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1
Muhić, Ferid. "Bosniaks and Bosnia: A Study in Philosophy of Politics." Illuminatio 1, no. 2 (March 26, 2021): 88–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.52510/sia.v1i2.12.
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In the first part of this study, published in the first issue of the magazine Illuminatio/Svjetionik/Almanar, the author briefly outlined the basic elements of the philosophy of politics characteristic of the history of modern nations in which he analysed the relations of the individual, the people, the nation and the state. The second part of this study focuses on the attitude of Bosniaks towards collective memory, which, according to the author, was brought to the threshold of amnesia under the influence of the long-term political strategy of their neighbours.
The author believes that the shaken collective memory represents the most neuralgic problem and the greatest danger for the historical reintegration and homogenization of Bosniaks as an ethnicity and a nation. The author emphasizes that “Bosnian” is a territorial determinant and completely excludes the national determinant “Bosniak”. Flirting with the phrase “Bosniaks/Bosnians”, which is often used, is not only a denouncement of the ethnic and national affiliation of Bosniaks, but further denies their uniqueness – and thus calls into question the very existence of Bosniaks. A Bosniak is born, a Bosniak remains. A "Bosnian" becomes, a "Bosnian" cease to be. A Bosniak living in Bosnia is also a "Bosnian". A "Bosnian" who is not a Bosniak does not become a Bosniak anywhere, not even in Bosnia. A Bosniak who does not live in Bosnia remains a Bosniak, but ceases to be a "Bosnian". The goal of substituting the historical name Bosniaks with the territorial designation "Bosnians" is obvious: Break the homogeneous core of Bosniaks by erasing awareness of their ethnic identity, name, national unity, common history, culture, language, in short – a common past, present and future. The study also recalls the difference between the modern understanding of the nation and the way in which this social phenomenon was interpreted until the middle of the 20th century. Behind the separation of the nation from the ethnicity/people, as the supposedly superior form, lies the effort to relativize the ethnicity/people, as an objective fact, to weaken the mutual ties of its members and to bring the entire population under the control of central political power – as a seemingly integrated and homogeneous whole.
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Đouić, Adib. "Haji Husein eff. Đozić Ruhi judge from Srebrenica and Nikšić viceroy." Historijski pogledi 2, no. 2 (October 28, 2019): 7–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2019.2.2.7.
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There are many forgotten significant persons in Bosnian-Bosniak history, who through their knowledge and work made a significant contribution to the development of Bosnian society and the Bosniak national identity in the time and place they lived in. The most forgotten significant Bosniaks are those who lived and worked during the reign of the Ottoman state of Bosnia. One of such persons is Hadji Husein eff. Đozić Ruhi, kadi (judge) from Srebrenica and Nikšić naib (viceroy). He lived in Srebrenica in the 19th century. Educated in Istanbul, he worked for as a judge in three towns and two empires. In this paper, we are talking about Haji Husein eff. Đozić, his life and work, and the significance of the documents preserved, to understand Bosnian society and the position of Bosnians in the second half of the 19th century in Srebrenica and Nikšić.
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Rebihić, Nehrudin. "Bošnjačka književnost u obzorima Vladimira Jurčića: Rekonstrukcija neobjavljene knjige Muslimani u hrvatskoj književnosti." Historijski pogledi 5, no. 8 (November 15, 2022): 317–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2022.5.8.317.
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The study of Bosniak literature in the period of the Independent State of Croatia has been marginalized in previous literary-historical studies, and the reasons for this were ideological and political in nature, and not scientific. This work deals with the status of Bosniak literature in the literary-critical horizons of Vladimir Jurčić, the bellwether of the Ustasha national ideology in Bosnia and Sarajevo, in the period from 1941st to 1945th. As a professor, editor of daily and periodical publications, he wrote about Bosniak literature and its canonical writers in the light of the ideological and political worldviews. He propagated theses about socio-political function of literature that extends „people's spirit”, „racial-biological” and „national” features. Jurčić attributed to literature a mediating role in transmitting the deep identity of the Croatian people, and developing a thesis on the Croatian national identity of Bosnian Muslims (Bosniaks) he treated Bosniak writers as the most representative reflectors of Croatian national consciousness in Bosnia. In addition to individual studies on Bosniak writers, Jurčić stated that they were separate units of the unpublished book Muslims in Croatian Literature. Jurčić's literary critical habitus is a product of socio-political and intellectual circumstances in Croatia - in the narrower sense and in the SHS - in the broader sense, which were used as a starting point for the production of certain ideological, political and cultural values in the NDH. As a follower of the ideological platform of Radić's HSS (peasant movement) and its reflections on discursive practices, especially in the social - humanities sciences (Dvorniković, Radić, Tomašić, Lukas), he interpreted literature in accordance with these practices, reducing its meaning only to ruling ideologues. He valorized Bosniak literature as a component of Croatian literature, applying several criteria: collective, linguistic, territorial and religious, which he sought to include the widest possible range of identity features and thus support the thesis of Croatianness Bosnian Muslims (Bosniaks). In literary criticism, he promoted theses on racial, ethical and eugenic superiority, then on the national spirit, linguistic and stylistic specifics of Bosnian Muslims (Bosniaks) as an „organic“ part of the Croatian people. He emphasized the „poljodjelski“ character of Bosniak writers between the two world wars, while in older literature, especially in the oral literary tradition- and all that for need of ideological manipulation in the time of the Independent State of Croatia - war, he emphasized the highland (tribal) character that manifested itself in the epic-agonal consciousness. All these theses arose from the idea of unity and continuity of the „organic nation“, but did not find a stronghold in Bosnia because it was cultural and historical terms different from the native Croatian space, which was in principle a fundamental obstacle to its realization. Aware of the insurmountability of the cultural, literary and historical uniqueness of Bosnia, Jurčić constructed and established the literary-historical construct „literary Bosnia“ which was based on the theory of the history of regional / provincial literature. By „literary Bosnia“ he meant everything that was its „provincial features“: folk history, genealogy, specific speech (dialect - ikavica), lifestyle (Muslims), and the canonical line consisted of Bosniak writers from Safvet-bega Bašagić, Musa Ćazim Ćatić, Edhem Mulabdić, Ahmed Muradbegović, to Alija Nametk, Enver Čolaković, Murat Šuvalić etc.Since in this period the pretensions towards Bosnia and Bosnian Muslims (Bosniaks) were also part of the Serbian national ideology, Jurčić's „literary Bosnia“ can be understood as a counterbalance to the then established Kršić's literary-historical construct „narrative Bosnia“. Unlike Kršić's „narrative Bosnia“, whose canonical line was mostly made up of Bosnian Serb writers (Ćorović, Kočić, Andrić, Ćopić, etc.), Jurčić's „literary Bosnia“ was made up of Bosniak writers as „the purest element of the Croatian people“.
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Šarac, Z., and E. V. Voevoda. "National and cultural identity crisis of Bosnia and Herzegovina Serbs within Austro-Hungarian Empire (1878–1908)." Concept: philosophy, religion, culture 5, no. 3 (September 28, 2021): 113–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2541-8831-2021-3-19-113-127.
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The purpose of this article is to reveal the causes of national and cultural identity crisis of Serbs in Bosnia and Herzegovina during the period of Austro-Hungarian occupation and annexation, which led to modifications of their self-identity. The paper meets this research aim through an extensive study of the relevant literature presenting the views of Serbian and Russian scholars. On the basis of comparative-historical and socio-cultural approaches, the authors collate the existing definitions of ethnic, national and cultural identity and define the crucial factors that make the cornerstone of cultural identity: mother tongue, ethnicity, territory, religion, habitat, food, mode of life, customs and traditions, folklore and literature, artwork and historical past. They go on to chronologically identify the developments and changes of society on the territory of the present-day Bosnian state. The article further analyzes the position of the peoples of Bosnia and Herzegovina within Austria-Hungary comparing their status in society and explains the choice of Bosnian Muslims and Croats as the pillar of the new government. The research produced a number of key findings. The key determinants that formed and helped to preserve Serbian cultural identity through ages are Orthodox Christianity based on St. Sava sacred tradition and the Kosovo myth, a half-historical, halflegendary event that formed the heroic and spiritual code of values and serves as a gospel in preserving Serbian cultural identity. Another feature that produced a significant impact on transforming cultural identity of Bosnian Serbs was conversion to Islam on part of some Bosnians who came to be known as Bošnjaks. Along with Islam and Orthodox Christianity, part of the Serbian population of Bosnia and Herzegovina belonged to the Roman Catholic Church, identified themselves as Croats who spoke Croatian and used Latin script. Thus the indigenous south Slavonic ethnic group of Serbs who had the same historical background and spoke the same language was divided by religion and, partially, the language — the pivotal determinants of identity. The paper demonstrates the joint efforts of the peoples inhabiting the present-day Bosnia and Herzegovina in their struggle against the occupants which were manifested in the activities of Young Bosnia, an organization that aimed at preserving national identity and creating a united Serbian state. The authors conclude that the problem of national and cultural identity crisis of Bosnia and Herzegovina Serbs finds its roots in the historical clash of three civilizations and cultures — south Slavonic, oriental and western. The article identifies the markers of national and cultural identity of Bosnia and Herzegovina Serbs, the disintegration of which led to a crisis.
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Friedman, Francine. "The Muslim Slavs of Bosnia and Herzegovina (with Reference to the Sandžak of Novi Pazar): Islam as National Identity." Nationalities Papers 28, no. 1 (March 2000): 165–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990050002498.
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The Bosnian Muslims have only fairly recently become internationally identified as a national group. As a matter of fact, Bosnia and Herzegovina itself has had until lately a low recognition value to most people not living in southeastern Europe. Indeed, to many it has become a shock to discover that a fairly large group of Muslims resides in the middle of Europe, not to mention that they have become the object of ethnonationalistic violence at the end of the twentieth century. A further seeming incongruity in the international arena is the claim by many Bosnian Muslims that they should not be confused with Muslims of the Arab-speaking world, since Bosnian Muslims are indigenous Serbo-Croatian-speaking (now Bosnian-speaking) Slavic people, just like the Serbs or Croats who have committed the recent acts of violence against them in the name of ethnic purity. The Bosnian Muslim claim that the designation “Muslim” is more a national than a religious identification is confusing to the world at large. This article will trace the formation of the Bosnian Muslim national identification and set forth the issues faced by the Bosnian Muslims in their attempts to claim and defend it.
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Đozić, Adib. "Identity and shame – How it seems from Bosniaks perspective. A contribution to the understanding of some characteristics of the national consciousness among Bosniaks." Historijski pogledi 4, no. 5 (May 31, 2021): 258–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.5.258.
