and emphasizes the legacy of local conceptions of armed defense of property and of notions of “good” citizenship in the aftermath of the war.

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38

Janes, Regina. "Rhetorical Style and Bourgeois Virtue: Capitalism and Civil Society in the British Enlightenment by Mark Garrett Longaker." Scriblerian and the Kit-Cats 51, no. 2 (2019): 185–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/scb.2019.0077.

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39

Alatrash, Muhammad, K. ,. "Henry Fielding’s Shamela and Joseph Andrews as Counternarratives to Samuel Richardson’s Pamela." World Journal of English Language 13, no. 2 (February 22, 2023): 393. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/wjel.v13n2p393.

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This paper sheds light on the immediate counternarrative response to the publication of Samuel Richardson’s Pamela in 1740. Upon its publication, the female servant Pamela gained popularity among readers for her exemplary chastity, morality and virtue. This paper discusses the writings of Henry Fielding as a leading anti-Pamela approach through two subsequent narratives, Shamela (1741) and Joseph Andrews (1742). Fielding and others saw in Pamela a direct threat to 18th-century normative servant-master and aristocrat-bourgeois relations. In his novels, Fielding uses multiple literary motifs to confront Pamela’s readership with their beloved character’s hypocrisy and deception. Through his works, Fielding breaks down Richardson’s narrative to present Pamela as the deceptively structured plot of a hypocritical servant to marry her master and elevate her social status. Fielding bridges his narrative with Richardson’s novel to create a mode of skepticism concerning the moral values of Pamela’s readers. In Joseph Andrews, Fielding extends his criticism, presenting the novel as an offshoot to Richardson’s Pamela and highlighting an alternative reality to expose Pamela’s false images of chastity and virtue.

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McClish, Glen. "Review: Rhetorical Style and Bourgeois Virtue: Capitalism and Civil Society in the British Enlightenment, by Mark Garrett Longaker." Rhetorica 35, no. 2 (2017): 234–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rh.2017.35.2.234.

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Vogel, Maria A. "Ensuring Failure?" Girlhood Studies 14, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 80–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ghs.2021.140207.

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Historically, the regulation of girls through institutionalization has been guided by bourgeois norms of femininity, including virtue, domesticity, and motherhood. Using a Foucauldian perspective on the production of subjects in Swedish secure care, I investigate whether or not middle-class norms of femininity, centered today around self-regulation, still guide the regulation of working-class girls. By analyzing data from an ethnographic study, I show that even though secure care is repressive, it is also permeated with the aim of producing self-regulating subjects corresponding with discourses on ideal girlhood. However, since working-class girls are rarely made intelligible within such discourses, thereby making the position of self-regulatory subject inaccessible, the care system leaves them to shoulder the responsibility for resolving a situation that is shaped by structures beyond their control.

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Koganzon, Rita. "“Producing a Reconciliation of Disinterestedness and Commerce”: The Political Rhetoric of Education in the Early Republic." History of Education Quarterly 52, no. 3 (August 2012): 403–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-5959.2012.00405.x.

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One of the vexing ambiguities in the historiography of the civic republican tradition has been just when and how republicanism ended. The American Revolution itself, according to Gordon Wood and J. G. A. Pocock, was waged for republican principles, but the government established in its wake represented what Wood called “the end of classical politics,” abandoning virtue in the name of commerce and liberal individualism. By the close of the eighteenth century, Pocock writes, “A condition of thought … in which a bourgeois ideology, a civic morality for the market man, was ardently desired but apparently not to be found.” Later historians sought to extend republicanism's life into the nineteenth century, identifying figures and institutions who held fast to the tradition against the prevailing commercial and industrial winds, while others have taken the ambiguity of republicanism's end to suggest that no such coherent worldview existed in the United States, which was from the outset a liberal project employing only an occasional and misleading republican vocabulary. Even Wood, whose Radicalism of the American Revolution specifically set out to narrate the transformation of American political ideology from the Revolution to the ascent of the Jeffersonians, offers a general account of shifting rhetorical emphases—from virtue to equality, the common good to self-interest—but not the contours of this shift in any specific realm of American life.

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Joó, Mária. "The Second Sex in Hungary. Simone de Beauvoir and the (Post)-Socialist Condition." Hungarian Cultural Studies 4 (January 1, 2011): 114–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/ahea.2011.37.

