Academic literature on the topic 'Bosnian national identity'
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Journal articles on the topic "Bosnian national identity"
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Muhić, Ferid. "Bosniaks and Bosnia: A Study in Philosophy of Politics." Illuminatio 1, no. 2 (March 26, 2021): 88–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.52510/sia.v1i2.12.
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In the first part of this study, published in the first issue of the magazine Illuminatio/Svjetionik/Almanar, the author briefly outlined the basic elements of the philosophy of politics characteristic of the history of modern nations in which he analysed the relations of the individual, the people, the nation and the state. The second part of this study focuses on the attitude of Bosniaks towards collective memory, which, according to the author, was brought to the threshold of amnesia under the influence of the long-term political strategy of their neighbours.
The author believes that the shaken collective memory represents the most neuralgic problem and the greatest danger for the historical reintegration and homogenization of Bosniaks as an ethnicity and a nation. The author emphasizes that “Bosnian” is a territorial determinant and completely excludes the national determinant “Bosniak”. Flirting with the phrase “Bosniaks/Bosnians”, which is often used, is not only a denouncement of the ethnic and national affiliation of Bosniaks, but further denies their uniqueness – and thus calls into question the very existence of Bosniaks. A Bosniak is born, a Bosniak remains. A "Bosnian" becomes, a "Bosnian" cease to be. A Bosniak living in Bosnia is also a "Bosnian". A "Bosnian" who is not a Bosniak does not become a Bosniak anywhere, not even in Bosnia. A Bosniak who does not live in Bosnia remains a Bosniak, but ceases to be a "Bosnian". The goal of substituting the historical name Bosniaks with the territorial designation "Bosnians" is obvious: Break the homogeneous core of Bosniaks by erasing awareness of their ethnic identity, name, national unity, common history, culture, language, in short – a common past, present and future. The study also recalls the difference between the modern understanding of the nation and the way in which this social phenomenon was interpreted until the middle of the 20th century. Behind the separation of the nation from the ethnicity/people, as the supposedly superior form, lies the effort to relativize the ethnicity/people, as an objective fact, to weaken the mutual ties of its members and to bring the entire population under the control of central political power – as a seemingly integrated and homogeneous whole.
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Đouić, Adib. "Haji Husein eff. Đozić Ruhi judge from Srebrenica and Nikšić viceroy." Historijski pogledi 2, no. 2 (October 28, 2019): 7–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2019.2.2.7.
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There are many forgotten significant persons in Bosnian-Bosniak history, who through their knowledge and work made a significant contribution to the development of Bosnian society and the Bosniak national identity in the time and place they lived in. The most forgotten significant Bosniaks are those who lived and worked during the reign of the Ottoman state of Bosnia. One of such persons is Hadji Husein eff. Đozić Ruhi, kadi (judge) from Srebrenica and Nikšić naib (viceroy). He lived in Srebrenica in the 19th century. Educated in Istanbul, he worked for as a judge in three towns and two empires. In this paper, we are talking about Haji Husein eff. Đozić, his life and work, and the significance of the documents preserved, to understand Bosnian society and the position of Bosnians in the second half of the 19th century in Srebrenica and Nikšić.
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Rebihić, Nehrudin. "Bošnjačka književnost u obzorima Vladimira Jurčića: Rekonstrukcija neobjavljene knjige Muslimani u hrvatskoj književnosti." Historijski pogledi 5, no. 8 (November 15, 2022): 317–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2022.5.8.317.
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The study of Bosniak literature in the period of the Independent State of Croatia has been marginalized in previous literary-historical studies, and the reasons for this were ideological and political in nature, and not scientific. This work deals with the status of Bosniak literature in the literary-critical horizons of Vladimir Jurčić, the bellwether of the Ustasha national ideology in Bosnia and Sarajevo, in the period from 1941st to 1945th. As a professor, editor of daily and periodical publications, he wrote about Bosniak literature and its canonical writers in the light of the ideological and political worldviews. He propagated theses about socio-political function of literature that extends „people's spirit”, „racial-biological” and „national” features. Jurčić attributed to literature a mediating role in transmitting the deep identity of the Croatian people, and developing a thesis on the Croatian national identity of Bosnian Muslims (Bosniaks) he treated Bosniak writers as the most representative reflectors of Croatian national consciousness in Bosnia. In addition to individual studies on Bosniak writers, Jurčić stated that they were separate units of the unpublished book Muslims in Croatian Literature. Jurčić's literary critical habitus is a product of socio-political and intellectual circumstances in Croatia - in the narrower sense and in the SHS - in the broader sense, which were used as a starting point for the production of certain ideological, political and cultural values in the NDH. As a follower of the ideological platform of Radić's HSS (peasant movement) and its reflections on discursive practices, especially in the social - humanities sciences (Dvorniković, Radić, Tomašić, Lukas), he interpreted literature in accordance with these practices, reducing its meaning only to ruling ideologues. He valorized Bosniak literature as a component of Croatian literature, applying several criteria: collective, linguistic, territorial and religious, which he sought to include the widest possible range of identity features and thus support the thesis of Croatianness Bosnian Muslims (Bosniaks). In literary criticism, he promoted theses on racial, ethical and eugenic superiority, then on the national spirit, linguistic and stylistic specifics of Bosnian Muslims (Bosniaks) as an „organic“ part of the Croatian people. He emphasized the „poljodjelski“ character of Bosniak writers between the two world wars, while in older literature, especially in the oral literary tradition- and all that for need of ideological manipulation in the time of the Independent State of Croatia - war, he emphasized the highland (tribal) character that manifested itself in the epic-agonal consciousness. All these theses arose from the idea of unity and continuity of the „organic nation“, but did not find a stronghold in Bosnia because it was cultural and historical terms different from the native Croatian space, which was in principle a fundamental obstacle to its realization. Aware of the insurmountability of the cultural, literary and historical uniqueness of Bosnia, Jurčić constructed and established the literary-historical construct „literary Bosnia“ which was based on the theory of the history of regional / provincial literature. By „literary Bosnia“ he meant everything that was its „provincial features“: folk history, genealogy, specific speech (dialect - ikavica), lifestyle (Muslims), and the canonical line consisted of Bosniak writers from Safvet-bega Bašagić, Musa Ćazim Ćatić, Edhem Mulabdić, Ahmed Muradbegović, to Alija Nametk, Enver Čolaković, Murat Šuvalić etc.Since in this period the pretensions towards Bosnia and Bosnian Muslims (Bosniaks) were also part of the Serbian national ideology, Jurčić's „literary Bosnia“ can be understood as a counterbalance to the then established Kršić's literary-historical construct „narrative Bosnia“. Unlike Kršić's „narrative Bosnia“, whose canonical line was mostly made up of Bosnian Serb writers (Ćorović, Kočić, Andrić, Ćopić, etc.), Jurčić's „literary Bosnia“ was made up of Bosniak writers as „the purest element of the Croatian people“.
