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1
Rebihić, Nehrudin. "Bošnjačka književnost u obzorima Vladimira Jurčića: Rekonstrukcija neobjavljene knjige Muslimani u hrvatskoj književnosti." Historijski pogledi 5, no. 8 (November 15, 2022): 317–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2022.5.8.317.
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The study of Bosniak literature in the period of the Independent State of Croatia has been marginalized in previous literary-historical studies, and the reasons for this were ideological and political in nature, and not scientific. This work deals with the status of Bosniak literature in the literary-critical horizons of Vladimir Jurčić, the bellwether of the Ustasha national ideology in Bosnia and Sarajevo, in the period from 1941st to 1945th. As a professor, editor of daily and periodical publications, he wrote about Bosniak literature and its canonical writers in the light of the ideological and political worldviews. He propagated theses about socio-political function of literature that extends „people's spirit”, „racial-biological” and „national” features. Jurčić attributed to literature a mediating role in transmitting the deep identity of the Croatian people, and developing a thesis on the Croatian national identity of Bosnian Muslims (Bosniaks) he treated Bosniak writers as the most representative reflectors of Croatian national consciousness in Bosnia. In addition to individual studies on Bosniak writers, Jurčić stated that they were separate units of the unpublished book Muslims in Croatian Literature. Jurčić's literary critical habitus is a product of socio-political and intellectual circumstances in Croatia - in the narrower sense and in the SHS - in the broader sense, which were used as a starting point for the production of certain ideological, political and cultural values in the NDH. As a follower of the ideological platform of Radić's HSS (peasant movement) and its reflections on discursive practices, especially in the social - humanities sciences (Dvorniković, Radić, Tomašić, Lukas), he interpreted literature in accordance with these practices, reducing its meaning only to ruling ideologues. He valorized Bosniak literature as a component of Croatian literature, applying several criteria: collective, linguistic, territorial and religious, which he sought to include the widest possible range of identity features and thus support the thesis of Croatianness Bosnian Muslims (Bosniaks). In literary criticism, he promoted theses on racial, ethical and eugenic superiority, then on the national spirit, linguistic and stylistic specifics of Bosnian Muslims (Bosniaks) as an „organic“ part of the Croatian people. He emphasized the „poljodjelski“ character of Bosniak writers between the two world wars, while in older literature, especially in the oral literary tradition- and all that for need of ideological manipulation in the time of the Independent State of Croatia - war, he emphasized the highland (tribal) character that manifested itself in the epic-agonal consciousness. All these theses arose from the idea of unity and continuity of the „organic nation“, but did not find a stronghold in Bosnia because it was cultural and historical terms different from the native Croatian space, which was in principle a fundamental obstacle to its realization. Aware of the insurmountability of the cultural, literary and historical uniqueness of Bosnia, Jurčić constructed and established the literary-historical construct „literary Bosnia“ which was based on the theory of the history of regional / provincial literature. By „literary Bosnia“ he meant everything that was its „provincial features“: folk history, genealogy, specific speech (dialect - ikavica), lifestyle (Muslims), and the canonical line consisted of Bosniak writers from Safvet-bega Bašagić, Musa Ćazim Ćatić, Edhem Mulabdić, Ahmed Muradbegović, to Alija Nametk, Enver Čolaković, Murat Šuvalić etc.Since in this period the pretensions towards Bosnia and Bosnian Muslims (Bosniaks) were also part of the Serbian national ideology, Jurčić's „literary Bosnia“ can be understood as a counterbalance to the then established Kršić's literary-historical construct „narrative Bosnia“. Unlike Kršić's „narrative Bosnia“, whose canonical line was mostly made up of Bosnian Serb writers (Ćorović, Kočić, Andrić, Ćopić, etc.), Jurčić's „literary Bosnia“ was made up of Bosniak writers as „the purest element of the Croatian people“.
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Kodrić, Sanjin. "What Is Bosniak, And What Bosnian-Herzegovinian Literature, And What Is, After All, The Bosnian-Hercegovinian Interliterary Community? (A Contribution To Literary-Theoretical And Literary-Historical Understanding)." Slavica Lodziensia 1 (November 14, 2017): 9–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2544-1795.01.02.
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Literary creation in Bosnia-Herzegovina is very complex. Viewed as a whole and throughout its historical duration, it has not been realized within the framework of one nation or one ethno-national community, nor within only one language or only one alphabet, nor within the framework of only one cultural-civilizational circle. This fact and this kind of literary-historical and cultural-historical reality gives the basis from which it is now possible to talk about a unique, singular literature of Bosnia-Herzegovina, or Bosnian-Herzegovinian literature, and also about parallel, plural literatures of Bosnia-Herzegovina – Bosniak as well as Croat and Serbian literatures in Bosnia-Herzegovina, together with the literary traditions of Bosnian-Herzegovinian minority communities, such as the Jewish community and others. Also, it is possible to speak about a phenomenon that should – given its own, internal historical-developmental dynamics and its literary-developmental principles and relationships in general – probably be named the Bosnian-Herzegovinian interliterary community. That is why, in understanding the phenomenon of literary creativity in Bosnia-Herzegovina, as well in defi ning Bosnian literary studies, primarily the theoretical concepts of interliterariness as well as closely related concepts of interculturality occur as potential solutions, as – both of them – have their essential meaning and full realization in the cases of both literary and culturally complex phenomena like literature in Bosnia-Herzegovina in general.
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Muhić, Ferid. "Bosniaks and Bosnia: A Study in Philosophy of Politics." Illuminatio 1, no. 2 (March 26, 2021): 88–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.52510/sia.v1i2.12.
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In the first part of this study, published in the first issue of the magazine Illuminatio/Svjetionik/Almanar, the author briefly outlined the basic elements of the philosophy of politics characteristic of the history of modern nations in which he analysed the relations of the individual, the people, the nation and the state. The second part of this study focuses on the attitude of Bosniaks towards collective memory, which, according to the author, was brought to the threshold of amnesia under the influence of the long-term political strategy of their neighbours.
The author believes that the shaken collective memory represents the most neuralgic problem and the greatest danger for the historical reintegration and homogenization of Bosniaks as an ethnicity and a nation. The author emphasizes that “Bosnian” is a territorial determinant and completely excludes the national determinant “Bosniak”. Flirting with the phrase “Bosniaks/Bosnians”, which is often used, is not only a denouncement of the ethnic and national affiliation of Bosniaks, but further denies their uniqueness – and thus calls into question the very existence of Bosniaks. A Bosniak is born, a Bosniak remains. A "Bosnian" becomes, a "Bosnian" cease to be. A Bosniak living in Bosnia is also a "Bosnian". A "Bosnian" who is not a Bosniak does not become a Bosniak anywhere, not even in Bosnia. A Bosniak who does not live in Bosnia remains a Bosniak, but ceases to be a "Bosnian". The goal of substituting the historical name Bosniaks with the territorial designation "Bosnians" is obvious: Break the homogeneous core of Bosniaks by erasing awareness of their ethnic identity, name, national unity, common history, culture, language, in short – a common past, present and future. The study also recalls the difference between the modern understanding of the nation and the way in which this social phenomenon was interpreted until the middle of the 20th century. Behind the separation of the nation from the ethnicity/people, as the supposedly superior form, lies the effort to relativize the ethnicity/people, as an objective fact, to weaken the mutual ties of its members and to bring the entire population under the control of central political power – as a seemingly integrated and homogeneous whole.