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Beauvoir’s work was translated in 1969, a period of change in state socialism: the introduction of some elements of market economy in 1968 (called New Economic Mechanism), the publication of Western bourgeois philosophers as Sartre and Beauvoir, and Marxist philosophers’ efforts to revise orthodox Marxism. ’The woman question’ was declared to be already solved by socialism. The emblematic female identity is of the working mother: free and equal with men by virtue of law, taking part in producing new value as worker and according to her natural role as mother and wife, representing the center of the socialist family. Under these circumstances the reception of The Second Sex is highly interesting: a success (two editions in a high number of copies), but only two contemporary reviews (one friendly, one sharply critical). In this paper, I give a reconstruction of socialist women’s reading of Beauvoir, given their officially propagated homogeneous identity and their unrecognized double burden. They could have identified themselves with Beauvoir’s new, independent woman and at the same time with the traditional woman. Beauvoir’s legacy for us post-socialist women can be derived from this past: to face ambiguities in identity and to vindicate individual freedom.

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Sheehi, Stephen. "A SOCIAL HISTORY OF EARLY ARAB PHOTOGRAPHY OR A PROLEGOMENON TO AN ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE LEBANESE IMAGO." International Journal of Middle East Studies 39, no. 2 (May 2007): 177–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743807070067.

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Viewing an exhibition of civil war paintings in 1886, Lea Barakat wrote that her “country came to mind: the splendor of its ruins, the wonders of their form like the fortress of Baalbek, the ruins of Palmyra, and the scenes of Lebanon…” Native women should paint like this, she states, and “not leave a scene [of Lebanon] unpainted… They can decorate the rooms of their homes and sitting rooms with these pictures…” She concludes that “since the ladies of our country are smarter and more industrious in their handcrafts than [American] ladies,” they too can obtain a similar level of “wealth, honorable work, admiration of the masses, and praise for the virtue of their [arts and crafts]. This study is a prolegomenon to examining the topography of visual culture and modernity to which Barakat alludes. Rather than painting, this article focuses on photography produced by Arabs during the late Ottoman and early Mandate periods in Lebanon. Less concerned with using photographs to document social transformations, this study theorizes how production and deployment of the photographic image played a part in the conceptualization of a bourgeois individualist subjectivity in Lebanon, which is claimed not to exist in the Arab world.

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Burley, David G. "The Keepers of the Gate." Articles 17, no. 2 (August 6, 2013): 63–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1017652ar.

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Recent scholarship has identified inequality in real property ownership as a constant feature of urban social structure. This study of Winnipeg during the boom of 1881-82 examines the reproduction of that inequality in terms of the strategies employed by major landowners to profit in an inflationary real estate market. Such men preferred to invest in rental properties, especially commercial accommodation. Best able to do so were those members of the bourgeoisie who, by virtue of their early arrival, had acquired cheap vacant land, the sale of which financed their acquisition of rental units. Thus, the reproduction of inequality involved the conversion of prior advantage in one real estate market, that for vacant land, into an advantage in a second market, that for rental accommodation.

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Poettinger, Monika. "Etica mercantile e sviluppo economico." SOCIETÀ E STORIA, no. 125 (December 2009): 465–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/ss2009-125004.

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- Up to the nineteenth century, merchants extended networks of subsidiaries, correspondents and investments world-wide, becoming a major trigger of innovation and economic development. To guarantee the functioning of their international merchant houses, they had to adhere to a strict moral code. The resulting "moral communities" diffused everywhere the "merchant´s liberty": working to fulfil oneself, striving to obtain economic independence and richness as social recognition. As the Ancien Régime neared its end, merchants were ready to economically and morally guide society into a new era. At the same time as many discussed the noblesse commerçante, though, philosophers and economists ridiculed merchant virtues, transforming merchants in men bent only on profit and self-interest. The industrialist, so, became the bourgeoisie´s myth and merchant ethics vanished from the agenda of historians and economists alike. Industrialization thusly lost one of its main characters and economy missed a catalyst of innovation and social capital formation.

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Head, Matthew. ""If the Pretty Little Hand Won't Stretch": Music for the Fair Sex in Eighteenth-Century Germany." Journal of the American Musicological Society 52, no. 2 (1999): 203–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/831998.

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The image of the young lady at music is part of the mythology of the eighteenth century, nostalgically summoning a bygone era in European manners. How should such images be read, and to what uses are they put in the construction of the past and the present? Richard Leppert appeals to eighteenth-century iconography to argue the disciplinary function of music on women. This article extends Leppert's arguments in a newly uncovered repertory of songs and keyboard works published in eighteenth-century Germany "for the fair sex." Moving between prescriptions about musical practice specifically and women's character and place in the world more broadly, this music evinces cautionary and disciplinary rhetorics that accord with Leppert's readings. But whereas Leppert deals with paintings-more or less official representations-musical performance and reception complicate the picture. In performance, music offers possibilities for negotiation. On closer examination, instrumental music for the fair sex reveals a complex web of generic and stylistic motifs that undermine the manifest rhetoric of easiness and simplicity in the repertory and invoke the professional and public spheres. Questioning as well as espousing virtue, and haunted by the figure of the rake, songs for ladies reflect the instability in the emergent discourses of bourgeois femininity and the private sphere.