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Šarac, Z., and E. V. Voevoda. "National and cultural identity crisis of Bosnia and Herzegovina Serbs within Austro-Hungarian Empire (1878–1908)." Concept: philosophy, religion, culture 5, no. 3 (September 28, 2021): 113–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2541-8831-2021-3-19-113-127.
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The purpose of this article is to reveal the causes of national and cultural identity crisis of Serbs in Bosnia and Herzegovina during the period of Austro-Hungarian occupation and annexation, which led to modifications of their self-identity. The paper meets this research aim through an extensive study of the relevant literature presenting the views of Serbian and Russian scholars. On the basis of comparative-historical and socio-cultural approaches, the authors collate the existing definitions of ethnic, national and cultural identity and define the crucial factors that make the cornerstone of cultural identity: mother tongue, ethnicity, territory, religion, habitat, food, mode of life, customs and traditions, folklore and literature, artwork and historical past. They go on to chronologically identify the developments and changes of society on the territory of the present-day Bosnian state. The article further analyzes the position of the peoples of Bosnia and Herzegovina within Austria-Hungary comparing their status in society and explains the choice of Bosnian Muslims and Croats as the pillar of the new government. The research produced a number of key findings. The key determinants that formed and helped to preserve Serbian cultural identity through ages are Orthodox Christianity based on St. Sava sacred tradition and the Kosovo myth, a half-historical, halflegendary event that formed the heroic and spiritual code of values and serves as a gospel in preserving Serbian cultural identity. Another feature that produced a significant impact on transforming cultural identity of Bosnian Serbs was conversion to Islam on part of some Bosnians who came to be known as Bošnjaks. Along with Islam and Orthodox Christianity, part of the Serbian population of Bosnia and Herzegovina belonged to the Roman Catholic Church, identified themselves as Croats who spoke Croatian and used Latin script. Thus the indigenous south Slavonic ethnic group of Serbs who had the same historical background and spoke the same language was divided by religion and, partially, the language — the pivotal determinants of identity. The paper demonstrates the joint efforts of the peoples inhabiting the present-day Bosnia and Herzegovina in their struggle against the occupants which were manifested in the activities of Young Bosnia, an organization that aimed at preserving national identity and creating a united Serbian state. The authors conclude that the problem of national and cultural identity crisis of Bosnia and Herzegovina Serbs finds its roots in the historical clash of three civilizations and cultures — south Slavonic, oriental and western. The article identifies the markers of national and cultural identity of Bosnia and Herzegovina Serbs, the disintegration of which led to a crisis.
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Friedman, Francine. "The Muslim Slavs of Bosnia and Herzegovina (with Reference to the Sandžak of Novi Pazar): Islam as National Identity." Nationalities Papers 28, no. 1 (March 2000): 165–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990050002498.
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The Bosnian Muslims have only fairly recently become internationally identified as a national group. As a matter of fact, Bosnia and Herzegovina itself has had until lately a low recognition value to most people not living in southeastern Europe. Indeed, to many it has become a shock to discover that a fairly large group of Muslims resides in the middle of Europe, not to mention that they have become the object of ethnonationalistic violence at the end of the twentieth century. A further seeming incongruity in the international arena is the claim by many Bosnian Muslims that they should not be confused with Muslims of the Arab-speaking world, since Bosnian Muslims are indigenous Serbo-Croatian-speaking (now Bosnian-speaking) Slavic people, just like the Serbs or Croats who have committed the recent acts of violence against them in the name of ethnic purity. The Bosnian Muslim claim that the designation “Muslim” is more a national than a religious identification is confusing to the world at large. This article will trace the formation of the Bosnian Muslim national identification and set forth the issues faced by the Bosnian Muslims in their attempts to claim and defend it.