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Babović, Dželila. "Dictionary Manuscripts and Lexicographic Tradition in Bosnia From the 16th to the 19th Century." BOSNIACA, no. 27 (December 9, 2022): 130–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.37083/bosn.2022.27.130.
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Dictionaries in Arabic, Turkish, Persian, and Bosnian that were created and used in Bosnia from the 16th to the 19th century are an indispensable segment of the Bosnian lexicographic tradition. Based on the researchers and analysis of the form, language, methodology, questions of authorship, and reception of the dictionaries stored in the institutional manuscript collections of Bosnia and Herzegovina, it is possible to talk about the dominant lexicographic trends and practices during the Ottoman rule in these areas and to determine the contribution of these manuscripts works and their authors to the development and continuity of the lexicographical tradition.
The research base for this work was manuscript collections stored in public cultural and scientific institutions of Bosnia and Herzegovina: Gazi Husrev-bey Library, National and University Library of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bosniak Institute – Adil Zulfikarpašić Foundation, Oriental Institute of the University of Sarajevo, Sarajevo Historical Archives, The Cantonal Archives Travnik, The Cantonal Archives Tuzla, The General Library of Tešanj, Herzegovina Museum Mostar and Herzegovina Archives Mostar.
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Pečenković, Vildana. "Issues of Identity in Trilogija o Bosni by Valerija Skrinjar-Tvrz." Društvene i humanističke studije (Online) 7, no. 4(21) (December 30, 2022): 219–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.51558/2490-3647.2022.7.4.219.
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The paper questions the construction of identity in the novels of Slovenian-Bosnian authoress Valerija Skrinjar-Tvrz: Na svojoj, na plemenitoj, Jutro u Bosni and Bosna i Soča, which were combined and published as a trilogy this year. Integrating the period of medieval Bosnia, the First World War, and the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina from 1992-1995 into one whole, the trilogy achieves multiple coding. Although distant in time, driven by different motivations, and intersected by different ideologies, wars shape the lives of the heroes of this trilogy. In this unique poetic entity, the authoress managed to show the complexity of common life through individual destinies and “small stories” and to deconstruct the conception that history is made up of “big stories”. The identities of individuals in the novels represent the identities of communities whose borders are porous and threaten to destroy the established systems, while individual unfortunate destinies are a mirror of collective traumas from the Middle Ages to modern times. The Trilogy covers almost the entire Bosnian history, trying to include identity constructions and their associated identification features, which the authoress considers representative of contemporary identity re/configurations.
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Bazdulj, Muharem. "‘Mlada Bosna’: Young Bosnia." Wasafiri 29, no. 2 (April 3, 2014): 4–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02690055.2014.885295.
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Görmez, Ayça Berna. "The formation of a nation: The case of bosnian muslims." New Trends and Issues Proceedings on Humanities and Social Sciences 2, no. 2 (January 12, 2016): 121–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.18844/prosoc.v2i2.424.
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This study examines the process of the formation of Bosniak nation. Ethno-symbolist approach to nationalism is taken as the basis of the study in evaluating the formation of the Bosniak nation due to the fact that ethno-symbolists argue that nationalism is a modern phenomenon but the origins of the nations can be traced back to the ethnicity. They emphasize the importance of subjective elements such as myth of common ancestry, shared culture and values in constituting nation. In this study it is argued that there are three turning points in the history of Bosnian Muslims that led to the formation of the Bosniak nation. These are Austro-Hungarian occupation of Bosnia in 1878, the recognition of Bosnian Muslims as a separate nationality in 1968 and Bosnian war between 1992 and 1995. In this study, these turning points and their relevance for the formation of nation is analyzed through an ethno-symbolist perspective.
Keywords: Bosnian Muslims, ethno-symbolism, Bosniak, nationalism
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Ziya Sümbüllü, Yusuf, and Melinda Botalić. "BOSNIAK CULTURAL HERITAGE: CULTURAL CHARACTERISTICS OF TRADITIONAL KNOCKERS AND GATES." Journal Human Research in Rehabilitation 1, no. 2 (December 2011): 13–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.21554/hrr.121114.
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Culture, molding the attitude of one, creates social order and ensures social identity of the belonging community. When it comes to Bosnian, ore more precisely Bosniak culture, it is of high importance to discuss traditional gates, which represent one of the most significant creations that vividly paint the culture of Bosniaks - of of three constitutive nations or ethnic groups of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
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M ulavdić, Vedad. "Stavovi Hamze Hume o jeziku i književnosti u autorskom tekstu o nacionalizmu u bh. književnosti." Književni jezik, no. 33 (2022): 227–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.33669/kj2022-33-11.
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The paper discuses Hamza Humo’s text “Nationalism in BH literature” published in 1929 in the book Effort of Bosnia and Herzegovina for liberation and unification. The text presents an overview of development of Bosnian literature from the 17th century to the beginning of the First World War. Humo’s attitude towards language and literature in the works of some writters is observed, as well as Humo’s language in the text itself. Bosniak literature and the Bosnian language are not specifically presented in this text, but only as part of the development of literature and language in the wider Yugoslav area. Nevertheless, the name Bosnian language is mentioned in the text, and it is treated more as label for the dialect and the literary realisation of that speech, considering the fact that the classical processes of language standardization had not yet begun. Many writers mentioned in this text also spokes about language in their works, which Humo underlines only occasionally. This text is also significant for the study of the history of literature and language in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the interwar period.
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Basta, Karlo. "Imagined Institutions: The Symbolic Power of Formal Rules in Bosnia and Herzegovina." Slavic Review 75, no. 4 (2016): 944–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.5612/slavicreview.75.4.0944.
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Through a detailed examination of institutional discourses in post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina, this article demonstrates that formal political institutions may play a more layered role than is allowed by existing theories of nationalist and ethnic conflict. Competing institutional preferences of Bosniak, Serb, and Croat elites are not simply instruments for the achievement of collective or individual goals. They are symbolically salient expressions of collective identity as well. For Bosniak elites, the stated preference for a non-ethnicized territorial framework and majoritarian central government suggest the vision of a multiethnic, but not institutionally multinational,Bosnianpolitical community. Their Serb and Croat counterparts, by contrast, insist on the continued “ethnicization” of the territorial architecture and the central government apparatus. These preferences express an understanding of Bosnia as a state of three discrete political communities. Any attempts at comprehensive institutional reform must thus reckon with the opposing and deeply embedded visions of institutions-as-symbols. The theoretical implications of this work go well beyond the Bosnian case.
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Fejzić, Elvis. "Political Thought in Bosnia and Herzegovina During Austro-Hungarian Rule, 1878–1918." East Central Europe 39, no. 2-3 (2012): 204–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-03903011.
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Political thought in Bosnia and Herzegovina during Austro-Hungarian rule can be researched by a thorough analysis of the engagement of local political elites with pressing contemporary issues. There were four distinct political clusters in Bosnia and Herzegovina at the time: the Bosniak Muslim, Serbian, and Croatian ones were crystallized around an ethnoreligious principle; while Social Democrats as a coherent group were based on the principle of civic and working class identity, and were consequently indifferent towards ethnicity and religion. Members of the four groups markedly differed in their views on nation and nationalism, Austrian rule and the future of the Bosnian polity, social and economic development, and religion. However, within the three ethnic clusters it is possible to make further distinctions between moderates and radicals, modernists and traditionalists, conformists and revolutionaries, and liberals and conservatives. Along these lines, the article maps this complex field and introduces the reader to the main lines of Bosnian political thought in this eventful period.