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The relationship between identity and national consciousness is one of the important issues, not only, of the sociology of identity but of the overall opinion of the social sciences. This scientific question has been insufficiently researched in the sociological thought of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and with this paper we are trying to actualize it. Aware of theoretical-methodological and conceptual-logical difficulties related to the research problem, we considered that in the first part of the paper we make some theoretical-methodological notes on the problems in studying this phenomenon, in order to, above all, eliminate conceptual-logical dilemmas. The use of terms and their meaning in sociology and other social sciences is a very important theoretical and methodological issue. The question justifiably arises whether we can adequately name and explain some of the “character traits” of the contemporary national identity of the Bosniak nation that we want to talk about in this paper with classical, generally accepted terms, identity, consciousness, self-awareness, shame or shame, self-shame. Another important theoretical issue of the relationship between identity and consciousness in our case, the relationship between the national consciousness of Bosniaks and their overall socio-historical identity is the dialectical relationship between individual and collective consciousness, ie. the extent to which the national consciousness of an individual or a particular national group, political, cultural, educational, age, etc., is contrary to generally accepted national values and norms. One of the important factors of national consciousness is the culture of remembrance. What does it look like for Bosniaks? More specifically, in this paper we problematize the influence of “prejudicial historiography” on the development of the culture of memory in the direction of oblivion or memory. What to remember, and why to remember. Memory is part of our identity. The phrase, not to deal with the past but to turn to the future, is impossible. How to project the future and not analyze the past. On the basis of what, what social facts? Why the world remembers the crimes of the Nazis, why the memory of the Holocaust and the suffering of the Jews is being renewed. Which is why Bosniaks would not remember and renew the memory of the genocides committed against them. Due to the Bosniak memory of genocide, it is possible that the perpetrators of genocide are celebrated as national heroes and their atrocities as a national liberation struggle. Why is the history of literature and art, political history and all other histories studied in all nations and nations. Why don't European kingdoms give up their own, queens and kings, princesses and princes. These and other theoretical-methodological questions have served us to use comparative analysis to show specific forms of self-esteem among Bosniaks today. The concrete socio-historical examples we cite fully confirm our hypothesis. Here are a few of these examples. Our eastern neighbors invented their epic hero Marko Kraljevic (Ottoman vassal and soldier, killed as a “Turkish” soldier in the fight against Christian soldiers in Bulgaria) who killed the fictional Musa Kesedzija, invented victory on the field of Kosovo, and Bosniaks forgot the real Bosniak epic heroes , brothers Mujo and Halil Hrnjic, Tala od Orašac, Mustaj-beg Lički and others, who defended Bosniaks from persecution and ethnic cleansing in the Bosnian Krajina. Dozens of schools in Bosnia and Herzegovina have been named after the Serbian language reformer, the Serb Vuk Stefanović Karađić (1787-1864), who was born in the village of Tršić near Loznica, Republic of Serbia. Uskufije (1601 / 1602.-?), Born in Dobrinja near Tuzla. Two important guslars and narrators of epic folk songs, Filip Višnjić (1767-1834) and Avdo Medjedović (1875-1953), are unequally present in the memory and symbolic content of the national groups to which they belong, even if the difference in quality is on the side of the almost forgotten. Avdo Medjedovic, the “Balkan Homer”, is known at Harvard University, but very little is known in Bosnia and Herzegovina. And while we learned everything about the murderer Gavril Princip, enlightened by the “logic of an idea” (Hannah Arendt) symbolizing him as a “national hero”, we knew nothing, nor should we have known, about Muhamed Hadžijamaković, a Bosnian patriot and legal soldier, he did not kill a single pregnant woman , a fighter in the Bosnian Army who fought against the Austro-Hungarian occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1878. When it comes to World War II and the fight against fascism are full of hero stories. For one example, we will take Srebrenica, the place of genocidal suffering of Bosniaks. Before the war against Bosnian society and the state 1992-1995. in Srebrenica, the elementary school was called Mihajlo Bjelakovic, a partisan, born in Vidrići near Sokolac. Died in Srebrenica in 1944. The high school in Srebrenica was named Midhat Hacam, a partisan born in the vicinity of Vares. It is not a problem that these two educational institutions were named after two anti-fascists, whose individual work is not known except that they died. None of them were from Srebrenica. That's not a problem either. Then what is it. In the collective memory of Bosniaks. Until recently, the name of the two Srebrenica benefactors and heroes who saved 3,500 Srebrenica Serbs from the Ustasha massacre in 1942, who were imprisoned by the Ustashas in the camp, has not been recorded. These are Ali (Jusuf) efendi Klančević (1888-1952) and his son Nazif Klančević (1910-1975). Nothing was said about them as anti-fascists, most likely that Alija eff. Klančević was an imam-hodža, his work is valued according to Andrić's “logic” as a work that cannot “be the subject of our work” In charity, humanitarian work, but also courage, sacrifice, direct participation in the fight for defense, the strongest Bosniaks do not lag behind Bosniaks, but just like Bosniaks, they are not symbolically represented in the public space of Bosnia and Herzegovina. We had the opportunity to learn about the partisan Marija Bursać and many others, but why the name Ifaket-hanuma Tuzlić-Salihagić (1908-1942), the daughter of Bakir-beg Tulić, was forgotten. In order to feed the muhadjers from eastern Bosnia, Ifaket-hanum, despite the warning not to go for food to Bosanska Dubica, she left. She bravely stood in front of the Ustashas who arrested her and took her to Jasenovac. She was tortured in the camp and eventually died in the greatest agony, watered and fried with hot oil. Nothing was known about that victim of Ustasha crimes. Is it because she is the daughter of Bakir-beg Tuzlić. Bey's children were not desirable in public as benefactors because they were “remnants of rotten feudalism”, belonging to the “sphere of another culture”. In this paper, we have mentioned other, concrete, examples of Bosniak monasticism, from the symbolic content of the entire public space to naming children.
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Šehagić, Merima. "How a Collective Trauma Influences Ethno-Religious Relations of Adolescents in Present-Day Sarajevo, Bosnia-Herzegovina." Social Inclusion 4, no. 2 (April 19, 2016): 133–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v4i2.497.
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This article combines a historical perspective on intergenerational transmission of collective trauma with a psycho-anthropological approach in regards to the construction of multiple identifications by Bosniak adolescents growing up in Bosnia and Herzegovina, after the Balkan war that took place in the early 1990s. This research is based on the ethnographic fieldwork I conducted during my three-month stay in Sarajevo, a city that has been the center of battles between Bosnian Serbs and Bosniaks. The aim of this research is to understand the ways in which memories of the war linger on in contemporary interethnic and interreligious relations. I applied Dialogical Self Theory to analyze dilemmas and ambiguities emerging from the multiple identifications of Muslim adolescents, to whom coexistence with Bosnian Serbs has come to be part of everyday life. During oral histories, my informants expressed a desire to maintain a sense of normality, consisting of a stable political and economic present and future. I argue that nationalist ideologies on ethno-religious differences which were propagated during the war stand in the way of living up to this desire. On a micro level, people try to manage their desire for normality by promoting a certain degree of social cohesion and including the ethno-religious other to a shared national identity of ‘being Bosnian’.
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Zekić, Marinko. "Bosnian Identity – Myth And/Or Reality." Slavica Lodziensia 1 (November 14, 2017): 105–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2544-1795.01.09.
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The rich socio-cultural history of Bosnia and Herzegovina as a single territorial, political, state and legal and administrative rounded whole, can be seen in several separated simultaneous fl ows arising as a result of the deep-rooted ethno-confessional division of this area, where religion, as the dominant integrating cultural factor, also represented the main distinctive element of the national identity of the three Bosnian constituent peoples, which the unaltered state agrees with to this day. As a unique area with religions at the border, and denominational boundaries at the edges of Catholicism and Orthodoxy among which Islam is wedged between, Bosnia and Herzegovina represents a unique civilizational bridge between East and West, where the followers of these religions see as their guardians, highlighting specifi c religious, cultural and national characteristics which establishes the opposition to the “other” and “diff erent” with which for centuries has coexisted. The most prominent features of identity and otherness which exist in symbiosis are articulated precisely on the borders as places of their meetings, which in turn have never been so impervious to keep the integration of diff erent ethnic and religious traditions followers, leading to ghettoisation and creating worlds closed for themselves, and long-term coexistence of diff erent and often confl icting civilizational-religious system characterized by a certain closeness of high culture of individual entities and openness, and mutual intertwining of which was out of the realm of popular culture.
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Kim, Chul Min. "Bosnian Muslim: The Historical Background and National Identity." Journal of international area studies 3, no. 4 (December 31, 1999): 115. http://dx.doi.org/10.18327/jias.1999.12.3.4.115.
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Bušatlić, Lejla. "Bosanski slog u komparativnom diskursu nacionalnih arhitektonskih stilova na području Balkana / Bosnian style in the comparative discourse of national architectural styles." Journal of the Faculty of Philosophy in Sarajevo / Radovi Filozofskog fakulteta u Sarajevu, ISSN 2303-6990 on-line, no. 24 (November 10, 2021): 459–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.46352//23036990.2021.459.
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The article analyzes the Bosnian style in architecture by reflecting upon the phenomenon of the national architectural style, its role in the construction of national identity, political and ideological instrumentalization. The issue of the relationship betwee tradition and modernity and the position of architectural heritage in the contemporary context arises. Interpretative framework of the specificity of the national architectural idiom also includes a discursive view of the relationship between the periphery and the center. Through a comparative analysis of national styles in architecture of the Balkan countries such as Bosnia and Herzegovina, Turkey, Croatia and Serbia, their character, distinction and mutual connections are defined. The Bosnian-style in architecture is viewed in its development as an architectural idiom of the national origin, but also as an authentic stylistic determinant created in the process of a creative research of architectural heritage that will ultimately result in new spatial-design and aesthetic values consistent with modernist architectural concepts. In this sense, the position of the Bosnian style as a national style in the history of European modernism is questioned, its connection with the aesthetics of modernism based on the principles of reducing excessive decorativeness, formative purism and functionalism.
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Lucic, Iva. "In the service of the nation: intellectuals’ articulation of the Muslim national identity1." Nationalities Papers 40, no. 1 (January 2012): 23–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2011.635642.