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Đozić, Adib. "Identity and shame – How it seems from Bosniaks perspective. A contribution to the understanding of some characteristics of the national consciousness among Bosniaks." Historijski pogledi 4, no. 5 (May 31, 2021): 258–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.5.258.
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The relationship between identity and national consciousness is one of the important issues, not only, of the sociology of identity but of the overall opinion of the social sciences. This scientific question has been insufficiently researched in the sociological thought of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and with this paper we are trying to actualize it. Aware of theoretical-methodological and conceptual-logical difficulties related to the research problem, we considered that in the first part of the paper we make some theoretical-methodological notes on the problems in studying this phenomenon, in order to, above all, eliminate conceptual-logical dilemmas. The use of terms and their meaning in sociology and other social sciences is a very important theoretical and methodological issue. The question justifiably arises whether we can adequately name and explain some of the “character traits” of the contemporary national identity of the Bosniak nation that we want to talk about in this paper with classical, generally accepted terms, identity, consciousness, self-awareness, shame or shame, self-shame. Another important theoretical issue of the relationship between identity and consciousness in our case, the relationship between the national consciousness of Bosniaks and their overall socio-historical identity is the dialectical relationship between individual and collective consciousness, ie. the extent to which the national consciousness of an individual or a particular national group, political, cultural, educational, age, etc., is contrary to generally accepted national values and norms. One of the important factors of national consciousness is the culture of remembrance. What does it look like for Bosniaks? More specifically, in this paper we problematize the influence of “prejudicial historiography” on the development of the culture of memory in the direction of oblivion or memory. What to remember, and why to remember. Memory is part of our identity. The phrase, not to deal with the past but to turn to the future, is impossible. How to project the future and not analyze the past. On the basis of what, what social facts? Why the world remembers the crimes of the Nazis, why the memory of the Holocaust and the suffering of the Jews is being renewed. Which is why Bosniaks would not remember and renew the memory of the genocides committed against them. Due to the Bosniak memory of genocide, it is possible that the perpetrators of genocide are celebrated as national heroes and their atrocities as a national liberation struggle. Why is the history of literature and art, political history and all other histories studied in all nations and nations. Why don't European kingdoms give up their own, queens and kings, princesses and princes. These and other theoretical-methodological questions have served us to use comparative analysis to show specific forms of self-esteem among Bosniaks today. The concrete socio-historical examples we cite fully confirm our hypothesis. Here are a few of these examples. Our eastern neighbors invented their epic hero Marko Kraljevic (Ottoman vassal and soldier, killed as a “Turkish” soldier in the fight against Christian soldiers in Bulgaria) who killed the fictional Musa Kesedzija, invented victory on the field of Kosovo, and Bosniaks forgot the real Bosniak epic heroes , brothers Mujo and Halil Hrnjic, Tala od Orašac, Mustaj-beg Lički and others, who defended Bosniaks from persecution and ethnic cleansing in the Bosnian Krajina. Dozens of schools in Bosnia and Herzegovina have been named after the Serbian language reformer, the Serb Vuk Stefanović Karađić (1787-1864), who was born in the village of Tršić near Loznica, Republic of Serbia. Uskufije (1601 / 1602.-?), Born in Dobrinja near Tuzla. Two important guslars and narrators of epic folk songs, Filip Višnjić (1767-1834) and Avdo Medjedović (1875-1953), are unequally present in the memory and symbolic content of the national groups to which they belong, even if the difference in quality is on the side of the almost forgotten. Avdo Medjedovic, the “Balkan Homer”, is known at Harvard University, but very little is known in Bosnia and Herzegovina. And while we learned everything about the murderer Gavril Princip, enlightened by the “logic of an idea” (Hannah Arendt) symbolizing him as a “national hero”, we knew nothing, nor should we have known, about Muhamed Hadžijamaković, a Bosnian patriot and legal soldier, he did not kill a single pregnant woman , a fighter in the Bosnian Army who fought against the Austro-Hungarian occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1878. When it comes to World War II and the fight against fascism are full of hero stories. For one example, we will take Srebrenica, the place of genocidal suffering of Bosniaks. Before the war against Bosnian society and the state 1992-1995. in Srebrenica, the elementary school was called Mihajlo Bjelakovic, a partisan, born in Vidrići near Sokolac. Died in Srebrenica in 1944. The high school in Srebrenica was named Midhat Hacam, a partisan born in the vicinity of Vares. It is not a problem that these two educational institutions were named after two anti-fascists, whose individual work is not known except that they died. None of them were from Srebrenica. That's not a problem either. Then what is it. In the collective memory of Bosniaks. Until recently, the name of the two Srebrenica benefactors and heroes who saved 3,500 Srebrenica Serbs from the Ustasha massacre in 1942, who were imprisoned by the Ustashas in the camp, has not been recorded. These are Ali (Jusuf) efendi Klančević (1888-1952) and his son Nazif Klančević (1910-1975). Nothing was said about them as anti-fascists, most likely that Alija eff. Klančević was an imam-hodža, his work is valued according to Andrić's “logic” as a work that cannot “be the subject of our work” In charity, humanitarian work, but also courage, sacrifice, direct participation in the fight for defense, the strongest Bosniaks do not lag behind Bosniaks, but just like Bosniaks, they are not symbolically represented in the public space of Bosnia and Herzegovina. We had the opportunity to learn about the partisan Marija Bursać and many others, but why the name Ifaket-hanuma Tuzlić-Salihagić (1908-1942), the daughter of Bakir-beg Tulić, was forgotten. In order to feed the muhadjers from eastern Bosnia, Ifaket-hanum, despite the warning not to go for food to Bosanska Dubica, she left. She bravely stood in front of the Ustashas who arrested her and took her to Jasenovac. She was tortured in the camp and eventually died in the greatest agony, watered and fried with hot oil. Nothing was known about that victim of Ustasha crimes. Is it because she is the daughter of Bakir-beg Tuzlić. Bey's children were not desirable in public as benefactors because they were “remnants of rotten feudalism”, belonging to the “sphere of another culture”. In this paper, we have mentioned other, concrete, examples of Bosniak monasticism, from the symbolic content of the entire public space to naming children.