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Sokolić, Ivor. "Denying the Unknown. Everyday Narratives about Croatian Involvement in the 1992-1995 Bosnian Conflict." Südosteuropa 65, no. 4 (January 26, 2018): 632–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2017-0042.
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Abstract This article, based on the results of focus-group discussions, dyads, and interviews in Croatia, examines how Croatians construct their narrative of the 1992-1995 conflict in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Croatia’s role in it. Despite judgements at the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) concluding that the Croatian state intervened in the Bosnian conflict, respondents in this study claimed to be ignorant of any such intervention. What was discussed worked in concert with the dominant Croatian war narrative of Croatian defence, victimhood, and sacrifice in the face of a larger, Serbian aggressor. By portraying the Bosnian conflict as chaotic and savage, respondents differentiated it from the Croatian one and relativised any illicit actions within a framework of nesting orientalism. Croatian involvement in Bosnia-Herzegovina was generally seen as positive: it was viewed in terms of Croatia welcoming Bosniak refugees and providing military assistance, which enabled moral licensing with regard to the rarely mentioned and marginalised negative aspects of Croatia’s involvement in the conflict.
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Selimović, Sead. "Preventing return: Implementation of annex VII of the Dayton peace agreement in Bosnia and Herzegovina (1995-2020)." Historijski pogledi 4, no. 6 (November 15, 2021): 206–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.6.206.
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The armed aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina ended with the signing of the General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina (Dayton Agreement), initialed in Dayton on November 21, 1995, and signed on December 14, 1995 in Paris „in Bosnian, Croatian, English and the Serbian language“. The Dayton Agreement confirmed the fact that the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia had real control (power) over the so-called Republika Srpska. Annex 4 of the Dayton Agreement determined the internal structure of Bosnia and Herzegovina. There are two entities in the internal structure of Bosnia and Herzegovina: the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which consists of 10 cantons, and the Republika Srpska. Apart from the two entities, there is also the Brčko District of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which was created by the Decision of the International Arbitration Court. It was established on March 8, 2000. According to the Dayton Agreement, the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, whose official name became „Bosnia and Herzegovina“, continues its legal existence under international law as a state with its internationally recognized borders. It remains a member of the United Nations, and as Bosnia and Herzegovina may retain membership or request membership in organizations within the United Nations system and in other international organizations. The Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina (Annex 4 of the Dayton Agreement) guarantees human rights and „fundamental freedoms“. Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Entities, according to the Constitution, will ensure „the highest degree of internationally recognized human rights and fundamental freedoms.“ For this purpose, the formation of the Commission for Human Rights is also envisaged, as provided for in Annex 6 of the General Framework Agreement. The issue of the return of refugees and displaced persons is addressed in Annex 7 of the Dayton Agreement, entitled „Agreement on Refugees and Displaced Persons“. According to Annex 7, all refugees and displaced persons have the right to return freely to their homes and have the right to restitution of property confiscated from them during hostilities since 1991 and to receive compensation for all property that cannot be returned to them. The „Agreement“ states that the return of refugees and displaced persons is an important goal of resolving the conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In the period 1995-2020. The authorities of the Bosnian-Herzegovinian entity of Republika Srpska did not give up on the project of „separation of peoples“. The implementation of Annex 7 of the Dayton Agreement has been obstructed in various ways: by killings, beatings, intimidation, attacks on religious buildings and in other ways. Obstructions in the implementation of Annex 7 were also carried out in the entity of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. However, this was not as pronounced as in Republika Srpska. The first return of displaced persons (refugees and displaced persons) was to the settlement of Mahala, which until the Dayton Agreement was located in the municipality of Kalesija and after Dayton in the municipality of Osmaci in the entity of Republika Srpska. It was August 24, 1996. This was followed by the return of Bosniaks to the settlements of Jusići and Dugi dio in the municipality of Zvornik and Svjetliča in the municipality of Doboj. These events also marked the official start of the implementation of Annex 7 of the Dayton Peace Agreement in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Although the Dayton Agreement guaranteed the return of the exiles, everything went much harder on the ground, and there were also human casualties. Between 1992 and 1995, approximately 2.2 million people in Bosnia and Herzegovina were forced to flee their homes as a result of the war against Bosnia and Herzegovina. About 1.2 million people have applied for refugee protection in more than 100 countries around the world, while countries in the region have accepted about 40% of the total number of refugees from Bosnia and Herzegovina. Almost one million people were internally displaced in Bosnia and Herzegovina. At the beginning of 2003, the Strategy of Bosnia and Herzegovina for the Implementation of Annex 7 of the Dayton Agreement was adopted. It was the first, at the level of the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina, harmonized, framework document which sets goals and plans the necessary actions and reforms towards the final implementation of Annex 7 of the Dayton Agreement. According to the 2015 UNHCR Annual Statistical Report, the number of refugees from Bosnia and Herzegovina outside the country was 18,748. Of these, 9,080 had refugee status in Serbia, 4,055 in France, 2,274 in Switzerland, 1,412 in Germany, and the remaining number in other countries. It is estimated that at the end of 1995 there were about one million displaced persons, accounting for almost a quarter of Bosnia and Herzegovina's pre-war population. The first comprehensive, official census of displaced persons in Bosnia and Herzegovina was conducted at the end of 2000, when 557,275 displaced persons were registered. The 2005 audit of the status of displaced persons identified 186,138 displaced persons in Bosnia and Herzegovina. According to the data of the Ministry of Human Rights and Refugees from 2016, there were 98,574 displaced persons in Bosnia and Herzegovina, of which 38,345 or 40.6% were displaced in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, 59,834 or 58.8% in the Republika Srpska and 395 or 0.5% in the Brčko District of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In the ethnic structure of displaced persons, according to the head of household - families, 32.7% (10,667 families and 30,920 persons) are Bosniaks, 60.0% (19,565 families and 60,737 persons) Serbs, 6.7% (2,195 families and 6,374 persons) Croats and 0.6% (184 families and 542 persons) Others. According to the 2016 data of the Ministry of Human Rights and Refugees, by the end of 2016, around 341,000 housing units had been built or renovated in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In the Bosnian entity of Republika Srpska, the Bosnian language is denied. Teaching in the Bosnian language is prohibited, and the language is called the non-existent Bosniak language. This discriminates against students who want their language to be called Bosnian. In addition, high-ranking officials from the Republika Srpska in public appearances deny the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Bosniaks as a people, deny genocide against Bosniaks, which affects the perspective of the people of this area. Streets in cities bear the names of war criminals from the Second World War and the period of aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, busts of war criminals are being built, schools and other state institutions are being „sanctified“, etc. In the period 1995-2020. Annex 7 of the Dayton Agreement was not fully implemented in 2006, as an important factor in the reintegration of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the recognition of the results of armed aggression and genocide against Bosniaks.
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Martinčević-Huseinčehajić, Viktorija. "CIP program u Bosni i Hercegovini: iskustvo Nacionalne i univerzitetske biblioteke Bosne i Hercegovine." BOSNIACA 25, no. 25 (December 14, 2020): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.37083/bosn.2020.25.9.