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This article explores the emerging national narratives about Muslim national identity in the period of the 1960s and 1970s. After the national recognition of a Bosnian Muslim nation, which was proposed by the members of the Central Committee of Bosnia and Herzegovina, it was the intellectuals’ task to endow the national category with cultural repertoire. Hereby affirmative as well as negating discursive practices on the national status of Muslims entered the debates, which geographically expanded the republican scope of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The author examines internal discussions of the LCY on that issue as well as the intellectuals’ engagement in the public spheres in Socialist Yugoslavia. By integrating the nation-building activities of intellectuals outside Yugoslavia, the author postulates for a trans-national dimension of nation-building processes.
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Đurović, Draženko. "PROBLEM NACIONALNOG OPREDJELJENJA BOSANSKOHERCEGOVAČKIH MUSLIMANA 1945–1954: IZMEĐU POLITIKE KPJ/SKJ I OSJEĆAJA PRIPADNOSTI „TURSKOJ VJERI“." Istorija 20. veka 40, no. 2/2022 (August 1, 2022): 423–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.29362/ist20veka.2022.2.dju.423-440.
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Although the CPY advocated the existence and equality of the three peoples of Bosnia and Herzegovina during the liberation and revolutionary struggles, at the end of the Second World War a change of political course on the status of Muslims and a renunciation of the affirmation of their national identity followed. Despite the fact that the “people’s government” took a position on the “free” national expression of the Bosnian population of the Islamic religion, the political circumstances and relations established after the liberation, to some extent, guided the national “evolutionary path” of Muslims. Serbs were the main force of the national liberation struggle, so after the war they were considered the most reliable element of the new state and order, which encouraged the communists of the Islamic faith to identify with the nation of the informal war victor and the leading people in power in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The result was that the predominant number of the leadership and the Muslim party membership accepted the Serbian national name, which profiled the further policy of the CPY towards this Slavic people. However, contrary to the national orientation of the Muslim party membership and the political affinities and efforts of the CPY, the Muslim masses did not accept the Serbian, and especially the Croatian national nomination, but “kept” their ethnic identity, declaring themselves undecided. This generated a paradoxical situation and political contrast, which was one of the complicating factors of the political situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Poorly developed national consciousness, faced in the past with different orientations of their own intelligentsia, the Bosnian Muslim masses found themselves in a “gap” between the unprincipled policy of the CPY towards their position and national nomination, and the legacy of the Turkish tradition with which they identified. They often called themselves Turks, implying affiliation with the Islamic faith, and such tendencies persisted until the second half of the twentieth century. The communists suppressed the use of the Turkish name to denote local Muslims, and allowed and promoted the expression of negative attitudes towards the Ottoman imperial past, for which there were two reasons. Such an appointment clashed with the current policy of shaping the national “evolutionary path” of Muslims and the fight against the “backward influence of religion”, because the Turkish nomination meant the equivalent of belonging to the Islamic faith. Considering that Islam was a basic element of identity and social being for Bosnian Muslims, such a policy of the Party was also a significant factor in complicating political relations in the republic.
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Alić, Dijana, and Maryam Gusheh. "Reconciling National Narratives in Socialist Bosnia and Herzegovina: The Baščaršija Project, 1948-1953." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 58, no. 1 (March 1, 1999): 6–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/991434.
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The emergence of modernism in post-World War II Bosnia was simultaneous with the development of the Yugoslav socialist regime and the desire to redefine the role of religion and ethnicity in the construction of a new national identity. The debate as to the relevance of the Serbian, Croatian, and Muslim national narratives to the broader universalist and secular Yugoslav agenda brought into question the cultural significance of the Bosnian built heritage. How was the existing built fabric to inform the architecture of the revolution? In this context, the work of Juraj Neidhardt, a former employee of Le Corbusier's, is significant since his seminal text, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Toward Modernity (1957), articulates a critical link between the existing built fabric and "modern socialist" architecture. In discussing his work within the broader political context of socialist Bosnia, this paper focuses on an architectural and textual analysis of Neidhardt's proposal to turn Baščaršija, the Ottoman-established urban core of Sarajevo, into a cultural center for socialist Bosnia and Herzegovina. It is argued that the specific urban and architectural strategies Neidhardt employed were reflective of his desire to secularize the Ottoman built fabric and thereby allow a distinctly Bosnian narrative to coexist and contribute to the architecture of the socialist regime.
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Saljic, Jovana. "Literature, religion and the birth of a nation: The creation of the “literary Bosnianhood”." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 164 (2017): 665–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1764665s.
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The question of national identity and nationality of the group of people inhabited in a particular geographical area, despite numerous theories which over the last nearly two and a half centuries have been giving the variety of answers, most frequently is related to a common ethnical background, culture, history, tradition, and as it was considered for a longer period of time, a common language. Although it is not uncommon for members of one ethnic group to profess the same religion in the vast majority, the religion, at least according to the theories of the nation, has never been an essential definition of the national identity. It should not be surprising if we take into account the circumstances that led to the awakening of nations and national movements in the 19th century of the European Enlightenment period, when the other form of togetherness started to replace a religion dominant for centuries. Thus, in forming national consciousness, religion found itself in the last place. On the other hand, if nationality formed by a religion was unacceptable for the theories of the nation, forming a national literature by the religious affiliation would have been unthinkable. By the simple analogy, the first was excluding the other which means that if it was not possible for the religion to form a nation, it was also not possible to form a national literature. At least, it was common opinion. However, right in the European region where those theories had been developed, we can also find the first case to refute them. And we can do that with the so-called Bosnian- Muslim literature that have made its first steps during the second half of the 19th century as ? mean in the creation of the new Bosnian nation. It was not the religious literature with religious themes and motifs, but the literature of the religion, of the members of a religion in an effort to create their own national identity based on a religious one. In that sense, there were three most important literary events that made the foundations for the creating the so called ?literary Bosnianhood? in the last decades of the 19th century: a collection of proverbs and lessons called ?National Treasure? by Mehmed-beg Kapetanovic Ljubusak, a collection of epic poems called ?Folk Songs of the Mohammedans in Bosnia and Herzegovina? by Kosta H?rmann and the launch of the literary magazine called ?Bosniak?. The paper presents historical, political and social circumstances that had led to those literary events, the birth of the new type of literature as well as the new Bosnian nation and national identity.
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Hodžić, Jasmin. "The Official Bosnian Language at the Beginning of Public Schooling in B&H: Bosniakdom and the Bosnian Language in the Textbooks of Bosnian Franciscans Ambroža Matić and Augustin Miletić." BOSNIACA, no. 27 (December 9, 2022): 114–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.37083/bosn.2022.27.114.
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Based on the available archival material and additional literature, this paper approaches the analysis of the textbooks of the Bosnian Franciscans Ambroža Matić and Augustin Miletić from the sociolinguistic aspect in the context of language naming and linguistic identity. The textbooks serve as examples from the corpus of our initial textbook literature referring to the early period or the very beginning of the contemporary (more modern) type of public schooling in Bosnia and Herzegovina, with the aim of looking at identitarian language issues closely related to the issue of national identity. The starting point is the curriculum of the state (Franciscan) primary school in Tolisa (Orašje) from 1823, on the basis of which we can speak of a significant jubilee that today marks two centuries of a particularly important tradition: the official Bosnian language at the beginning (in the early period) of modern public schooling in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Furthermore, the paper shall analyze textbooks from the beginning of the 19th century, at a time when the processes of nationalization and significant mutual identitarian alienation of the local population had not yet taken root.
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Trlin, Davor. "National Identity in Post-Yugoslav States: Constitutional Relationship Between the Ethnic, Civic and National." Journal of Balkan Studeis 2, no. 1 (January 1, 2022): 83–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.51331/a021.
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This paper treats the issues of identity. It showcases the approaches to the relations among ethnic, civic and national interests in the drafting of constitutions in transitional countries. Tethered to the fundamental principles of good drafting, the paper highlights the balance of constitutional relations in post-Yugoslav countries. Most of these states are heteregenous societies, which makes it harder for the constitution-maker to define the state as civic. The Montenegrin society is established on civic foundations, whereas Macedonian and Bosnian-Herzegovinan constitutions established a constitutional system in which the collective particularities of ethnic groups are manifested largely on the expense of citizens or other collectivities. This paper also deals with the problem of constructing national identity, where ethnic identity is seen as an obstacle.
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Tuzlak, Dženana. "Sedamdeset godina Muzičke zbirke Nacionalne i univerzitetske biblioteke Bosne i Hercegovine / Seventy Years of the Music Collection of the National and University Library of Bosnia and Herzegovina." Pregled: časopis za društvena pitanja / Periodical for social issues 63, no. 1 (June 6, 2022): 101–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.48052/19865244.2021.1.101.
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This paper presents the Music Collection of the National and University Library of Bosnia and Herzegovina, founded in 1951 within the Department of Rare Books and Manuscripts. During 70 years, the Collection's stock building was systematically with a legal deposit from the all over Yugoslavia until 1992, through purchases, gift and exchange. In that way the Bosnian-Herzegovinian national collection was founded, which contributed to the preservation of national and cultural identity. In 1980, it owned 9.500 bibliographic units. Unfortunately, the Collection was destroyed on 25 August, 1992, in a shelling of the Vijećnica (City Hall), where was the National and University Library of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Its restoration is still being. Today, the funds of this Collection contain approximately 5.000 bibliographic units and is organized into three separate parts: the Musicological Book Collection, the Music Collection and the Sound Collection. For the most part of the materials – 3.304 bibliographic units, was processed within the COBISS.BH system (Co-operative Online Bibliographic System and Services), according to international bibliographic standards and the COMARC/B format (Cooperative Machine-Readable Cataloging). All bibliographic records can be searched in the electronic catalog of the Library by several parameters. The Collection has invaluable documentary value, especially for our Bosnian-Herzegovinian national music culture. In the following period, it is necessary to enrich the Collection with new contents and present it with quality on high level by bibliographic processing. The best protection of these collected sound records, in Music Collection, as part of the cultural heritage of Bosnia and Herzegovina, is its digitization at the national level in compliance with the legislation about copyright and related rights.
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Pilarska, Justyna. "Boshnjaks. In other words: Jihad vs. McWorld and other theories..." Journal of Education Culture and Society 1, no. 2 (January 17, 2020): 67–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.15503/jecs20102.67.77.