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Šehagić, Merima. "How a Collective Trauma Influences Ethno-Religious Relations of Adolescents in Present-Day Sarajevo, Bosnia-Herzegovina." Social Inclusion 4, no. 2 (April 19, 2016): 133–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v4i2.497.
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This article combines a historical perspective on intergenerational transmission of collective trauma with a psycho-anthropological approach in regards to the construction of multiple identifications by Bosniak adolescents growing up in Bosnia and Herzegovina, after the Balkan war that took place in the early 1990s. This research is based on the ethnographic fieldwork I conducted during my three-month stay in Sarajevo, a city that has been the center of battles between Bosnian Serbs and Bosniaks. The aim of this research is to understand the ways in which memories of the war linger on in contemporary interethnic and interreligious relations. I applied Dialogical Self Theory to analyze dilemmas and ambiguities emerging from the multiple identifications of Muslim adolescents, to whom coexistence with Bosnian Serbs has come to be part of everyday life. During oral histories, my informants expressed a desire to maintain a sense of normality, consisting of a stable political and economic present and future. I argue that nationalist ideologies on ethno-religious differences which were propagated during the war stand in the way of living up to this desire. On a micro level, people try to manage their desire for normality by promoting a certain degree of social cohesion and including the ethno-religious other to a shared national identity of ‘being Bosnian’.
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Zekić, Marinko. "Bosnian Identity – Myth And/Or Reality." Slavica Lodziensia 1 (November 14, 2017): 105–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2544-1795.01.09.
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The rich socio-cultural history of Bosnia and Herzegovina as a single territorial, political, state and legal and administrative rounded whole, can be seen in several separated simultaneous fl ows arising as a result of the deep-rooted ethno-confessional division of this area, where religion, as the dominant integrating cultural factor, also represented the main distinctive element of the national identity of the three Bosnian constituent peoples, which the unaltered state agrees with to this day. As a unique area with religions at the border, and denominational boundaries at the edges of Catholicism and Orthodoxy among which Islam is wedged between, Bosnia and Herzegovina represents a unique civilizational bridge between East and West, where the followers of these religions see as their guardians, highlighting specifi c religious, cultural and national characteristics which establishes the opposition to the “other” and “diff erent” with which for centuries has coexisted. The most prominent features of identity and otherness which exist in symbiosis are articulated precisely on the borders as places of their meetings, which in turn have never been so impervious to keep the integration of diff erent ethnic and religious traditions followers, leading to ghettoisation and creating worlds closed for themselves, and long-term coexistence of diff erent and often confl icting civilizational-religious system characterized by a certain closeness of high culture of individual entities and openness, and mutual intertwining of which was out of the realm of popular culture.
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Kim, Chul Min. "Bosnian Muslim: The Historical Background and National Identity." Journal of international area studies 3, no. 4 (December 31, 1999): 115. http://dx.doi.org/10.18327/jias.1999.12.3.4.115.
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Bušatlić, Lejla. "Bosanski slog u komparativnom diskursu nacionalnih arhitektonskih stilova na području Balkana / Bosnian style in the comparative discourse of national architectural styles." Journal of the Faculty of Philosophy in Sarajevo / Radovi Filozofskog fakulteta u Sarajevu, ISSN 2303-6990 on-line, no. 24 (November 10, 2021): 459–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.46352//23036990.2021.459.
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The article analyzes the Bosnian style in architecture by reflecting upon the phenomenon of the national architectural style, its role in the construction of national identity, political and ideological instrumentalization. The issue of the relationship betwee tradition and modernity and the position of architectural heritage in the contemporary context arises. Interpretative framework of the specificity of the national architectural idiom also includes a discursive view of the relationship between the periphery and the center. Through a comparative analysis of national styles in architecture of the Balkan countries such as Bosnia and Herzegovina, Turkey, Croatia and Serbia, their character, distinction and mutual connections are defined. The Bosnian-style in architecture is viewed in its development as an architectural idiom of the national origin, but also as an authentic stylistic determinant created in the process of a creative research of architectural heritage that will ultimately result in new spatial-design and aesthetic values consistent with modernist architectural concepts. In this sense, the position of the Bosnian style as a national style in the history of European modernism is questioned, its connection with the aesthetics of modernism based on the principles of reducing excessive decorativeness, formative purism and functionalism.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Bosnian national identity"
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Osmanović, Šemso. "The Role of the United States of America to End a War in Bosnia and Herzegovina: 1992-1995." Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Trieste, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10077/10084.