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U članku je predstavljena realizacija CIP programa u Bosni i Hercegovini i njegov značaj za izdavače i biblioteke. Istaknuto je koliko je bitna suradnja između izdavača i biblioteka. Dat je prikaz CIP programa u Bosni i Hercegovini, ali i naznačene smjernice za daljnji rad.-----------------------------------------CIP programme in Bosnia and Herzegovina: the experience of the National and University Library of Bosnia and HerzegovinaThe article presents the implementation of the CIP programme in Bosnia and Herzegovina and its significance for publishers and libraries. The importance of cooperation between publishers and libraries was emphasized. An overview of the CIP programme in Bosnia and Herzegovina is given, as well as guidelines for further work.
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Đouić, Adib. "Haji Husein eff. Đozić Ruhi judge from Srebrenica and Nikšić viceroy." Historijski pogledi 2, no. 2 (October 28, 2019): 7–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2019.2.2.7.
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There are many forgotten significant persons in Bosnian-Bosniak history, who through their knowledge and work made a significant contribution to the development of Bosnian society and the Bosniak national identity in the time and place they lived in. The most forgotten significant Bosniaks are those who lived and worked during the reign of the Ottoman state of Bosnia. One of such persons is Hadji Husein eff. Đozić Ruhi, kadi (judge) from Srebrenica and Nikšić naib (viceroy). He lived in Srebrenica in the 19th century. Educated in Istanbul, he worked for as a judge in three towns and two empires. In this paper, we are talking about Haji Husein eff. Đozić, his life and work, and the significance of the documents preserved, to understand Bosnian society and the position of Bosnians in the second half of the 19th century in Srebrenica and Nikšić.
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(Corresponding Author), Azlizan Mat Enh, Suffian Mansor, and Mohamad Rodzi Abd. Razak. "The Treaty of Berlin 1878: Implications for Muslims Migration in Bosnia-Herzegovina Before World War 1." Journal of Al-Tamaddun 17, no. 1 (June 30, 2022): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/jat.vol17no1.1.
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The intervention of the great powers in the Bosnian-Herzegovina conflict of 1875-1878 led the Turkish government to sign the Treaty of Berlin of 1878. One of the terms of the Treaty of Berlin was to put the administration of Bosnian-Herzegovina under the auspices of the mandate of the Austrian-Hungarian government. From this point onwards, the migration process in Bosnia-Herzegovina is reflected in its population, especially Muslims. This article examines the implications of the Treaty of Berlin on issues that led to the emigration of Muslims from Bosnia-Herzegovina to other regions of the Turkish Empire before the outbreak of World War 1. The analysis of primary data was used on the British records from its embassy in Bosnia- Herzegovina. The study found that religious issue was a crucial factor in the migration process happened in Bosnia-Herzegovina. The migration process intensified after Bosnia-Herzegovina was formally announced to be put under the Austrian-Hungarian administration in 1908.
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Osmančević, Enes, and Mirza Mehmedović. "Mogućnosti bosanskohercegovačkih online medija u informiranju i edukaciji o euroatlanskim integracijama." Obrazovanje odraslih/Adult Education 14, no. 1 (2014): 95–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.53617/issn2744-2047.2014.14.1.95.
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The current political and economic relations in Bosnia and Herzegovina society imply specific approach to media reporting about accession process of Bosnia and Herzegovina to Euro-Atlantic integration, especially to Europian Union and NATO, as specific frames for Bosnian international politics. Defined by internal political conflicts, but alos by this year elections, processes of international politics and accession of Bosnia and Herzegovina to Euro-Atlantic integration represent special object of media interest, both traditional and new (online) media. This work primarly describes certain segments of media reports in online media, analyzing fulfillment of basic journalistic standards, about also specific newmedia characteristics related exclusively for online media, theirs ubiquity, multimediality, speed, adaptability, informativity, educability and interaction with online audience. It is very important to say when we explained some research results, we had in mind level of development in online media in Bosnia and Herzegovina, their human and technical resources, culture of bosnian online communication, but also total current communication sitaution in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
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Janíčko, Michal. "Misunderstanding the Other and Shy Signs of Openness: Discourse on the 1992-1995 War in the Current Bosniak and Bosnian Serb Media." Středoevropské politické studie Central European Political Studies Review 17, no. 1 (April 1, 2015): 28–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cepsr.2015.1.28.
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The article deals with how the 1990s civil war in Bosnia and Herzegovina was represented in the media that currently remain influential among Bosniaks and Bosnian Serbs. Critical discourse analysis is used both as a theoretical approach to discourse and as a methodological tool for its study. In the analysis, the civil war discourse in Bosniak and Bosnian Serb media is represented by two daily newspapers on each side. The analysis reveals mutually incompatible representations of the causes and nature of the war, the prevailing absence of dialogue, and the unwillingness of each side to consider the other side’s war victims. Looking at more specific topics, a number of discourses are identified on both sides, among which some present the potential for dialogue with alternative representations. The discourses are interpreted through Bosniak and Bosnian Serb nationalist ideologies. The findings might support further research on the relation between the media and nationalism and on the ongoing Bosnian political dispute concerning the desired nature of the state.
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Keranen, Outi. "International Statebuilding as contentious politics: the case of post conflict Bosnia and Herzegovina." Nationalities Papers 41, no. 3 (May 2013): 354–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2012.743516.
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The post-conflict space in Bosnia and Herzegovina has been marked by a multiplicity of statebuilding projects: in addition to the much-analyzed internationally-led statebuilding process, parallel Bosniak, Bosnian Serb and Bosnian Croat statebuilding trajectories exist. They seek to undermine and challenge the international statebuilding venture by appropriating and adapting the liberal statebuilding processes. This is carried out through the institutions and processes of governance put in place by international statebuilders to subvert the statebuilding trajectory. Focusing on the local appropriation of processes and institutions of governance, the paper maps out the repertoires of contention entailing boycotts, walk-outs, protests and refusals to co-operate in an attempt to explain and understand how local contention vis-à-vis the international statebuilding trajectory is carried out.
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Dzihic, Vedran. "Comments on Gerard Toal's ‘“Republika Srpska will have a referendum': The rhetorical politics of Milorad Dodik”." Nationalities Papers 41, no. 1 (January 2013): 205–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2012.754746.
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The history of modern Bosnia-Herzegovina (BiH) is a history of referenda. The referendum as a tool to shape the political fate and future of a particular society has seemingly always been an integral part of the Bosnian past. The first two referenda in Bosnia-Herzegovina at the beginning of the so-called “democratic era” following the dissolution of the former Yugoslavia marked the beginning of a period of war and violence in the country. The referendum in November 1991, organized by the Serbian Democratic Party (SDS) and asking participants about the status of BiH within the Yugoslav federation, was the first step toward the formation of Republika Srpska (RS). On the other side, the referendum in March 1992 about the question of independence of Bosnia and Herzegovina from Yugoslavia, which was attended by Bosnian Muslims and Croats and boycotted by the Serbs, plunged Bosnia into war.
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Barabás, Gábor. "Heretics, Pirates, and Legates." Specimina Nova Pars Prima Sectio Medaevalis 9 (May 4, 2022): 35–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.15170/spmnnv.2017.09.02.
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The study examines a special aspect of the relations between the Papacy and the Hungarian Kingdom in the first half of the 13th century: the fight against the heretics of Bosnia, or the Bosnian Church. The question of this heresy is not investigated from a dogmatic, or a legal point of view; the analysis focuses on the measures taken by the Papacy and the Hungarian Kingdom. Pontifical legates were entrusted with tasks concerning heresy and piracy in Bosnia and Dalmatia since the very beginning of the century, while the Hungarian rulers and several prelates also took part in the struggle. My presentation starts with the investigation against Ban Kulin of Bosnia led by the papal chaplain John of Casamari, whereas among other topics the problem of the Dalmatian pirates, the Bosnian campaign of Duke Coloman of Slavonia and the integration of the diocese of Bosnia into the Hungarian Church are analysed too.