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The Ottoman invasion of the Balkans that began in the 14th century led to an imbalance in the process of self-identification among the Bosnian people, having crucial influence on the process of establishing their sense of belonging, identification and national awareness. It particularly influenced the process of conceptualizing the cultural identity of Boshnjaks, whose ancestors converted to Islam and changed the ethnic and religious landscape of Balkans to a large extent. The author focuses on the political and social factors determining the shape of Bosnian identity, its origin and historical circumstances which influenced not only identification processes but also the course of the conflict in the Balkans between 1992 and 1995. This paper also provides data on many controversial facts regarding influences of Islamic radicals on Bosnian society before and after the fall of Yugoslavia. On the basis of social and historical analysis the author indicates that contemporary theories on cultural origin of conflicts, reduced to the dichotomy Jihad vs. McWorld are not applicable in the case of the unique, multicultural identity of Bosnian Muslims.
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Lozic, Vanja. "(Re)Shaping History in Bosnian and Herzegovinian Museums." Culture Unbound 7, no. 2 (June 11, 2015): 307–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3384/cu.2000.1525.1572307.
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The current article explores how political changes in the past 130 years have shaped and reshaped three major museums in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). The overall aim is to describe structural processes of national museum building in BiH and the ways the museological representation of history is connected to state and nation making and to political transitions and crises. The analysed museums are the National Museum of BiH, the History Museum of BiH, and the Museum of the Republic of Srpska. The source material analysed consists of the directories and the titles of exhibitions; secondary material, which describes previous exhibitions; and virtual museum tours. The article illustrates that during the Austrian-Hungarian Empire, which established the National Museum in 1888, the museum played an important part in the representation of Bosnian identity (bosnjastvo). After World War II, in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, all three analysed museums were summoned to interpret the past in accordance with the guidelines of the communist regime. Since the 1990s, a highly ethnicized process of identity building and of the musealization of heritage, and history permeates all three museums analysed here. When it comes to the central exhibition-themes following the 1990s war, one could conclude that whereas the National Museum and the History Museum highlight the recent creation of an independent BiH and ostracize BIH-Serbs, the Museum of the Republic of Srpska asserts the ostensible distinctiveness of the Republic of Srpska and excludes the narratives about BiH as a unified and independent nation-state. If an agreement about the future of BiH and its history is to be reached, a step towards multi-vocal historical narratives has to be made from both sides.
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Kudryashova, Irina, and Elena Meleskina. "POWER-SHARING AND NATIONAL COMMUNITY FORMATION: UNDERSTANDING BOSNIA’S EXPERIENCE." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 2 (2021): 127–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2021.02.06.
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The article explores the experience of power-sharing, i.e. consociational democracy, established in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) after the end of the ethnic war a quarter century ago. The authors’ attention is aimed at identifying a balance between the broad autonomy of the three major ethnocultural groups (segments) and the formation of a national community and common civic identity. Knowing this balance makes it possible to determine the prospects for political stability and development. For this purpose, the system of political institutions in BiH is considered, and its specificity is highlighted. Data-based analysis allows to define a number of negative trends in the Bosnian political process, in particular, the weakening of the democratic potential of the political regime, as well as the deterioration of the quality of governance and civil society’s activities. The observed rise in political participation is assessed as ineffective, since it hasn’t been accompanied by an increase in authorities’ responsibility and ability to solve acute political and socioeconomic problems. In particular, despite widespread support for the European perspective, party leaders haven’t been able to agree on the constitutional reform that is required to obtain official EU candidate status. The BiH parties’ analysis reveals their interest in promoting the ethno-nationalist discourse for keeping control over the economic and political resources of their communities. It is also noted that the role of international actors in BiH is of a dual nature: they maintain the required level of stability, but some of their decisions provoke strengthening of the nationalist forces. In the framework of the Bosnian case, the importance of the elites’ consent to joint participation in power and cooperation can be viewed as the most important condition for the successful implementation of power-sharing institutions and practices in post-conflict societies.
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Puttkamer, Joachim von. "No future? Narrating the past in Bosnian history museums." Nationalities Papers 44, no. 5 (September 2016): 789–803. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2016.1181052.
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Recent unrest and the 2014 elections have corroborated the impression of Bosnia as a failing state, one that is constantly being undermined by the three-way impasse between constituent ethnic groups of Bosniaks, Croats, and Serbs. Major history museums in Bosnia, however, provide a more complex picture. This paper analyzes museums and exhibitions on twentieth-century history in Sarajevo, Banja Luka, and Jajce, with regard to their narrative strategies, their aesthetic appearance, and the commemorative practices in their respective locations. From this perspective, the use of history in building group identity in Bosnia is far from coherent. Although museums are one means to assert firmly entrenched national identities both old and new, they compete at the same time with nostalgic commemorations of socialist Yugoslavia and with equally nostalgic references to the Austrian occupation. Various civic groups struggle to assert their visions of belonging, mostly with rather modest financial means. Based on these findings, this paper will explore not only the underlying assumptions of what history and, in particular, museums are all about, but also how visions of the future of Bosnia and Herzegovina are inscribed in these uses of history – if indeed they are.
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Muhić, Ferid. "Bosniaks and Bosnia: A Study in the Philosophy of Politics (3)." Illuminatio 2, no. 1 (May 17, 2021): 129–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.52510/sia.v2i1.20.
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The third, final part of this study, analyses the relationship between Bosniaks and Bosnia through the interaction of three chronologically problem-related processes: 1. The procedure defined as 'The Archeology of the Politics of Oblivion' reconstructs in all previous research completely neglected aspects of the genesis of historical and political factors of the project of denial of Bosniaks as a separate people / nation, erasing their historical name, language name and ethnic, spiritual, cultural and state identity; 2. The issue of the relationship between Bosniaks as a people / nation and Bosnia, as their home state, which they created and defended, from the general problem-theory perspective as well as from recent events and with the current situation being considered; 3. The thesis is argued that the preservation of the historical name „Bosniaks“, returned on September 28, 1993, is a permanent strategic imperative of all Bosniaks in the world and a conditio sine qua non of the survival of Bosnia as a state and as a concept.. The initiative to use the territorial determinants „Bosnians“ or „Bosnians and Herzegovinians“ instead of the historical name, which aims to definitively remove Bosniaks from the historical scene as a people / nation, is critically analysed. Since the survival of Bosniaks is a necessary condition for the survival and existence of Bosnia, the imperatives of the historical moment require the unconditional acceptance of the historical name „Bosniaks“, the renewal of the sense of common belonging and mutual connection of Bosniaks as a people / nation, strengthening the emotional connection with one's own national being and establishing the awareness of the moral obligation of every individual Bosniak towards his/her Bosniak people and their home state of Bosnia.
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Hodžić, Jasmin. "Stavovi srpskih političara o jeziku u Bosni i Hercegovini 1991–1995." Historijski pogledi 5, no. 8 (November 15, 2022): 370–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2022.5.8.370.
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The topic of this article does not cover the views of all Serbian politicians on the language in Bosnia and Herzegovina from the beginning of the 1990s, at least not those who remained in the convocation of the Assembly of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina and who were opponents of the policy of the Serbian Democratic Party, that is, they did not agree with it. In this paper, we analyze shorthand notes from the so-called Assembly of the Serbian people in Bosnia and Herzegovina from 1991 to 1995 (from January 1992, the so-called Republic of the Serbian People of Bosnia and Herzegovina; and from March 1992, the so-called Serbian Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and from September 1992, the Republic of Srpska). The aim of this paper is twofold. One is analyzing the nationalist attitudes of Serbian politicians about the language in Bosnian society from the beginning of the 1990s, while the other is pointing out the presence of some open and tolerant attitudes. Topic wise, we follow the narrative about the use of the alphabet or the discussion about the relationship between the Latin and Cyrillic alphabets. Moreover, particular focus is on the discourse about the name of the language and the mutual relationship between the linguistic identities of Serbs, Croats and Bosniak Muslims. Lastly, we will pay special attention to the issue of Ekavica (ekavian speech) and the model of political partialness and imposition of the Ekavian language of identity in the dialect space to which it does not originally belong. As the use of Ekavica was the biggest point of contention in the debates of Serbian politicians, in this paper we will additionally refer to a brief historical overview of the status of Ekavica in the Bosnian society, especially in education. Documents about the usage of Ekavica in special circumstances will also be presented in this paper. As the documents show, however, Ekavica is a means of spreading Serbian national interests in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Following some ideas of proposed or adopted legislative acts on language from the beginning of the 1990s, we will analyze the transcripts from a total of thirteen parliamentary sessions where language was discussed, along with about twenty individually expressed views during parliamentary procedures. As a thorough presentation or analysis of all of the above would exceed the usual article length, we will present only some parliamentary positions directly as sources. Other views will be systematized and analyzed as a group through the discussion and conclusions. Views that directly concern the current organization of our society and state will be particularly dealt with. In that regard, significant data on how Serbian is positioned in relation to the Bosnian and Croatian languages through the directly stated views of Serbian political representatives on several occasions and at separate parliamentary sessions can also be observed. Two opposing models were found – tolerance in language views, on one hand, and open discrimination and linguistic imperialism in the misuse of language for political purposes on the other hand. The starting motive for research of this type is a contextualized relationship to the current situation in connection with official negative attitudes towards language rights in the Bosnian entity the Republic of Srpska, with a special contextual connection with the latest legislative acts – the so-called unity of the Serbian cultural space, the guidelines for the unified cultural and educational policy of the Serbian people (from 2019), and the Declaration on the borders of the Serbian language (from 2022) – without directly entering into the content elements thereof.
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Sokcsevits, Dénes. "The Story of Croatian Bosnia: Mythos, Empire-Building Aspirations, or a Failed Attempt at National Integration?" Hungarian Historical Review 11, no. 4 (2022): 870–912. http://dx.doi.org/10.38145/2022.4.870.
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The nineteenth-century processes of “nation-building” and national integration took place in the western regions of southeastern Europe against a distinctive backdrop. The formation of national self-images, the creation of a national self-definition, and indeed the emergence of any clear consensus on who constituted or should constitute a given national community proved daunting tasks for the multi-ethnic and multi-religious populations of southeastern Europe in the provinces of the Habsburg Monarchy and the Ottoman Empire. The essential contention of this inquiry is that religious and national identities are not clearly interrelated in southeastern Europe (much, indeed, as they are not clearly interrelated elsewhere). I offer, as a clear illustration of the untenability of religious identity as an adequate foundation for nation building, an examination of the case of Bosnia and the development of a sense of identity and national belonging among Bosnian Croats and Muslims. Even the case of the emergence of the modern Serbian and Croatian nations, often cited as archetypes of national identities which developed along religious fault lines, is not as clear as it often seems to be in the public mind. It was not the only possibility, but rather was merely one alternative, an alternative that was shaped as much by internal circumstances as by the prevailing foreign political situation: the emergence, meaning, and “content” of the nation can be interpreted as a response to these factors.