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2012/2013Between 1991 and 1995, close to three hundred thousand people were killed in the former Yugoslavia. The international responses to this catastrophe was at best uncertain and at worst appalling. While both the United States and the European Union initially viewed the Balkan wars as a European problem, the Europeans chose not to take a strong stand, restricting themselves to dispatching U.N. “peacekeepers” to a country where there was no peace keep, and withholding from them the means and the authority to stop the fighting. In Bosnia the Europe sought to avoid military involvement, citing every excuse she could think of not to intervene to prevent the genocide of 250.000 Bosnian Muslims, who ultimately died at the hands of their Serbian tormentors. The British and French, too, who had primarily responsibility for dealing with this European problem, had persuaded the United Nations to impose an arms embargo on both sides in the Bosnian war. As often happens, the embargo did little damage to Serbia’s military capacities, since their army had inherited the extensive military hardware Yugoslavia had amassed under its former Communist regime. But the embargo did deny the means of self-defense to the poorly equipped majority Muslim population in Bosnia. Unarmed, they could do little to repel the invaders or to protect their villages. Some European leaders were not eager to have a Muslim state in the heart of the Balkans, fearing it might become a base for exporting extremism, a result that their neglect made more, not less, likely. However, from the beginning of Yugoslavia’s collapse, Americans divided into two groups, broadly defined: those who thought that Americans should intervene for either moral or strategic reasons, and those who feared that if they did, they would become entangled in a Vietnam-like quagmire. As awareness of ethnic cleansing and genocide spread, the proportion of those who wanted the United States to “do something” increased, but they probably never constituted a majority. Nevertheless, when the situation seemed most hopeless in July 1995 - the United States put its prestige on the line with a rapid and dramatic series of high-risk actions: an all-out diplomatic effort in August, heavy NATO bombing in September, a cease-fire in October, Dayton in November, and, in December, the deployment of twenty thousand American troops to Bosnia. Finally, in late 1995, in the face of growing atrocities and new Bosnian Serb threats, the United States decided to take part in Bosnia, the war was over and the America’s role in post-Cold War Europe redefined. There is a lesson here to be learned by Europe that Bosnian Muslims are the best Christians in the world. The policy-makers cannot have a double heart, one for love and other for hate because some European leaders were not eager to have a Muslim state in the heart of Europe. They spoke of a painful but realistic restoration of Christian Europe. Of course Christianity, like any other religion has nothing to do with the barbarities and the greatest collective failure of Europe. The lesson that Western civilization thought it had drawn from the genocide of World War II – “Never again!”- must now be qualified to read: “except when politically inconvenient.”
La tragedia della ex-Jugoslavia e al suo interno quella della Bosnia Erzegovina riguardano pagine straordinariamente sconvolgenti della storia del mondo posto-Ottantanove, addirittura — si può dire — la conseguenza più grave, anche se non diretta, della dissoluzione dell'Unione Sovietica e conseguentemente di quel bipolarismo che aveva "ingessato" tutte le ipotesi o i tentativi di trasformazione degli esiti e delle conseguenze della seconda guerra mondiale. In un'impostazione sostanzialmente di storia politico-sociale, il candidato ricostruisce le vicende che vanno dal 1990 al 1995, ovvero da quella che il candidato chiama "la morte della Jugoslavia" fino all'intervento, decisivo in termini militari, della NATO nel conflitto, che aveva già visto negli anni precedenti emergere la guerra in Slovenia, in Croazia, prima di colpire anche la Bosnia Erzegovina, con la finale Conferenza che porta agli Accordi di Dayton. L'attore centrale di tutta questa vicenda è naturalmente la Serbia di Milosevic, ricordare il quale non fa che aiutarci a veder riapparire i fantasmi di vicende atroci di sterminio di civili, di stupro etnico, di "pulizia etnica", di genocidio. Il candidato fa opportunamente precedere la sua analisi da una cronologia, piuttosto lunga, che consente di scandire con precisione i diversi passaggi di una storia eccezionalmente drammatica. Segue il programma del suo lavoro, con l'indicazione del metodo di ricerca e degli strumenti di cui si è valso. Le cinque parti sostanziali in cui si suddivide il lavoro riguardano la dissoluzione della Jugoslavia, a partire dai falliti tentativi di Tito di salvaguardare l'integrità di quella Federazione, e analizzando attentamente i due "scivolamenti" della guerra in Slovenia dapprima e in Croazia poi. Il candidato analizza la società e la storia della Bosnia Erzegovina, condizione ovviamente preliminare per comprendere gli eventi successivi. Le tre categorie alle quali il candidato riconduce quella vicenda sono il multiculturalismo, la multietnicità e il multiconfessionalismo — tre dimensioni che potrebbero poter essere rispettate e addirittura apprezzate e che invece, in ogni parte del mondo, e più che altrove in Bosnia trovano ostacoli e resistenze violente e sanguinose. Risulta, come il candidato fa notare, adottare l'arma del nazionalismo e delle sue retoriche, impedendo così a ogni pur volenteroso tentativo di portare la democrazia nel proprio paese di trionfare. Il candidato chiarisce, in questo quadro, che la cosiddetta "balcanizzazione" che si fa discendere da quella parte del mondo, non deve essere intesa come un termine negativo ma come la pura e semplice conseguenza dei frequenti interventi esterni che là si sono realizzati. Il candidato dedica non poca attenzione al ruolo degli Stati Uniti nella vicenda, e alle diverse strategie — politiche e militari — adottate: con i devastanti risultati che tuttavia, purtroppo, conosciamo. L’Unione Europea non esce ovviamente meglio dell'alleato d'oltre Atlantico dalla ricostruzione del candidato, che poi giunge anche a ripercorrere le vicende di alcuni importanti uomini politici locali, sopra tutti Izebegovic e Karadzic, l'un contro l'altro schierati. Né sono passate sotto silenzio le vicende di alcune delle pagine più drammatiche: il massacro di Srebrenica, i bombardamenti su Sarajevo e in particolare il secondo bombardamento sul mercato. La risoluzione della crisi giunse, come per incanto, quando la NATO accolse l'invito ONU di intervenire: l'intervento fece tacere le armi, portò agli accordi di Dayton, ma non alla riconciliazione, che dal 1995 ha comunque incominciato il suo lento, ma — sperabilmente — solido cammino.