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Dolunay, Ayhan. "‘Virtual sphere’ in the framework of knowledge strategy and the function as common educational tool: Knowledge societies in COVID-19 era." Online Journal of Communication and Media Technologies 13, no. 1 (January 15, 2023): e202304. http://dx.doi.org/10.30935/ojcmt/12840.

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Habermas’ (1974) concept of the ‘public sphere’ (öffentlichkeit) enabled the bourgeoisie to participate in the process of discussing social issues and making various decisions which were influential in the formation of the laws regulating social life. Same time, it is an important common educational tool. Although the public sphere refers to citizens expressing their idea in a society, the virtual sphere has rapidly moved on to the Internet environment using social media. Within the coronavirus disease (COVID-19) has spread to many countries and has been causing serious repercussions as a pandemic. The use of digital technologies has increased significantly during the pandemic, and they have helped transform people’s lives. In this context, Discussion of virtual sphere has also gained importance. Codification and personalization types of knowledge strategy will be followed in this study by conceptualizing a framework, which will be designed by understanding the virtual sphere in a society. There is still a literature gap the relationship between public sphere and virtual sphere as well as the lack of understanding for the integration of knowledge strategies (codification and personalization) with virtual sphere 1.0 and 2.0 in the context of tacit and explicit knowledge. The main problematic issue of this study revolves around how two type of knowledge strategies could be used by virtual spheres 1.0 and 2.0. Two propositions which will be expected to contribute to the literature were developed in the study to understand the roles of two types of knowledge strategies in relation to virtual sphere variants regarding the digital society and knowledge society.

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Langman, Lauren. "From Virtual Public Spheres to Global Justice: A Critical Theory of Internetworked Social Movements." Sociological Theory 23, no. 1 (March 2005): 42–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0735-2751.2005.00242.x.

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From the early 1990s when the EZLN (the Zapatistas), led by Subcommandte Marcos, first made use of the Internet to the late 1990s with the defeat of the Multilateral Agreement on Trade and Investment and the anti-WTO protests in Seattle, Quebec, and Genoa, it became evident that new, qualitatively different kinds of social protest movements were emergent. These new movements seemed diffuse and unstructured, yet at the same time, they forged unlikely coalitions of labor, environmentalists, feminists, peace, and global social justice activists collectively critical of the adversities of neoliberal globalization and its associated militarism. Moreover, the rapid emergence and worldwide proliferation of these movements, organized and coordinated through the Internet, raised a number of questions that require rethinking social movement theory. Specifically, the electronic networks that made contemporary globalization possible also led to the emergence of “virtual public spheres” and, in turn, “Internetworked Social Movements.” Social movement theory has typically focused on local structures, leadership, recruitment, political opportunities, and strategies from framing issues to orchestrating protests. While this tradition still offers valuable insights, we need to examine unique aspects of globalization that prompt such mobilizations, as well as their democratic methods of participatory organization and clever use of electronic media. Moreover, their emancipatory interests become obscured by the “objective” methods of social science whose “neutrality” belies a tacit assent to the status quo. It will be argued that the Frankfurt School of Critical Theory offers a multi-level, multi-disciplinary approach that considers the role of literacy and media in fostering modernist bourgeois movements as well as anti-modernist fascist movements. This theoretical tradition offers a contemporary framework in which legitimacy crises are discussed and participants arrive at consensual truth claims; in this process, new forms of empowered, activist identities are fostered and negotiated that impel cyberactivism.

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Korff, Gottfried. "From Brotherly Handshake to Militant Clenched Fist: On Political Metaphors for the Worker's Hand." International Labor and Working-Class History 42 (1992): 70–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900011236.

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The hand has long been a symbol of what makes human beings human. It is still used to convey this meaning, despite the decline of manual labor and the replacement of manual dexterity by machines, robots, and computers. A number of twentieth-century images remind us of the hand's labor power: for example, Fernand Leger's 1951 homage to Vladimir Mayakowsky, his earlier 1918 painting, “The Mechanic,” which is a veritable icon of the worker whose hand forms the dynamic compositional element (Fig. 1), and Diego Rivera's “Detroit Industry Frescoes,” where gigantic hands symbolize humanity's struggle with the material world. In European visual traditions, the iconography of the hand as labor power is imprinted by three types of images: Renaissance imagery, industrial allegory, and artisan and worker iconography. In Renaissance art, Michelangelo, in “The Creation” in the Sistine Chapel, reinterpreted the Biblical reference to God's breathing life into the world by adding the barely touching hands of God and Adam, thereby suggesting the virtue of active work. Industrial allegory, developed in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, emphasized the “bourgeois” view of work as a sign of goaloriented, planned achievement and success in the world, with the hand depicted as a tool that creates new tools and hence the organ that makes humanity the crowning work of creation.

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