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Ičanović, Azra. "Deconstruction of the epic cultural code in the short story by Kaimi Derviš Sušić." Post Scriptum 11, no. 11 (September 13, 2022): 219–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.52580/issn.2232-8556.2022.11.11.219.
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Starting from the thesis that the epic cultural code throughout the history of B&H was one of the key factors in the re/construction of national/ethnic identities in Bosnia, the paper, aimed at pointing to the poetic and ideological revolution of Bosnian literature of the second half of the XX century, analyzes the process of deconstruction of epic cultural code in story „Kaimija“ by Derviš Sušić. The paper concludes that the deconstruction of the epic cultural code and the erosion of the epic world begins within that world in the moment when Tale Ličanin enters it, whose character Derviš Sušić used in his story to oppose the monumental concept of history and the figure of the epic hero with a dialectical and activist view of the past and the socially conscious character of the hybrid (cultural) identity.
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Popadeva, T. I. "The Politics of Language in Constructing Civil Identity: Case of Bosnia and Herzegovina." MGIMO Review of International Relations 14, no. 4 (September 9, 2021): 91–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2021-4-79-91-106.
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Civil identity is one of the most significant factors in modern political practice. Today’s identity formation and development of large national groups is less based on a cultural and historical foundation and increasingly depends on political technologies. Among them, the construction of new languages plays an important role. The article studies the Bosnian language policy, which, contrary to forming a common civil identity, as a result of the politicization of linguistic norms becomes a factor in creating a “forge of hatred”. Drawing on constructivist social theories, the author summarizes Bosnian linguistic practices and examines them through the prism of symbolic interactionism and negative feedback systems. Particular attention is paid to situations when the desire for effective communication motivates speakers to abandon ethnically colored linguistic markers and situations in which the language acts as a defense against the internal “other.” Applying the criteria for distinguishing between language and dialects, the author concludes that the phonetic principle of the Serbo-Croatian language formation made it possible, after the destruction of Yugoslavia, to turn this linguistic continuum into an identification weapon to delimit the citizens of one country. This experience helps analyze the politicization of literary interpretations and linguistic norms in other regions of the world, where there are also examples of the growth of xenophobia, nationalism, and intolerance resulting from a differentiating language policy.
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Šeta, Đermana. "„Hladni rat“ oko Djeda Mraza / “Cold war“ over Santa Claus." Context: Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 1, no. 1 (March 22, 2022): 26–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.55425/23036966.2014.1.1.26.
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This paper analyses possibilities for culture and policy of holiday celebration in public educational institutions in Bosnia and Herzegovina, which would not erase individual identities’ of children and would allow for respect and acceptance of diversities. In recent years the presence of “Djed Mraz” (“Santa Claus”) at children’s celebrations in day care centers and schools in Bosnia and Herzegovina has provoked heated discussion mostly related to the religious, secular, atheist or some other symbolism of this character. The case study analyses New Year’s celebration in public daycare institutions “Djeca Sarajeva” (“Children of Sarajevo”). The paper will present the historical development of the character and will offer a case study in order to highlight the main points of dispute and offer potential recommendations and solutions. The underlying idea behind the analysis is that all stakeholders in the educational process need to seriously approach this sensitive issue of religion and beliefs of parents and their children, and at the same time cherish the common national, Bosnian and Herzegovinian identity of their citizens and their individual, particular religious and cultural identities as well.
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Zulić, Omer. "Serbian national ideology and projects in the field of culture in Bosnia and Herzegovina, with reference to the wider area of Tuzla in the Austro-Hungarian period (1878-1918)." Historijski pogledi 3, no. 4 (December 30, 2020): 47–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2020.3.4.47.
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Since the middle of the 19th century, Croatian and Serbian national ideas have been systematically and purposefully imposed on Bosnian Orthodox and Catholics in Bosnia. In this way, the Serb and Croat nations are formed on a religious basis in Bosnia. "Serbs" and "Croats" as national-political determinants are introduced into Bosnia from Serbia and Croatia. Their goal is to nationalize the Catholic population in the Croatian, and the Orthodox in the Serbian national sense. In the Austro-Hungarian period, activities in the field of strengthening national identities were also noticeable in the field of culture. Then there is a more massive organization of the population through various forms of cultural, educational, sports, economic and other societies. These associations, formally non-governmental and non-political, operated politically, with the task of executing national movements and strengthening the national consciousness of Orthodox and Catholics. In this way, a religious and ethnic mosaic was formed in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the mentioned period, which created a kind of forms of national movements. This was especially pronounced among the Orthodox population, which in symbiosis and cooperation of cultural, educational, business associations, and church communities, achieved significant progress and results in terms of national awareness and strengthening national and cultural identity. The goal of founding Serbian singing societies is to nurture and strengthen the Serbian national consciousness through nurturing the church song, through books (enlightenment), song and presentation of Serbian theatrical, and especially historical contents. In this way, the singing societies were the bearers of the national and educational-cultural revival of the Orthodox population. The press played a significant role in political action and the spread of national ideas and aspirations. Namely, the press was the most suitable form in terms of spreading ideas and strengthening the national-religious identity, primarily among the Orthodox, but also the rest of the population. Therefore, the occupation authorities strictly controlled and approved the establishment of printing houses with strict checks. Nevertheless, this was not an obstacle for certain newspapers to emphasize their political views and commitments through columns, which is why some were banned, as is the case with the Tuzla newspaper, called "Serbian Movement", which was banned in 1914. Theaters in this period were also very suitable for action on the national-political level. The primary goal of the theater's activities was not cultural uplifting, but agitation in order to develop national consciousness, primarily among the Orthodox population, and in that sense of action against the occupying authorities, but also Bosnia and Herzegovina. Traveling theaters primarily gave performances of historical themes, with the aim of igniting national consciousness, among the Orthodox. Therefore, this paper aims to point out the reflections, primarily of Serbian national-political aspirations in the field of culture in Bosnia and Herzegovina, with reference to Tuzla, in the Austro-Hungarian period.
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Keller, Jonathan W., Bernd Kaussler, and Yi Edward Yang. "American Power and Security during the Bosnian War (1993–1995): National Identity, Credibility, and the ‘Stalemate Machine’." Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies 19, no. 4 (February 7, 2017): 446–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19448953.2017.1280988.
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Markovich, Slobodan. "Anglo-American views of Gavrilo Princip." Balcanica, no. 46 (2015): 273–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1546273m.
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The paper deals with Western (Anglo-American) views on the Sarajevo assassination/attentat and Gavrilo Princip. Articles on the assassination and Princip in two leading quality dailies (The Times and The New York Times) have particularly been analysed as well as the views of leading historians and journalists who covered the subject including: R. G. D. Laffan, R. W. Seton-Watson, Winston Churchill, Sidney Fay, Bernadotte Schmitt, Rebecca West, A. J. P. Taylor, Vladimir Dedijer, Christopher Clark and Tim Butcher. In the West, the original general condemnation of the assassination and its main culprits was challenged when Rebecca West published her famous travelogue on Yugoslavia in 1941. Another Brit, the remarkable historian A. J. P. Taylor, had a much more positive view on the Sarajevo conspirators and blamed Germany and Austria-Hungary for the outbreak of the Great War. A turning point in Anglo-American perceptions was the publication of Vladimir Dedijer?s monumental book The Road to Sarajevo (1966), which humanised the main conspirators, a process initiated by R. West. Dedijer?s book was translated from English into all major Western languages and had an immediate impact on the understanding of the Sarajevo assassination. The rise of national antagonisms in Bosnia gradually alienated Princip from Bosnian Muslims and Croats, a process that began in the 1980s and was completed during the wars of the Yugoslav succession. Although all available sources clearly show that Princip, an ethnic Serb, gradually developed a broader Serbo-Croat and Yugoslav identity, he was ethnified and seen exclusively as a Serb by Bosnian Croats and Bosniaks and Western journalists in the 1990s. In the past century imagining Princip in Serbia and the West involved a whole spectrum of views. In interwar Anglo-American perceptions he was a fanatic and lunatic. He became humanised by Rebecca West (1941), A. J. P. Taylor showed understanding for his act (1956), he was fully explained by Dedijer (1966), challenged and then exonerated by Cristopher Clark (2012-13), and cordially embraced by Tim Butcher (2014).
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Hadžić, Faruk. "The European Union (EU) Political Identity within the migrant crisis, and the Balkan – Bosnian route; xenophobia and religious identity." Research, Society and Development 9, no. 10 (October 4, 2020): e4809108685. http://dx.doi.org/10.33448/rsd-v9i10.8685.
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The study aims to critically analyze the EU's political identity and how the migrant crisis embodies the most challenging political issue facing the E.U., implicating growing xenophobia and questioning European multiculturalism. Moreover, the author provides insight into the migrant crisis's socio-political and security challenges, followed by ethnographic research of the migrant's religious identity within the Balkan route. Migrations are a central issue for Europe's future, security, and identity. The EU's cultural integrity remains unclear, and the migrant crisis opens up a multiculturalism discourse. The nation-state model has undergone significant globalized world changes, becoming less sustainable and less critical for cultural, political, and economic processes. Due to the growing economic insecurity and the fear of losing national identities in an environment of globalized culture, some have perceived multiculturalism as a threat. The humanitarian and security discourse reflects the micro-level of the situation on the ground and the mass media's macro levels and political action. Acceptance of ethnoreligious or political diversity does not relieve immigrants of the duty to recognize all the rules necessary to conduct productive coexistence. Migrants' participation in socio-economic and political systems means realizing the preconditions for the beginning of cultural integration. The crisis triggered an avalanche of anti-Islam sentiments that became a reference matrix for radical populism. The sense of identification with the housing society-Bosniaks, where Islamic regulations on the matrix are legitimized by recognizing a universal theological pattern, is a symbolic moment and a participative approach to understanding both religion and integration. Constructing immigrants as a group, whether they are migrants, refugees, or asylum seekers, tends to encourage the perception that "their "interests, values, and traditions are competing with "ours, "stimulating negative emotions in the form of prejudice.
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Skrzeszewska, Monika. "„Jestem Serbem, serbskim dzieckiem” – miejsce pisarzy wyznających islam na łamach czasopisma „Bosanska vila” (1885–1914)." Zeszyty Łużyckie 55 (December 11, 2021): 221–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.32798/zl.776.