XXV Ciclo
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Vanderwerf, Mark. "A missiological examination of national identity in Bosnia-Herzegovina." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 2008. http://www.tren.com/search.cfm?p002-0820.
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Muranovic, Azra. "A Straitjacket Peave Agreement : A Study on Nation-Building and Identity in Bosnia and Herzegovina." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-48655.
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This master’s thesis is a result of research conducted during six weeks in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The purpose of this study is to examine whether the contribution of the Dayton peace agreement to process of nation building in Bosnia has become counter productive as it contains elements of both nation-state and state-nation foundation. The study strives to understand the question of identity and how people in Bosnia view themselves and Others, and how they view the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina in combination with the Dayton peace agreement. Qualitative methods such as semi-structured and focused interviews as well as participatory and direct observations built the base for the data collection. The hermeneutic method is used as an approach to comprehend and to handle the findings. As my personal background contains pre-understandings of the chosen topic, I have chosen to use them throughout the research instead of ignoring them as the objective of this study is not to come to a final response of this topic, but instead to bring forward an alternative angle of the identified problem. The result of this study indicates that people in Bosnia and Herzegovina tend to identify in terms of ethno-national identity groups primarily where religion and territory have a decisive role in shaping identity, while a common Bosnian identity has fallen behind. It also reveals that the Dayton peace agreement damages the idea of a common Bosnian identity and questions the idea of Bosnia all together. This research suggests that a nation-state bottom-up process in Bosnia is little perceptible, due to the lack of a common Bosnian identity. The results from this study indicate that Bosnia does not fit the state-nation definition, nor the nation-state definition for several reasons while both state-nation and nation-state building are visible on regional levels. The Dayton peace agreement has initiated a very difficult political situation with extremely complex state structures and limited possibilities for change. The ethno-national division of three, and the constitutive tying of particular groups to specific territories, has hampered both the societal and political situation in Bosnia.
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Hodzic, Alma. "Hur sker utvecklingen i Bosnien? : En studie om nationsbyggandet i Bosnien och Hercegovina – utifrån tre perspektiv." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-34945.
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Nation building is vital in post-war states to bring the people that have been at war together. To restore peace in a state, many different actors need to work together to bring stability, safety, and advancement to a new nation. There are several methods of nation building, and this thesis evolves around three of them. This is a qualitative study where three theories on nation building are used to analyze the development of nation building, and the obstacles Bosnia and Herzegovina still has to reach a national identity. Several studies are used in this thesis to show how the development has evolved in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The method consisted of searching in databases for peer-reviewed articles, finding documents from international actors, and statistics. This thesis reveals that Bosnia and Herzegovina still has a long way to go before it becomes an nation where the citizens feel united, no matter which ethnicity they belong to.
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Hammer, Thomas. "Nation-Building in Memory and Space : A Case Study of Memorial Sites in the Municipality of Prijedor, Bosnia and Herzegovina." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Institutionen för globala politiska studier (GPS), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-44066.
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Ethnic nationalism produces conflicts through constructing identities that include certain groups and exclude or marginalize others. This process often continues in post-war periods and hinders inter-ethnic reconciliation. Political actors proceed with constructing ethno-national identities and (re-)writing national narratives in the realm of remembering. This thesis seeks to understand how memorial sites are used for nation-building processes in post-war contexts, based on the municipality of Prijedor, Bosnia and Herzegovina. This single instrumental case study analyzes two memorial sites through fieldwork, newspaper articles, and archival records. The theoretical framework builds on concepts from nationalism studies, memory studies, as well as cultural and political geography. The analysis demonstrates that the studied memorial sites are used as follows: 1) to depict the nation's objects of identification for demarcating the national Self from the Other; 2) to promote myths of victimization for unifying the group and justifying atrocities; 3) to silence narratives and memories that contradict or challenge those of the own group; and 4) to mark territory as an integral part of the spatial narrative in which public places are transformed into “owned” places. All four practices are closely interrelated and give the memorial sites meaning and authority to convey the Bosnian-Serbian nation-building project.
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Gangloff, Sylvie. "La Turquie et les Balkans depuis 1990 : relations bilatérales, politique régionale et influences extérieures." Phd thesis, Paris 1, 2000. https://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00592243.