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Kayani, Farrukh Nawaz. "TURKEY’S BOLSTERING ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL RELATIONS WITH BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA." EURASIAN JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES 9, no. 4 (2021): 198–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.15604/ejss.2021.09.04.001.
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Historically, the relations of Turkey with Bosnia and Herzegovina have remained very cordial, and friendly. The foreign policy of Turkey under President Erdogan has taken a new fresh route as the country has progressively asserted its influence in the Balkan region by benefiting from the common historical and cultural relations. Investing in infrastructure developments and educational sectors of the Balkan region under cultural diplomacy has helped Turkey to build its soft image. Turkish companies are actively investing in the various sectors and the industries of Bosnia and Herzegovina, including telecommunication, energy, transportation, health, tourism, construction, and banking, etc. Common history, geographic proximity, and Turkey's expanding economic importance, all these factors have resulted in boosting the Turkish investment in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Turkey is also trying to promote regional trade cooperation besides the bilateral trade agreements like the establishment of a trilateral economic discussion mechanism between Turkey, Bosnia-Herzegovina, and Serbia. This article has explained the historic and contemporary economic and political relations of Turkey with Bosnia and Herzegovina. The article also suggested that Turkey needs to employ a more transparent and effective policy towards Bosnia & Herzegovina by addressing some reservations of Bosnian people like the provision of more jobs in the infrastructural development projects. At the same time, Bosnian foreign policy towards Turkey also needs to take a stand for its own objectives, aspirations, and long-term goals.
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Gavranović, Mario, and Ajla Sejfuli. "Early Iron Age in Central Bosnia – an overview and research perspectives." Godišnjak Centra za balkanološka ispitivanja, no. 47 (January 6, 2022): 27–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.5644/godisnjak.cbi.anubih-47.101.
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This paper discusses the state of the research and general interpretation models of the Early Iron Age period in Central Bosnia. The Mid-Bosnian Schist Mountains and the surrounding river valleys of Vrbas, Lašva, and Bosna together with their tributaries characterise the landscape of this region. In terms of evidence from the Early Iron Age period (800–500 BC), the majority comes from the long-term excavations in the hillfort site Pod near Bugojno. The preliminary reports point to well-organised, long lasting and densely built up hillfort settlement with rectangular houses of similar size. Based on the numerous iron slag finds from recently discovered settlements of Čolaci and Zenepići, it can be inferred that some of the sites in Central Bosnia were intensively involved in the metal processing activity. Mortuary practices of the Early Iron Age communities are largely unknown since thus far, not a single intact burial was properly documented.
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Andersen, Tea Sindbæk, and Fedja Wierød Borčak. "Memory conflicts and memory grey zones: War memory in Bosnia–Herzegovina between public memory disputes, literary narratives and personal experience." Memory Studies 15, no. 6 (November 30, 2022): 1517–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/17506980221134679.
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In Bosnia and Herzegovina, memories of the 1990s war remain hugely divided on political and institutional levels, constituting what we may think of as a mnemonic war. Interview-based qualitative research shows that people in Bosnia on the individual level tend to follow the dominant narrative of their own group, yet, when challenged on these viewpoints, may also admit that other narratives and different truths may exist. Indeed, this research seems to propose the existence of a memorial grey zone where more open understanding and recognition of other positions is possible. Thus, while memory politics and memory institutionalization are rigidly opposed, other types of memory mediation may challenge the ethnic divisions of the memory landscape, opening up a memorial grey zone. In this article, we study the individual reception of literary works written by Bosnian émigré writers, asking how readers interact with established yet fluid memory discourses in Bosnia. Using focus groups as an interviewing method, we explore how the texts are perceived and discussed by lay readers in the two political entities, the Bosniak–Croat Federation and Republika Srpska. We are particularly interested in how readers make sense of the memory accounts in the texts, and how this relates to personal experiences and official memory narratives within each of the two entities. We argue that the reading and discussions of literary war memories allow for complex negotiations between personal and official ‘group’ narratives, opening a memorial grey zone that transcends the sharp divisions dominating memory politics in Bosnia and creates space for alternative memory positions.
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Dolić, Belkisa, and Fata Huseinbašić. "Revision of the orthographic norm in the Bosnian language." Post Scriptum 11, no. 11 (September 13, 2022): 95–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.52580/issn.2232-8556.2022.11.11.95.
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There are three constitutional nations in Bosnia and Herzegovina: Bosniaks, Serbs and Croats who respectively speak Bosnian, Serbian and Croatian languages, and they are all standardized, i.e. guaranteed by the Constitution. However, that was not always the case. Namely, in 1954 (after the so called Novi Sad Agreement) the Bosnian, Croatian and Serbian languages, despite their separate historical, territorial and cultural flows, were incorporated into a hybrid, politically motivated language called Croato-Serbian / Serbo-Croatian. They were part of it until the dissolution of Yugoslavia when former member republics became independent states, and demanded their own standardized languages: Croatia Croatian, Serbia Serbian, and Bosnia and Herzegovina all three – Croatian, Serbian and Bosnian. During the war and in the few following years, standardizing works, which proscribe what is the part of standardized Bosnian language, were published in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The key role in that process was played by Alija Isaković who lists the specificities of the Bosnian language in his dictionary (Rječnik karakteristične leksike u bosanskome jeziku 1993; Rječnik bosanskoga jezika: karakteristična leksika 1995) – the same specificities which were unscientifically overlooked for almost a century, and which were, all the while, a part of the language practices in the vernaculars and literature of the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Those specificities will be insisted on by the first orthographic manual of standard Bosnian language, the first orthographic manual for schools, and after some time the first grammar of standard Bosnian language. The same tradition will be, more or less, continued in the dictionaries of the Bosnian language. A sudden shift occurred in 2017 when the second edition of the orthographic manual of Bosnian language was published in which the aforementioned specificities slowly disappear. This work shows where and how it happened with an aim to find out why it happened.
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Karčić, Harun. "Constructing the Internal Enemy." Context: Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 6, no. 2 (March 15, 2022): 55–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.55425/23036966.2019.6.2.55.
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This paper analyses five major Bosnian daily newspapers over a period spanning from August 1st, 2018 until August 2019 ,31 and attempts to discern the main patterns in the discourse over Muslims and Islam in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The results of this research show three major discursive patterns when covering Muslims and Islam in the country: Bosnian Muslims as political obstructionists; Bosnia and Herzegovina as a haven for Muslim extremists and finally Muslim migrants as a threat to the country and to Europe.
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Maslo, Semir, Semso Saric, and Djordjije Milanovic. "Notes on Bolboschoenus planiculmis, a species new to the flora of Bosnia and Herzegovina." Botanica Serbica 43, no. 1 (2019): 103–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/botserb1901103m.
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This paper presents a survey of Bolboschoenus species found in Bosnia and Herzegovina and includes an identification key, distribution data and maps of localities for each species in Bosnia and Herzegovina based on a revision of herbarium specimens from SARA, private collections of the authors, literature data and field observations. The following species are native to Bosnia and Herzegovina: B. glaucus, B. maritimus and B. planiculmis. In this paper, B. planiculmis is reported as a species new to the flora of Bosnia and Herzegovina. It was discovered at two localities in August of 2015 and 2016 during field work along the banks of the river Bosna (East Central Bosnia). The paper presents a short morphological description and photographs, as well as a summary of distribution of the species.