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The aim of the article is to answer the question of whether the Muslim writers (Mustafa Hilmi, Riza-beg Kapetanović, Savfet-beg Bagašević, Salih Kazazović, Osman Đikić, Avdo Karabegović, Avdo Karabegović Hasanbegov, Omer-beg Sulejmanpašić-Despotović, Musa Ćatim Ćatić and Šaćir Karabegović Hasanbegov) who submitted their poetry to “Bosanska vila” – Sarajevo’s periodical of Bosnian Serbs published in the years 18851914, participated in the promotion of Serbian national identity. “Bosanska vila” was the first journalism platform enabling the Muslim authors to make a literary debut – this was a strategy used by Serbs to show that Islamic literary output is part of the Serbian linguistic and literary heritage, and by extension, that the Muslims are in fact Serbs. Some of these authors contributed to the propagation efforts in that they revealed their Serbian national sentiment, others were discouraged by the magazine’s policies from further cooperation with the Serbs both literary and otherwise. The analysis of the poems presented in the article can point to which authors actually embraced their Serb identity and who amongst them opposed national declarations altogether.
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Balbuena, Monique. "Dibaxu: a comparative analysis of Clarisse Nicoïdski's and Juan Gelman's bilingual poetry." Arquivo Maaravi: Revista Digital de Estudos Judaicos da UFMG 5, no. 8 (March 30, 2011): 89–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.17851/1982-3053.5.8.89-101.
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This essay reads Argentine poet Juan Gelma's 1994 bilingual Ladino-Castellano book Dibaxu in light of its intertextual relationship with Franco-Bosnian author Clarisse Nicoïdski's work, especially her 1986 bilingual Ladino-English poetry collection Lus ojus, las manus, la boca. I return to Gelman's text, written in a foreign, diasporic, and Jewish language in order to acknowledge Nicoïdski'ʹs work not only as a pre-text, but as a fundamental intertextual source for Dibaxu. In doing so, I observe the different reasons these two poets have to use the Ladino language: while Nicoïdski seeks to establish a link with her Sephardic community, Gelman uses the language to escape the limited trappings of a national identity. Both, however, work towards the maintenance, or survival, of Ladino.
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Gucka, Agnieszka. "„Chorwaci islamskiej wiary” – byt rzeczywisty czy twór propagandy?" Slavia Meridionalis 11 (August 31, 2015): 15–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sm.2011.002.
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The “Croats of Islamic faith” – reality or a creation of propaganda? According to the latest census, in 2001, 56, 777 Muslims live in the Republic of Croatia. The present article is an attempt to answer the following questions about these “Croats of Islamic faith” (Hrvati islamske vjeroispovjesti): Who are they? Where do they come from? And how are they socially perceived?The notion that the Bosnian Muslims are “Croats of the purest blood” was first formulated in the first half of the XIX century by Dr. Ante Starčević, the founder of the Law Party and the originator of a modern Croatian national doctrine. His views were fully adopted and accepted by the Ustasha propaganda, which claims that Bosnia and Herzegovina is the historical cradle of the Croatian state. As a result of this, local Muslims enjoyed a status which was equal to that of the Catholic community. Some propaganda gestures of the time, such as a celebration of the opening of a big mosque in downtown Zagreb, were meant to make the Bosnian Muslims accept the idea of the NDH state and induce them to enroll in the Ustasha Army. After World War II numerous Muslims, who uncritically became advocates of the Ustasha propaganda also shared the fate of Pavelic and his followers. The other Muslims who left their country before the war cultivated the infamous traditions of the NDH state, as well as the myth of an apparent Catholic-Muslim brotherhood.Following the civil war (1991–1995) thousands of Muslim refugees from Bosnia and Herzegovina returned to Croatia, and the issue of their ethnic identity caused some problems. The level of social acceptance of the Muslim community in this traditionally Catholic community, however, is insufficient given the history, and displays of religious activity such as the establishment of Islamic schools and the building of mosques, raise anxiety and a fear of Islamicization amongst many Catholic Croatians. One can observe ongoing and endless Internet debates on the issue as to whether or not the Muslims living in Croatia are true Croatians, while politicians struggle to make use of the Muslim issue for their own purposes. In reality the “Croats of Islamic faith” are simply trying to adapt themselves to the global community and are too busy with everyday matters that they seem not to notice these debates that are largely theoretical.
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Dopita, Tomáš. "(Inter)National Reconstruction: Revising Poststructuralist Encounters with the War in Bosnia and Herzegovina." New Perspectives 23, no. 2 (September 2015): 17–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2336825x1502300202.
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The most serious problems in Bosnia and Herzegovina today are linked to the political practices of conflicting visions of nationhood and statehood. The international intervention in the country was expected to create self-sustaining political institutions and then withdraw. However, the fact that the intervention is ongoing shows its failure to do so. Many scholars have engaged this issue, but this article shows that some of the analyses that have been most critical of the international intervention also bring problems of their own. The article focuses on the encounters between collective Subjects and the ways they have been constituted in relation to one another. It warns that without carefully identifying these Subjects we risk serious misinterpretations, such as equating Bosnian Muslims, Bosniaks, and Bosnians. This misinterpretation occurs in two major critical works in IR's ‘poststructuralist canon’ that purport to critically engage the situation and, particularly, the international intervention in Bosnia and Herzegovina – David Campbell's National Deconstruction and Lene Hansen's Security as Practice. Campbell and Hansen rightly criticize the International Community's ethno-cultural essentialism, but in their critique they apply Campbell's radical-idealist version of multiculturalism. Based upon the ideal of a community without essence and the principle of affirming cultural diversity without situating it, this approach is not able to identify the Subjects involved or the unwelcome radicalization of the excluded Subjects, which leads to flawed conclusions as to how to sustainably resolve their conflict. In providing an academic corrective to such a hyper-liberal bias, this article seeks to increase the room-for-manoeuvre of those who seek to create self-sustaining political institutions in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
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Sušić, Osman. "Bosnia and Herzegovina in Serbian cultural club concepts." Historijski pogledi 3, no. 4 (December 30, 2020): 108–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2020.3.4.108.
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This paper covers the period from 1937 to 1945, the period of the establishment and works of the Serbian Cultural Club. The paper will discuss the political circumstances in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia in wich Serbian Cultural Club was founded, as well as the program goals and its activities in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Special emphasis will be put on the period of the Second World War in the Bosnia and Herzegovina and the former common state and the activities of the Serbian Cultural Club in the Second World War. The work and achievement of the program goals of the Serbian Cultural Club in the Second World War will be presented through the work of the Exile Government in London and the activities of the Chetniks Movement in the Bosnia and Herzegovina and the former common state. The Serbian Cultural Club was formed as a form of political association and activity, which included politicians, public workers, scientists, members of various political organizations, representatives of state and parastate bodies and organizations, under the slogan "Serbs for Reunion". The club acted as a unique and homogeneous organization, regardless of the composition of the membership, with the goal of saving Serbia and Serbs. This most clearly expressed his overall activity, composition and degree of influence on state policy. The most important issues of state or Serbian nationalist policy for the interest of the Government were discussed in the Club, so the club had an extensive network of boards and several media. Professor and Rector of the University of Belgrade, Dr. Slobodan Jovanović, was elected the first president of the Serbian Cultural Club. He was the ideological creator of this organization (and he set out the basic tasks and goals of the Club). The vice presidents were Dr. Nikola Stojanović and Dr. Dragiša Vasić, and Dr. Vasa Čubrilović the secretary. Dr. Stevan Moljevic was the president of the board of the Serbian Cultural Club for the Bosnian Krajina, based in Banja Luka. According to Dinić, the initiative for the formation of the Serbian Cultural Club was given by Bosnian-Herzegovinian Serbs Dr. Nikola Stojanović, Dr. Vladimir Čorović, Dr. Vladimir Grčić and Dr. Slobodan Jovanović. The activities of the Serbian Cultural Club can be divided into two stages. The first from its founding in 1936 until the signing of the Cvetković-Maček agreement, and the second from 1939 to 1941. The program of the Serbian Cultural Club was a sum of Greater Serbia programs of all major political parties that operated in Serbia with the help of state institutions. The goals of the Serbian Cultural Club were mainly: expansionist policy of expanding Serbian rule to neighboring areas, denying the national identity of all other Yugoslav nations and exercising the right to self-determination. The program goals of the Serbian Cultural Club were to propagate Greater Serbian ideology. With its program about Greater Serbia and its activities, the Serbian Cultural Club has become the bearer of the most extreme Serbian nationalist aspirations. After the Cvetković-Maček agreement of August 1939, the Serbian Cultural Club demanded a revision of the agreement, calling for a Serbo-Croatian agreement based on ethnic, historical or economic-geographical principles. The adoption of one of these principles was to apply to the entire area inhabited by Serbs. The subcommittees of the Serbian Cultural Club in Bosnia and Herzegovina had the primary task of working to emphasize its Serbian character, and after the Cvetkovic-Macek agreement to form awareness that the whole of Bosnia and Herzegovina should enter the Serbian territorial unit. With the prominent slogan "Wherever there are Serbs - there is Serbia", the Serbs in Bosnia and Herzegovina were marked as the "vigilant guardian of the Serbian national consciousness". The leadership and most of the members of the Serbian Cultural Club joined the Chetnik movement as Draža Mihailović's national ideologues. The policy of the militant Greater Serbia program and Serbian nationalism of the Serbian Cultural Club was accepted as the program of Draža Mihailović's Chetnik movement. Some of Draža Mihailović's most important associates belonged to the Serbian Cultural Club. The main political goals of the Chetnik movement are formulated in several program documents. The starting point in them was the idea of a "Greater and Homogeneous Serbia", which was based on the idea that Serbs should be the leading nation in the Balkans.
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Kim, Sanghun. "Politics in Literature―Yugoslav Literature at the End of the 20th Century and Nationalism." Society for International Cultural Institute 15, no. 1 (June 30, 2022): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.34223/jic.2022.15.1.1.
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The causes of the collapse of the Yugoslav Federation can be found in many ways, but ‘nationalism’ is the most decisive. However, the issue of “should only the Serbian people be held responsible for the dissolution of Yugoslavia and the civil war?” is a very sensitive issue, and looking at the history of nationalism that existed before the formation of Yugoslavia shows that Serbia and other republics cannot be completely free from that responsibility. In this paper, we examine the historical development and characteristics of ‘nationalism’ in Yugoslavia, particularly in Serbia and Croatia, and based on this, the relationship between ‘literature’ and ‘nationalism’ in Serbia and Croatia around the 1990s. The Serbian and Croatian literary circles have clearly differentiated their position over the dissolution of Yugoslavia since 1991, while the Croatian literary community, which sought to gain independence from Yugoslavia, sought to find its national identity in literature and to make it as distinct as possible. Based on the overall position of Serbian and Croatian literary circles, we examine representative Serbian and Croatian writers who worked on literature around the breakup of Yugoslavia and the Bosnian civil war at the end of the 20th century.