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Les balkans occupent une place particuliere dans l'histoire de la turquie. L'empire ottoman a longtemps domine cet espace et les problemes rencontres par cet empire au xixeme siecle y trouvaient en grande partie leurs origines. Comment la turquie a-t-elle donc pu apprehender cette region ou elle a laisse de nombreuses traces et des souvenirs qui pesent negativement sur son image ? y joue-t-elle ce role primordial qu'on lui prete souvent ? depuis 1991, les balkans se sont plutot illustres par une certaine instabilite, par un complexe jeu d'antagonismes locaux qui malheureusement a pu connaitre des denouements assez sanglants. Cette instabilite a largement pese sur les formes d'intervention de la turquie dans la region. Elle a ainsi pu beneficier de l'isolement de certains pays ou, au contraire, se trouver marginalisee dans cette recomposition des amities/inimities regionales. Dans l'ensemble, la turquie a plutot reussi son retour dans les balkans. Sa politique fut relativement prudente, et bien souvent menee, de concert avec son allie americain. D'autre part, si les facteurs d'ordre religieux et ethnique (la fraternite musulmane ou turque) ont pu faire l'objet d'une instrumentalisation dans le discours electoral de certains partis ou personnalites politiques turcs, ils n'ont aucunement pris le dessus sur les priorites d'ordre politique. Enfin, l'analyse de la politique de la turquie dans la region ne peut se limiter au cadre turco-balkanique stricto sensu. C'est, non seulement les politiques des puissances occidentales qu'il faut prendre en compte mais egalement les politiques dans une vaste zone couvrant grosso modo le pourtour de la mer noire et plus largement ce que l'on appelle aujourd'hui l'eurasie. Le jeu de la russie, la question des pipelines acheminant les energies du bassin caspien vers l'europe, les reseaux de transport, en gestation ou encore la creation d'une zone de cooperation economique de la mer noire generent d'intenses interactions politiques croisees dans cet espace et ont de nombreuses repercussions sur la diplomatie balkanique de la turquie.
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Žaba, Jakub. "Válka a nacionalismus. Formování bosňácké a srbské národní identity." Master's thesis, 2019. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-404674.
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The thesis analyzes formation of Muslim nationalism identity during the 20th century and then its radical discursive transformation in the context of the Bosnian war between 1992 and 1995 and the conflicting struggle with neighboring Serbian nationalism. Internal redefinition of the Muslim/Bosniak national identity is examined in the context of a number of structural, institutional and discursive continuities and discontinuities, as both a contingent and determined event at the same time. As a result of these heterogeneous processes, the current Bosniak national identity is mainly homogenized around the symbols of Islam and the national myth of eternal suffering of Bosniaks and the age-long genocidal endeavor of Non-Bosniaks that resulted in the "Serbian genocide/Holocaust" over Bosniaks between 1992 and 1995. Key words War, nationalism, national identity, ethnic conflict, nation-building, Bosniak nationalism, Muslim nationalism, Serbian nationalismm, Islam, genocide, Holocaust, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bosnian war
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Skenderija, Ivana. "Srbská krsna slava v Bosně a Hercegovině." Master's thesis, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-339553.
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This thesis focuses on issues of multi-layered identities within a social space. It analyzes ritual (or ceremony) as one of the codified displays of culture within which collective ideas and attitudes regarding identity are manifested, shared, and strengthened. Bosnian Serbs - due to political and social change - were forced to redefine their position in society, as well as their (collective) identities and social ties. Slava is a fundamental ritual seen as an attribute of "Serbianness", and in the context of this study, manifests itself as an indicator of establishment and validity of collective identities. Slava is a traditional celebration practiced by Orthodox believers in Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, Bulgary, Albania, and Macedonia. It is a festivity of either a family, village, or local church patron. At the center of this research will be an individual slava of a family patron saint, krsna slava, or krsno ime. For Bosnian Serbs, krsna slava is currently a revitalized ritual concurring with local tradition and convening with social ambitions of current inhabitants in the region (otherwise it would not be revitalized). The pertinence of this research subject is given by the nature of ritual itself as it is founded on collective sharing and the manifestation of common ideas1 ....
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Fajtová, Magdaléna. "Národní identita a její promítání do diskuse o vstupu Bosny a Herzegoviny do Severoatlantické alliance." Master's thesis, 2020. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-434602.
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Diploma thesis "Reflection of National Identities in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the Discussion of NATO Membership" is a discourse analysis focusing on the socio-political environment in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the perspective of discussion over possible accession to the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation. The first part of the thesis begins by an overview of the history of NATO engagement in the conflicts in the former Yugoslavia, followed by a summary of current NATO relations with the countries of Western Balkans, specifically with Bosnia and Herzegovina. Special regard is given to national identities and their role in the conduct of the country's foreign policy. The second part of the thesis is dedicated to examining the current political debate. It seeks to understand how national identity shapes the discussion over the accession to the organisation. Specifically, through discourse analysis, it aims to identify the tools employed in the political debate and the impact it has on the overall political environment of the country.
Books on the topic "Bosnian national identity"
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Vejo, Edina. Prilozi sociopedagoškom istraživanju identiteta Bošnjaka. Sarajevo: Dobra knjiga, 2013.
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Pilarska, Justyna. Wielowymiarowa tożsamosć współczesnych Bośniaków. Wrocław: ATUT, 2014.
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Liđan, Ahmet. Bosanski identitet. Sarajevo: Author, 2009.
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Sabitović, Mesud. Bosanski duh. Sarajevo: Dobra knjiga, 2018.
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National deconstruction: Violence, identity, and justice in Bosnia. Minneapolis, Minn: University of Minnesota Press, 1998.