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van Willigen, Niels. "From nation-building to desecuritization in Bosnia and Herzegovina." Security and Human Rights 21, no. 2 (2010): 127–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187502310791305864.
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AbstractThis article analyzes the value and impact of the nation building policy of the international community in Bosnia and Herzegovina (Bosnia). The analysis shows that the nation building effort has failed in the sense that the ethnic nationalist political culture persisted and that a collective Bosnian identity is absent. Bosnian politics continued to be dominated by ethnic nationalist political parties and ethnic group interests. The author argues that this can be explained by the continued securitization of ethnic identity. In other words, each ethnic group regards its vital interests to be existentially threatened by the other ethnic group(s). Therefore, the author concludes that when it comes to inter-ethnic cooperation, achieving good and effective government in Bosnia is not so much about nationbuilding, but about de-securitizing ethnic relations.
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Memišević, Hamza. "Bosnia and Herzegovina in John Mearsheimer’s Concepts." Uprava 13, no. 2 (December 9, 2022): 28–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.53028/1986-6127.2022.13.2.28.
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Starting from the analysis of the texts of the American political scientist J. Mearsheimer created during the aggression against Bosnia and Herzegovina, the central theme of the paper is Mearsheimer's view on the Bosnian issue. The political-administrative organization of Bosnia and Herzegovina is still a relevant topic that takes the form of a permanent political crisis. The paper presents a synthesis of Mearsherimer's conceptions immanent in the theory of offensive realism, as well as a breakdown of post-Cold War political processes which, according to the principle of causality, can be viewed as a catalyst for the aggression against Bosnia and Herzegovina. Understanding the current dynamics of world political movements with an emphasis on Bosnia and Herzegovina is one of the fundamental components of this work.
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Mesarič, Andreja. "Wearing Hijab in Sarajevo." Anthropological Journal of European Cultures 22, no. 2 (September 1, 2013): 12–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ajec.2013.220202.
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This essay observes contemporary Islamic dress practices in Bosnia-Herzegovina as a catalyst throwing into relief various tensions within Bosnian society – not only between Bosniaks, Serbs and Croats, but among Bosniaks themselves. Based on fieldwork carried out in Sarajevo, it looks at how people employ notions of culture and tradition when justifying what types of Islamic dress, if any, are compatible with Bosnian modernity. The essay analyses how people selectively draw on fragments from the historical and ethnographic record when they argue for or against veiling, and shows how, even though many denounce veiling and particularly face veiling as foreign to Bosnia, women who veil themselves equally draw on notions of culture and tradition when justifying their dress choices to others. The essay highlights how competing visions of Islam play a role in the transformation of religious, ethnic and gender identities in Bosnia-Herzegovina, and argues that dress as a gendered bodily practice does not merely mark assumed essential differences between an imagined Bosnian and foreign Islam but serves as a crucial means of their construction.
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Attila Hoare, Marko. "Bosnia-Hercegovina and International Justice." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 24, no. 2 (March 8, 2010): 191–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325409356462.
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Three different international courts have determined that genocide took place in Bosnia-Hercegovina in 1992-1995: the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY), the International Court of Justice (ICJ), and the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR). Yet paradoxically, there has been virtually no punishment of this genocide, while the punishment of lesser war crimes of the Bosnian war has been very limited. The ICTY has convicted only one individual, a lowly deputy corps commander, of a genocide-related offence. The ICJ acquitted Serbia, the state that planned and launched the assault upon Bosnia-Hercegovina in 1992, of genocide and related offences, finding it guilty only of failure to prevent and punish genocide. Although Serb forces were responsible for the overwhelming majority of war crimes, the ICTY prosecution has disproportionately targeted non-Serbs in its indictments and, among Serbs, has disproportionately targeted Bosnian Serbs, with no official of Serbia or Yugoslavia yet convicted of war crimes in Bosnia. This article argues that the meagre results of the international judicial processes vis-à-vis the crimes of the Bosnian war must be sought in the structural failings, poor decision making, and political influences that affected the international courts. It argues that the international courts have failed either to deliver justice to the victims of the war crimes or to promote reconciliation among the peoples of the former Yugoslavia and suggests measures that could be taken to rectify the situation.
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Estavdić, Edina. "THE FIRST BOSNIAN-TURKISH/TURKISH BOSNIAN LEXICOGRAPHIC WORK." Journal Human Research in Rehabilitation 1, no. 2 (December 2011): 47–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.21554/hrr.121104.
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In this work, the authoress interprets the first Bosnian-Turkish/Turkish-Bosnian dictionary by Maqbul-i 'Arif, or better known as Potur Shahidi written by Muhamed Hevai Uskufi, a Bosnian Muslim born in Tuzla, Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1631 (Hevaji, 1724)
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Hodžić, Jasmin. "Stavovi srpskih političara o jeziku u Bosni i Hercegovini 1991–1995." Historijski pogledi 5, no. 8 (November 15, 2022): 370–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2022.5.8.370.
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The topic of this article does not cover the views of all Serbian politicians on the language in Bosnia and Herzegovina from the beginning of the 1990s, at least not those who remained in the convocation of the Assembly of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina and who were opponents of the policy of the Serbian Democratic Party, that is, they did not agree with it. In this paper, we analyze shorthand notes from the so-called Assembly of the Serbian people in Bosnia and Herzegovina from 1991 to 1995 (from January 1992, the so-called Republic of the Serbian People of Bosnia and Herzegovina; and from March 1992, the so-called Serbian Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and from September 1992, the Republic of Srpska). The aim of this paper is twofold. One is analyzing the nationalist attitudes of Serbian politicians about the language in Bosnian society from the beginning of the 1990s, while the other is pointing out the presence of some open and tolerant attitudes. Topic wise, we follow the narrative about the use of the alphabet or the discussion about the relationship between the Latin and Cyrillic alphabets. Moreover, particular focus is on the discourse about the name of the language and the mutual relationship between the linguistic identities of Serbs, Croats and Bosniak Muslims. Lastly, we will pay special attention to the issue of Ekavica (ekavian speech) and the model of political partialness and imposition of the Ekavian language of identity in the dialect space to which it does not originally belong. As the use of Ekavica was the biggest point of contention in the debates of Serbian politicians, in this paper we will additionally refer to a brief historical overview of the status of Ekavica in the Bosnian society, especially in education. Documents about the usage of Ekavica in special circumstances will also be presented in this paper. As the documents show, however, Ekavica is a means of spreading Serbian national interests in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Following some ideas of proposed or adopted legislative acts on language from the beginning of the 1990s, we will analyze the transcripts from a total of thirteen parliamentary sessions where language was discussed, along with about twenty individually expressed views during parliamentary procedures. As a thorough presentation or analysis of all of the above would exceed the usual article length, we will present only some parliamentary positions directly as sources. Other views will be systematized and analyzed as a group through the discussion and conclusions. Views that directly concern the current organization of our society and state will be particularly dealt with. In that regard, significant data on how Serbian is positioned in relation to the Bosnian and Croatian languages through the directly stated views of Serbian political representatives on several occasions and at separate parliamentary sessions can also be observed. Two opposing models were found – tolerance in language views, on one hand, and open discrimination and linguistic imperialism in the misuse of language for political purposes on the other hand. The starting motive for research of this type is a contextualized relationship to the current situation in connection with official negative attitudes towards language rights in the Bosnian entity the Republic of Srpska, with a special contextual connection with the latest legislative acts – the so-called unity of the Serbian cultural space, the guidelines for the unified cultural and educational policy of the Serbian people (from 2019), and the Declaration on the borders of the Serbian language (from 2022) – without directly entering into the content elements thereof.