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Ahmetović, Amir. "Elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina for the Constitution assembly of the Kingdoms of Serb, Croats and Slovenes and the transformation of social splits into political divisions." Historijski pogledi 3, no. 4 (December 30, 2020): 66–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2020.3.4.66.
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Based on the available literature, social division is defined as a measure that separates community members into groups. When it comes to Bosnia and Herzegovina and its population who spoke the same language and shared the same territory, the confessional (millet) division from the time of Turkish rule, as a fundamental social fact on the basis of which the Serbian and Croatian national identity of the Bosnian Catholic and the Orthodox population remained in Bosnia and Herzegovina even after the departure of the Austro-Hungarian administration in 1918. Historical confessional and ethnic divisions that developed in the Ottoman and Austro-Hungarian periods became the key and only basis for political and party gatherings and are important for today's Bosnia and Herzegovina segmented society. The paper attempts to examine the applicability of the analytical framework (theory) of Lipset and Rokan (formulated in the 1960s) on social divisions in the case of the elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina for the Constituent Assembly of the Kingdom of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs in 1920? Elements for the answer can be offered by the analysis of the relationship between the ethno-confessional affiliation of citizens, on the one hand, party affiliation, on the other and their acceptance of certain political attitudes and values on the third side. If there is a significant interrelation, it could be concluded that at least indirectly the lines of social divisions condition the party-political division. The political system, of course, is not just a simple reflex of social divisions. One should first try to find the answer to the initial questions: what are the key lines of social divisions? How do they overlap and intersect? How and under what conditions does the transformation of social divisions into a party system take place? The previously stated social divisions passed through the filter of political entrepreneurs and returned as a political offer in which the specific interests and motives of (ethnic) political entrepreneurs were included and incorporated. After the end of the First World War, ethnic, confessional and cultural divisions were (and still are) very present in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The key lines of division in the ethnic, confessional and cultural spheres, their development and predominantly multipolar (four-polar) character through changes in the forms and breadth of interest and political organization have influenced political options (divisions) and further complicating and strengthening B&H political splits. The concept of cleavage is a mediating concept between the concept of social stratification and its impact on political grouping and political institutions and the political concept that emphasizes the reciprocal influence of political institutions and decisions on changes in social structure. Thanks to political mobilization in ethno-confessional, cultural and class divisions, then the "history of collective memory" and inherited ethno-confessional conflicts, mass political party movements were formed very quickly in Bosnia and Herzegovina as an integral part of the Kingdom of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs ( Yugoslav Muslim organization, Communist Party of Yugoslavia, Yugoslav Democratic Party, Croatian Farmers' Party, Croatian People's Party, Farmers' Union, People's Radical Party ...). The lines of social divisions overlap with ethnic divisions (Yugoslav Muslim Organization, Croatian Farmers' Party, Croatian People's Party, Farmers' Union, People's Radical Party ...) but also intersect them so that several ethnic groups can coexist within the same party-political framework (Communist Party of Yugoslavia). The significant, even crucial influence of party affiliation and identification on the adoption of certain attitudes speaks of the strong feedback of the parties and even of some kind of created party identity. The paper discusses the first elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina organized during the Kingdom of SCS and the formation of Bosnia and Herzegovina's political spectrum on the basic lines of social divisions.
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Radic, Prvoslav. "On the external standardization of the language of Serbs." Juznoslovenski filolog, no. 64 (2008): 365–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/jfi0864365r.
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The weakening of the SFRY (Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia) which was followed by its dissolution, had an impact on a wide range of issues, one of them being the degradation of the so called Serbo-Croatian language. Not only did the external political influences contribute to the dissolution of the SFRY, but they also play a part in the linguistic profiling of new standard varieties today. However, as the dissolution of Yugoslavia couldn't have been imagined without consequences for Serbs primarily, the transformation of the 'Serbo-Croatian' language into a series of new language norms-successors of the old ones, cannot take place without challenging the rights of the great number of Serbs who live outside of Serbia. These are the rights that primarily refer to the linguistic and social identity - therefore the national identity. The best illustration of this are the external influences in the domain of linguistic engineering today, and these influences can basically be divided into extensive (e. g. commercials, radio and TV programmes) and intensive (textbooks, handbooks etc). The aim of this study is the analysis of those different kinds of pressures put on the standard variety of the language of Serbs. From the domain of the extensive influences (commercials) there is an example of the instruction given on a tube of toothpaste (Vademecum laboratories, Perfection 5 - Schwarzkopf & Henkel, Dusseldorf - Germany), and as an example of the intensive influences of this type, there is an American textbook (R. Alexander, E. Elias-Bursa} Bosnian, Croatian, Serbian, a Textbook, With Exercises and Basic Grammar, The University of Wisconsin Press, 2006). Both of these language materials proved to be highly compatible when it comes to the characteristics that should become an integral part of the standard language variety of Serbs, and apparently only the Serbs who live in Serbia. Among the language characteristics which are 'typically Serbian' the most prominent are: ekavian dialect ('lepa deca', not: 'lijepa djeca'), the 'da + prezent' construction ('moram da citam', not: 'moram citati'), the prepositional form 'sa' ('sa limunom', not: 's limunom'), as well as many other characteristics like interrogative sentences beginning with da li ('Da li si student?', not 'Jesi li student?') etc. As it follows the newly formed political borders in the area of the former SFRY, the contemporary linguistic engineering has engaged itself in creation of the new standard language varieties, including the one (or should we say, primarily the one) that belongs to the Serbs. However, the Serbs don't have the need for the re-standardization of their language (which became widely familiar to the European community since the 17th century, and it underwent the process of standardization at the beginning of the 19th century owing to the work of Vuk Karadzic) after the dissolution of SFRY, especially if it would be carried out from the outside and not take into account all the entities of this nation, e. g. the Serbs in Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro etc. Because it is those Serbs who have always contributed significantly to the culture, science, and the overall identity of the Serbs generally, doing an immense favor to the European and even the world culture, and science in general. That is why the European culture - if it seeks to remain multiethnic and democratic - and other cultures similar to her, must allow the Serbs to preserve their cultural and national identity, wherever they may live - and the best proof of this will be its attitude towards the standard language variety which was established by Serbs almost two centuries ago.
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Antonio, Pehar. "The significance and influence of religions and confessions on the formation of nations in Bosnia and Herzegovina." Academicus International Scientific Journal 24 (July 2021): 109–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.7336/academicus.2021.24.07.
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The article deals with the religious and confessional identity of the population in Bosnia and Herzegovina at the time of Ottoman and then the Austro-Hungarian authorities, and it is trying to define the elements of nationality in their identity. The reasons for initiating the rounding-up of three national identities in Bosnia and Herzegovina (Muslim/Bosniak, Croatian and Serbian) and not a common one are also highlighted. It identifies the external factors as well as the circumstances of the internal dynamics of society that have influenced the formation of the nation on the dominant principle of religious/confessional affiliation of the population.
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Satterwhite, James H., and David R. Campbell. "National Deconstruction: Violence, Identity, and Justice in Bosnia." Slavic and East European Journal 43, no. 3 (1999): 581. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/309896.
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Zavhorodnia, V. M., and A. S. Naumov. "“The way to Dayton”: the military conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina peaceful settlement process in 1992-1995." SUMY HISTORICAL AND ARCHIVAL JOURNAL, no. 35 (2020): 72–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/shaj.2020.i35.p.72.
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The paper examines the preconditions for the conclusion, significance and consequences of the implementation of the General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina, also known as the Dayton Agreement between the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Republic of Croatia and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Four plans for peace achievement are considered, in which the International Community had consistently sought to resolve the Bosnian conflict in 1992-1995. The process of concluding a unique international document that not only put an end to the bloody interethnic confrontation and established new foundations for relations between the three Balkan countries, but defined the principles of the constitutional order of the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina is examined. The authors analyze the ambiguous scientific and political assessments of the Dayton Agreement, ranging from unequivocal approval to sharp criticism, and the reasons for the success of the Dayton Process, including joining the U.S. negotiation process and ensuring compliance with NATO’s commitment to violators. The risks inherent in the Dayton Agreement in the constitutional order of Bosnia and Herzegovina are also identified. The problem of the constitutional order of Bosnia and Herzegovina on the basis of the Dayton Agreement is vital for the post-Yugoslav space. Despite the declared principle of equality of citizens, in fact, political human rights in the country directly depend on ethnicity, and public authorities are based on the principle of national representation. The sovereignty and independence of Bosnia and Herzegovina raise a number of issues, given their control by International bodies. An analysis of historical experience convincingly shows that the Dayton Accords can only be seen as a temporary mechanism for resolving the crisis and easing tensions, which has made it possible to achieve peace, end ethnic discord and lay the foundations for a democratic system in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Recognizing the effectiveness of the Dayton Agreement, the authors argue that some of its provisions do not comply with generally accepted principles of International Law, in particular, in terms of the territorial organization of the state and the formation of public authorities in Bosnia and Herzegovina. This approach does not comply with the principle of equality of human rights, regardless of race, color, sex, language, religion, political or other beliefs, national or social origin, property status, birth or other circumstances. It is also undeniable that the Dayton Accords did not resolve the interethnic conflicts in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The paper also seeks to identify ways to address the Bosnian crisis in the current situation in Ukraine, given the annexation of Crimea and the protracted military conflict in Donbas, and to determine the admissibility and potential limits of external intervention in military conflicts.
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Ramčilović, Zećir. "Alija Avdovic – a fighter for freedom and equality." Historijski pogledi 1, no. 1 (October 30, 2018): 158–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2018.1.1.158.