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Majstorović, Danijela, and Vladimir Turjačanin. Youth Ethnic and National Identity in Bosnia and Herzegovina. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137346957.
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Aličehić, Taner. Tragom drevnih Bošnjana: Bosanksa država i nacionalni identitet(i) kroz historiju. Sarajevo: Connectum, 2018.
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Musa, Irena. Kulturni identitet u vrtlogu globalizacije: Bosna i Hercegovina neravni svijet. Mostar: Filozofski fakultet Sveučilišta, 2013.
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Ambivalent peace: External peacebuilding threatened identity and reconciliation in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Uppsala: Uppsala Universitet, 2007.
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Youth Ethnic and National Identity in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Palgrave Macmillan, 2013.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Bosnian national identity"
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Lopasic, Alexander. "Islam in the Balkans: the Bosnian Case." In Religious Quest and National Identity in the Balkans, 141–57. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230523333_10.
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Armakolas, Ioannis. "Identity and Conflict in Globalizing Times: Experiencing the Global in Areas Ravaged by conflict and the Case of the Bosnian Serbs." In Globalization and National Identities, 46–63. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780333985458_3.
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Majstorović, Danijela, and Vladimir Turjačanin. "Measuring Ethnic Identity: Methods and Samples." In Youth Ethnic and National Identity in Bosnia and Herzegovina, 52–61. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137346957_4.
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Majstorović, Danijela, and Vladimir Turjačanin. "Perception of Ethnic Groups in Bosnia and Herzegovina." In Youth Ethnic and National Identity in Bosnia and Herzegovina, 166–89. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137346957_8.
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Majstorović, Danijela, and Vladimir Turjačanin. "Introduction." In Youth Ethnic and National Identity in Bosnia and Herzegovina, 1–8. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137346957_1.
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Majstorović, Danijela, and Vladimir Turjačanin. "Wrapping It All Up." In Youth Ethnic and National Identity in Bosnia and Herzegovina, 210–23. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137346957_10.
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Majstorović, Danijela, and Vladimir Turjačanin. "Troubles with Ethnicity: Theoretical Considerations and Contextual Background." In Youth Ethnic and National Identity in Bosnia and Herzegovina, 11–29. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137346957_2.
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Majstorović, Danijela, and Vladimir Turjačanin. "Interdisciplinary Study and Conceptualization of Ethnic Identity: Socio-psychological and Discourse Analytical Approaches." In Youth Ethnic and National Identity in Bosnia and Herzegovina, 30–51. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137346957_3.
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Majstorović, Danijela, and Vladimir Turjačanin. "Ethnic and National Identity and Ethnic Nationalism in the Public Sphere in Bosnia and Herzegovina: The Case of Major Print Media." In Youth Ethnic and National Identity in Bosnia and Herzegovina, 65–86. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137346957_5.
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Majstorović, Danijela, and Vladimir Turjačanin. "More Than Blood and Soil? Ethnic and National Discourses of Youth in Bosnia and Herzegovina." In Youth Ethnic and National Identity in Bosnia and Herzegovina, 87–129. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137346957_6.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Bosnian national identity"
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Zeljko, Ivan, Miodrag Spasic, and Damir Sekulic. "Predicting futsal specific change of direction speed and reactive agility; analysis of specific correlates in top-level players." In 12th International Conference on Kinanthropology. Brno: Masaryk University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cz.muni.p210-9631-2020-18.
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Purpose: Change of direction speed (CODS) and reactive agility (RAG) are important qual-ities in futsal, but studies rarely examined the predictors of these conditioning capacities in players of advanced level. This study aimed to evaluate predictive validity of certain an-thropometric and conditioning capacities in evaluation of futsal specific CODS and RAG in top-level players. Methods: The sample comprised 54 male players from Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, members of teams competing at the highest national rank, including national champions for the 2017–2018 competitive season in both countries. The variables comprised set of pre-dictors (body mass, body height, triceps skinfold, reactive strength index [RSI], sprint 10 m [S10M], and broad jump [BJ]; and four criteria: futsal specific CODS and RAG, performed with and without dribbling (CODS_D, CODS_WD, RAG_D, RAG_WD). To identify the asso-ciation between variables Pearson’s correlation and multiple regressions were calculated. Results: Observed predictors explained statistically significant (p < 0.05) percentage of vari-ance for all four criteria (Rsq: 0.28, 0.30, 0.23 and 0.25, for CODS_WD, CODS_D, RAG_WD, RAG_D, respectively). Body mass was significant predictor for all criteria (Beta: 0.35–0.51), with poorer performances in heavier players. In both performances which involved dribbling, significant predictors was RSI (Beta: −0.27 and −0.31 for CODS_D and RAG_D, respective-ly), with superior performances in players with better RSI. The S10M and BJ were not identi-fied as being significantly correlated to studied RAG and CODS performances. Conclusion: Study confirmed specific influence of studied predictors of futsal specific CODS and RAG with consistent negative influence of body mass on studied performances. Almost certainly this can be explained by specifics of RAG and CODS execution. Specifically, tests are performed over relatively small distances, with several changes of direction, which clear-ly mimic the futsal specific performances. Although sprint performance is often observed as important determinant of CODS and RAG, herein we did not confirm its predictive validity in explanation of futsal specific CODS and RAG. Future studies should evaluate other poten-tially important predictors of these capacities in futsal.