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Dedić, Hoda. "Dejtonski mirovni sporazum i političke reforme u tranziciji bosanskohercegovačkog društva / Dayton Peace Agreement and Political Reforms in the Transition of Bosnian Society." Pregled: časopis za društvena pitanja / Periodical for social issues 62, no. 1 (July 6, 2021): 185–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.48052/19865244.2021.1.185.
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Since the signing of the Dayton Peace Agreement in December 1995, the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina has undergone specific processes of social and political development. In the period of post-Dayton political development of Bosnia and Herzegovina, important reforms were carried out which enabled not only the consolidation of peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the past 25 years, but also the building of institutions of the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In this process, the role of the international community and the European Union, expressed through the High Representative for Bosnia and Herzegovina and the EU Special Representative in Bosnia and Herzegovina, appears as a special form of international intervention within the geopolitical framework for building andconsolidating peace under the Dayton Peace Agreement. In the first years of the implementation of the Dayton Peace Agreement, important elements of Bosnian statehood were established by decisions and laws imposed by the High Representatives for Bosnia and Herzegovina on the basis of the Bonn powers. Bosnia and Herzegovina has been given national symbols: a flag, a single currency, as well as common license plates. The constitutions of the entities are harmonized with the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina was established. Defense and intelligence reforms have been implemented in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The competencies of state-level institutions have been expanded and the number of ministries in the Council of Ministers of Bosnia and Herzegovina has increased. Comprehensive reforms have also been implemented in the process of meeting the criteria for BiH's full membership in the European Union. The process of European integration, through broad political, economic and reforms in the field of justice and the rule of law has in itself generated positive social changes. In the further integration process, Bosnia and Herzegovina will implement 14 priorities from the Opinion of the European Commission. Due to the complexity of building a political consensus on important issues that determine the stable political development and European future of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the political and technical assistance of the EU Special Representative is necessary in order for Bosnia and Herzegovina to receive a recommendation to open accession negotiations by the end of 2021.
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Savoskin, A. M., and O. Yu Kurnykin. "Participation of the Organization of the Islamic Conference in the Settlement of the Bosnian Crisis of 1992-1995." Izvestiya of Altai State University, no. 3(125) (July 12, 2022): 45–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.14258/izvasu(2022)3-07.
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The Bosnian Crisis became a milestone in the process of disintegration of Yugoslavia. An important role in the development and settlement of the conflict was played by external actors, represented both by the countries of the West, as well as NATO and the EU, and by the Muslim community, which actively supported their co-religionists in Bosnia. On behalf of the latter, the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC, since 2011 — the Organization of Islamic Cooperation), which is the most authoritative and representative Muslim international organization, spoke. The position of the OIC, its interaction with the Bosnian leadership and other parties to the conflict significantly influenced the outcome of the Bosnian Crisis, despite the fact that most researchers tend to classify the OIC as a secondary participant in the process. The topic of the Bosnian conflict became one of the key ones at several conferences of foreign ministers of the OIC member countries, and the consolidated position of Muslim states developed at them in support of the Bosnians, according to the authors, prompted other stakeholders in the issue of resolving the conflict to more decisive action. The organization itself pursued the goal of including Bosnia and Herzegovina in its sphere of influence, but in the future this Balkan state will never become a member of the OIC, being content with observer status to this day. Nevertheless, the impact of international Islamic structures and, above all, the OIC on the course of hostilities and the political settlement in Bosnia and Herzegovina was a significant factor that retained its significance in the post-war period. Thus, the study of the history of interaction between the OIC and the Bosnian side seems relevant in order to identify the role and influence of the Islamic world on political processes in the Western Balkans and, above all, in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
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Vican, Dijana. "12. Dani Bosanskohercegovačko-američke akademije umjetnosti i nauka (BHAAAS) u Bosni i Hercegovini / 12th Annual days of Bosnian-Herzegovinian American Academy of Arts and Sciences (BHAAAS) in Bosnia and Herzegovina." Pregled: časopis za društvena pitanja / Periodical for social issues 62, no. 2 (November 29, 2021): 181–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.48052/19865244.2021.2.181.
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Todorović, Vladica. "Bosnian Muslims and Serbs: Reasons for dispute from 1918 to the present day." ПОЛИТЕИА 10, no. 19 (2020): 93–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/politeia0-25206.
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The paper provides an analysis of political relations of Bosnian Muslims (officially Bosniaks since 1993) and Serbs, lasting for almost a century. Firstly, the author deals with their relations in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes and the Kingdom of Yugoslavia from 1918 to 1941, all the way through World War II from 1941 to 1945, then in the Communist Yugoslavia from 1945 to 1990, followed bythe period after the break-up of Socialist Federal Republic Yugoslavia, when Bosnia and Herzegovina became sovereign state, and, finally,with their current relations We believe that the main cause of the dispute is that Bosnian Muslims historically always abandoned Serbs at critical times and sought the support of other states and nations for their state-building goals. In wars, they supported their enemies, often forming alliances with other states or nations. As religious idea among the Bosnian Muslims grew from 1918, so did their numbers as well as their aspirations for Serbian territories. Similarly, as the number of Bosnian Muslims grew, so did the interest of great powers and political parties as well as their military support. Most importantly, with the rise of numbers of Bosnian Muslims, their policies and their stance towards the state changed. Hence, when they became majority in Bosnia and Herzegovina, they wanted to turn the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina into their national state.
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Kujawa, Karol. "Polityka historyczna Partii Akcji Demokratycznej w Bośni i Hercegowinie na przełomie XX i XXI wieku – zarys problemu." Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 18, no. 2 (December 2020): 85–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2020.2.4.
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The aim of this paper is to make an overarching evaluation by looking at historical policy of the Party of Democratic Action (Stranka demokratske akcije, SDA) in Bosnia and Herzegowina at the turn of the 20th and 21st century and trying to (analytically) examine the main directions of this policy. Therefore paper will try to focus on the major historical figures and trying to analytically to indicate the reasons of the revival the Ottoman traditions in the public life of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Considering this issue I wonder what events and historical figures were promoted and which were censored by Bosnian politicians. What role in Bosnian historical politics was played by Srebrenica and the leader of Bosnian Muslims, Alija Izetbegović. The results of these studies indicate that it was primarily the conflict in Yugoslavia that contributed to the revival of Ottoman traditions among Bosnian Muslims. Only after the war did the historical policy gain institutional support and help the ruling party mobilize the electorate. Since then, the pillar of historical policy has become the martyrdom of the nation, the Ottoman past as well as the cult of the leader of Bosnian Muslims, Alija Izetbegović. Also, the authorities aimed to convince the inhabitants of Bosnia that in their lives the period of communist Yugoslavia brought many negative consequences. This pejorative image was supported in the mass media and education.
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Mahmutćehajić, Rusmir. "Antisuverenizam, dimenzija ideologijskog antibosanstva / Antisouverenism, the Ideological Anti-Bosnianism's Dimension." Pregled: časopis za društvena pitanja / Periodical for social issues 63, no. 1 (June 6, 2022): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.48052/19865244.2022.1.1.