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On the territory of today's Republic of Macedonia, people of different nations, religions and cultures live for centuries. Different states and administrations, but also peoples who have always strived for a prosperous state in which everyone would have complete freedom, simply equal opportunities, rights and obligations. With this ideology, the generations of Macedonian citizens were born and died. In the period between the two world wars living in the Vardar part of Macedonia in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia was not easy. In the conditions when the authorities do not recognize the existence of Macedonians, but also Bosniaks, who, except in the territory of historical Bosnia, live in all parts of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, the struggle for freedom and equality of all peoples living in it is intensified even more. This struggle for the preservation and building of a national identity had a revolutionary socio-economic character, as it sought to abolish class domination over most of the population. The bearer of this struggle was the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (CPY). In this movement, Macedonians and Bosnians saw a chance to realize their aspirations to build a state in which they would be equal to other nations of former Yugoslavia. In the Vardar region of Macedonia, the bearers of this ideology and the revolutionary movement alongside the Macedonians were also Bosniaks. One of the first and most important Macedonian revolutionaries was a Bosniak Alija Avdovic. It starts its activity from the earliest days of the organized communist movement in Vardar Macedonia. Better to say, one of the founders of the movement, when in the spring of 1933, the Provincial Committee (PK) of the CPY for Macedonia is formed. Believing that Yugoslavia is possible only as a community of equal peoples, but also as a community in which there is no class domination, Alija Avdovic is actively working on raising awareness and creating revolutionary cells that will enable the realization of this idea. Why he was driven, convicted, and imprisoned. But nothing has crushed him in this fight. In the onslaught of fascism when the Kingdom of Yugoslavia was occupied, and the movement grew into a unified armed resistance to the freedom of the future common state of equal peoples, its work was gaining in intensity. The new fascist authorities have tried to arrest and destroy all the more significant revolutionaries. In August 1941, he was arrested and then shot by a young life, but whose work and ideas were extended to live and partially realized in the anti-fascist struggle and the creation of a new Yugoslav state.
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Vukoičić, Jelena. "Republic of Srpska - national identity in a divided society." Socioloski godisnjak, no. 7 (2012): 155–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/socgod1207155v.
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In this article the author analyses the role and importance of national identity as the mode of identification of the members of the particular national community. It is emphasized that this kind of group identity has a special role in divided societies and weak states, such as Bosnia and Herzegovina. In these societies national identity has the importance that exceeds the sphere of culture and tradition, and actually represents the key factor of the survival of the particular ethnic/national group; without the strong national consciousness and politics of national interest, numerically weaker nations do not have any chance to defend themselves in the long run from the eventual attempts of political manipulation, assimilation, discrimination, but also, in extreme cases, ethnic cleansing and physical destruction.
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Popadeva, Tatiana, and Bogdan Drazeta. "Language policy and identity: The case of Bosnia and Herzegovina." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 180 (2021): 653–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn2180653p.
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Language policy is seen as a tool which supports state sovereignty: together with the rule of power and territorial integrity, laws are passed to protect national and minority languages, while professional communities codify languages and develop literary norms. However, despite the significant work of linguists, culturologists and sociologists, language problems often remain on the periphery of political science research, as well as ethnology and anthropology. The purpose of this article is to fill the existing disciplinary gap, and to consider the problem of the relationship between language and identity on the example of ?trilingualism? of Bosnia and Herzegovina, where language policy can be considered as a marker of identity. After the appropriate theoretical data, material collected through fieldwork will be presented, demonstrating which members of three nations - Bosniaks, Serbs and Croats - think about their own language and the relationship between language and identity. The phonetic principle of spelling ?write as you speak?, created more than two centuries ago as a means of integration, has become a tool of separation, making ordinary people feel threatened by each other, but still deeply aware that language is something that connects them.
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Pehlić, Amina. "NACIONALNA ORIJENTACIJA ALIJE NAMETKA I NJENA REFLEKSIJA NA NAMETKOV ODNOS PREMA JEZIKU." Zbornik radova 14, no. 14 (December 15, 2016): 315–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.51728/issn.1840-4448.2016.14.315.
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The purpose of the current paper was to investigate in detail Alija Nametak’s (1906–1987) national orientation expressed in his literary works, and to analyze the circumstances leading to such an orientation as well as its reflection on Nametak’s attitude toward language, particularly with regard to his nomination of language and attitude toward language variations. The research encomapasses the author’s literary works, on the basis of which the corpus comprising texts of different stylistic affiliation was made. The following research methods were used: a descriptive method, a method of content analysis and a method of comparative analysis of texts by Nametak. It is concluded that Nametak’s pro-Croat orientation was a result of the socio-political situation of the time, while on the other hand, his association with Bosnia, with the Muslim cultural circle and Islam present the main determinants of his real identity, of which he was profoundly aware, but which due to the socio-political context was not possible to embrace by a Bosniak national name. It is also concluded that in the use of language variations Nametak did not consistently opt for the west (Croatian) variant forms (although the pro-Croat national orientation and language nomination using the attribute Croatian bound him to be more open toward linguistic varieties considered Croatian compared to those marked as Serbian), but in many cases he gave preference to the forms common in the standard language in Bosnia and Herzegovina at the time. Some forms (such as the pronoun who), which Nametak over time accepted as a feature of his idiom, are now seen as marked in his language, since they do not present commonly used language forms in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
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Swimelar, Safia. "LGBT Rights in Bosnia: The Challenge of Nationalism in the Context of Europeanization." Nationalities Papers 48, no. 4 (September 12, 2019): 768–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2019.65.
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AbstractNationalism has been one of the domestic constraints to progress on lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) rights, especially in the Balkans that are dealing with multiple postwar transition realities. Ethno-nationalist challenges, often influenced by religion, have been significant in Bosnia-Herzegovina given weak state identity and democracy, competing institutionalized ethno-national identities, and slow Europeanization. Through the lenses of gendered nationalism, the societal security dilemma, and political homophobia, this article analyzes how the politics and discourse of LGBT rights during the past decade in Bosnia reveal tensions between competing and multiple identities and narratives—European, multiethnic, ethno-nationalist, and religious—using the violent response to the 2008 Queer Sarajevo Festival as a key illustration. However, in the past decade, LGBT rights have progressed and antigay backlash to LGBT visibility (in addition to stronger external leverage and other factors) has resulted in stronger activism and change. The public discourse and response to the announcement of Bosnia’s first Pride Parade represents another turning point in LGBT visibility that seems to reveal that ethno-nationalist challenges may be lessening as LGBT rights norms gain strength.
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Lis, Tomasz. "Możliwości wykorzystania katalogów studenckich Nationale do badań nad zmianami tożsamości narodowej w XIX wieku." Studia Środkowoeuropejskie i Bałkanistyczne 31 (December 14, 2022): 9–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/2543733xssb.22.001.16703.
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Opportunities for Using Nationale Student Catalogs to Study Changes in National Identity in the 19th Century In the article, the author would like to present the analysis of a historical source – a student catalog from the Law Faculty of the University of Vienna. We research how to change the Croatian students’ religion and language from the Austro-Hungarian lands in the 19th century; Banovina, Slavonia, Dalmatia, Istria, Bosnia, and Hercegovina. On the basis of these catalogs, we look to answer how to create Croatian nationality in the second half of the 19th century, because this process was different in all these lands, such as Bosnia and Hercegovina where we have Muslim people with Croatian nationality or Croatian people in Dalmatia who think of themselves as Yugoslavs.
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Tahirović, Emir, and Ermin Kuka. "The Dayton controversies – public decision-making between parliamentary democracy and partitocracy." Historijski pogledi 4, no. 6 (November 15, 2021): 283–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.6.283.
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In Bosnia and Herzegovina, the pluralization of society and the state began during 1990. This is the time when political parties are formed and the first multi-party parliamentary elections are held. Due to the strong influence and domination of the ethnic principle, political parties were formed in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1990 in two basic forms: as ethnic or people's (national) parties, and as civic (multiethnic) parties. In almost all election cycles from the beginning of the pluralization of Bosnian society until today, ethnic political parties have won the elections. Ethnic political parties have appropriated a monopoly in the promotion of national interests since the 1990 election campaign, guided by the idea of protecting the national interests of “their“ peoples. The continued rule of ethnic parties without a coalition political agenda and agreement has strengthened ethnic pluralism in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Thus, instead of democratic decision-making and competition between the majority and the opposition, the representative bodies in Bosnia and Herzegovina have become an arena and a place of mutual competition and confrontation between the parties that make up the parliamentary majority. The lack of the necessary democratic consensus between the ruling ethnic political parties at the state level was compensated and compensated by the High Representative of the International Community (OHR), who, on the basis of the Bonn powers, promulgated certain laws. Hundreds of laws in Bosnia and Herzegovina have been promulgated by high representatives. This prevented blockages in the work of the Parliamentary Assembly of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In the absence of the necessary consensus of the ruling ethnic parties, it is not possible to develop or strengthen the power of parliaments as the highest representative body of the people and citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Instead of parliamentary democracy, classical partitocracy is at work. The situation is similar at the entity level, and at the cantonal level in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina entity. All this, along with heterogeneous and complicated decision-making procedures and processes, ultimately reflects on the adoption of laws and decisions of importance to society and the state. Complicated forms of decision-making and the existence of a famous mechanism for the protection of vital national interests are some of the obstacles to the development of the state and society. All of these are some of the essential problems, but also the controversies that follow the decision-making processes in the representative bodies in the country. This is especially true of the adoption of important and significant public policies aimed at solving socio-political problems. Only decision-making at the level of local self-government units (municipalities and cities) can serve as a positive example. In general, the local level of government has so far proved to be the most efficient level of government in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The basis for strengthening the democratic decision-making capacities of the representative bodies of the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina is contained in the application of the democratic principle on which parliamentary democracy is established and functions. Applying almost all basic and general scientific research methods, as well as the method of analysis (content) of relevant documentation as a method of data acquisition, will identify key problems and controversies of public decision-making and policy making in Bosnia and Herzegovina, in the period after the Dayton Peace Agreement. today. A conclusion will be drawn on the need to establish a parliamentary majority based on the coalition agreement and the political program of that coalition, which significantly affects the public decision-making processes and the adoption of the necessary state public policy. Bosnia and Herzegovina is required to reconstruct public decisions in the direction of strengthening state public decisions and policies and building European standards, in order to more efficiently compose them with the requirements and directives of the European Union.
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Dougherty, Beth K. "Letting Nature Swallow the Past: Politics, Memory, and Abandoned Monuments in Postwar Bosnia and Herzegovina." Nationalities Papers 47, no. 2 (March 2019): 248–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.14.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractDuring the 1992–1995 war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the built physical landscape and places of cultural heritage were deliberately targeted and destroyed as part of the strategy of ethnic cleansing. The 1995 Dayton Peace Agreement recognized the potential for cultural heritage to contribute to postwar reconciliation and rebuilding; Annex 8 established a commission to preserve national monuments. This paper examines the politics of cultural heritage in post-Dayton Bosnia and the ways in which it has been (ab)used to propagate a narrow, exclusivist identity. It focuses on the struggles to control the Commission to Preserve National Monuments as well as the fates of two monuments in particular—Vraca Memorial Park and the Partisans’ Memorial Cemetery—whose abandonment signifies the wider struggles over memory and identity in Bosnia and Herzegovina.