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Within the historical, cultural and political Bosnian people’s subjectivity, there is a constant possibility of its awareness in relation to the sovereign, territorially complete and politically independent Bosnian state. And the plan to prevent or destroy that is the essential content of the ethnonational teleologies of Serbs and Croats in which Bosnia and its people were considered only the means for the final achievement of ethnonational goals. That is why the ideology of anti-Bosnianism is an important content of ethnonational teleologies of Serbs and Croats. Although it changes forms, its essence lasts throughout the history of ethnonationalism. From tracking and studying the traces of various forms of ethnonational anti-Bosnianism through history, culture and politics, clues leading to the genocide that took place and weighed, from deciphering the mental states of both those who committed the crime and those suffering them, a question arises: which dimension of that complex phenomena most often eludes understanding and is left without a clear name? The name anti- overeignty seems to clearly reflect the core of that dimension in the semantic field of anti-Bosnian ideology. That name befits the mainstream ethnonational teleologies of Serbs and Croats in their relations to the possibilities of political awareness of the Bosnian people in its sovereign state. But the same name befits the essential contents of the state ideologies of Serbia and Croatia in their relations with the state sovereignty of Bosnia and Herzegovina, territorial integrity and political independence. Until these states recognize both de jure and de facto that Bosnia and Herzegovina's state sovereignty is as the same as theirs, and even more than that, there will not and cannot be harmonization of relations between them and the establishment of living conditions that would be persistently improved in politics. It means in reconciling conflicting interests towards the common good. When we say “more than that,” it means that Bosnia and Herzegovina's social pluralism, long threatened by Serbian and Croatian hegemony, must be protected as a political principle and as a condition for overcoming geopolitical insecurity in the European territory to which these countries belong. The state of Bosnia and Herzegovina is not the cause of that insecurity. These are the destructive attitudes of Serbian and Croatian political and cultural elites towards it. The framework of the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina, its history, culture and politics are long-lasting. And the constitutional rule in it, in the modern sense of the term, was established after World War II. The foundation of the current Bosnian order is the constitution adopted and guaranteed within the broadest framework of international law. However, it should be understood in the long history of the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the history of defending and denying the various constitutional arrangements that preceded it. That constitution is neither the beginning nor the end of the development of constitutional rule in that state. All efforts to defend and deny the historical duration of Bosnian culture and politics, as well as constitutional rule, are the basis for answering the question: Why are neither the current nor any future constitutional order inseparable from Bosnian history, culture and politics?
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Alić, Dijana, and Maryam Gusheh. "Reconciling National Narratives in Socialist Bosnia and Herzegovina: The Baščaršija Project, 1948-1953." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 58, no. 1 (March 1, 1999): 6–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/991434.
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The emergence of modernism in post-World War II Bosnia was simultaneous with the development of the Yugoslav socialist regime and the desire to redefine the role of religion and ethnicity in the construction of a new national identity. The debate as to the relevance of the Serbian, Croatian, and Muslim national narratives to the broader universalist and secular Yugoslav agenda brought into question the cultural significance of the Bosnian built heritage. How was the existing built fabric to inform the architecture of the revolution? In this context, the work of Juraj Neidhardt, a former employee of Le Corbusier's, is significant since his seminal text, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Toward Modernity (1957), articulates a critical link between the existing built fabric and "modern socialist" architecture. In discussing his work within the broader political context of socialist Bosnia, this paper focuses on an architectural and textual analysis of Neidhardt's proposal to turn Baščaršija, the Ottoman-established urban core of Sarajevo, into a cultural center for socialist Bosnia and Herzegovina. It is argued that the specific urban and architectural strategies Neidhardt employed were reflective of his desire to secularize the Ottoman built fabric and thereby allow a distinctly Bosnian narrative to coexist and contribute to the architecture of the socialist regime.
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Radic, Radivoj. "Bosnia in the work of Kritoboulos of Imbros." Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no. 43 (2006): 140–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi0643140r.
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Most of the data Kritoboulos of Imbros, a Byzantine historian of the fifteenth century, gives about Bosnia, pertain to the last years of existence of the medieval Bosnian state. Apart from two short side notes on other issues, the bulk of evidence on Bosnia in Kritoboulos' work bears on the events of the year 1463, describing the occupation of Bosnia by Mehmed II the Conqueror and the counteroffensive launched by the Hungarian King Matthias Corvinus, as well as the final return of the Ottoman Sultan in 1464. Kritoboulos was obviously well informed about the events, so that his report even though it does not offer spectacular new insights, certainly represents a valuable supplement to other sources. The space Kritoboulos devotes to the fall of Bosnia, taken together with the data from other Byzantine sources such as Laonikos Chalkokondyles' History, Byzantine Short Chronicles and Chronicle of the Turkish Sultans, unequivocally shows that this was one of the most important events in the second half of the fifteenth century. Viewed as a hole, the body of evidence on Bosnia from Byzantine sources, covering the time span of the tenth to the fifteenth centuries, bears witness to how the Byzantine perspective on Bosnia changed over centuries. Originally, e.g. in Constantine Porphyrogennetos' De administrando imperio (tenth century) Bosnia was simply considered a part of Serbia. Later, although still treated as a part of Serbia, it assumes a somewhat different position, as witnessed by John Kinnamos in twelfth century, who notes that "the river Drina which takes its origin somewhat higher up and divides Bosnia from the rest of Serbia", but also that "Bosnia itself is not subjected to the Serbs' grand zupan, but is a tribe which lives and ruled separately". Finally, in the 15th century, Bosnia is an independent state like, for instance, Serbia or Hungary. .
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Makarević, Nedim. "Perceptions towards IT Security in Online Banking." International Journal of Finance & Banking Studies (2147-4486) 5, no. 1 (January 21, 2016): 01–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.20525/ijfbs.v5i1.51.
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This study has been completed with a purpose to analyze and compare perceptions of clients of Bosnia and Herzegovina and those of Croatian clients about IT security in online banking, to provide insight into similarities and differences of their view points and to create important set of information for all subjects active in banking industry. Once the survey based on six variables and specific questions assigned to each one of those variables was prepared, results regarding both countries were collected and concluded. Survey was completed in both Bosnia and Herzegovina and Croatia at high response rates. Even 207 respondents replied from Bosnia and Herzegovina, while 203 respondents completed survey from Croatia. Results were analyzed and presented using descriptive statistics. Results indicated that Croatian e-banking users trust to banks when it comes to IT security of online banking much more compared to clients of Bosnia and Herzegovina. It is important to mention that clients of Croatia perceive tangible features as highly significant while Bosnian clients do not perceive tangible features that much important. This proved that Croatian clients are aware of potential security threats and they know their part of responsibility when it comes to handling money online. On the other hand, results from Bosnia and Herzegovina indicated that Bosnian clients have lack of trust in online banking, and lack of awareness about personal tangible aspects that can improve security of personal online banking experience. The main limitation of this study is relatively small sample and too generic approach. Therefore, this study may be perceived as a pilot study for future researchers. The study’s results may be of interest to marketers and managers of banks operating in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Croatia to learn more about their clients’ perceptions towards their e-banking services.
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Stroschein, Sherrill. "Consociational Settlements and Reconstruction." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 656, no. 1 (October 9, 2014): 97–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716214544459.
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Both Bosnia in 1995 and Northern Ireland in 1998 were extremely fragile in the immediate aftermath of brokered peace negotiations. Each instituted a form of consociationalism—a government that institutionalizes a voice for each ethnic group—as an element of brokered peace. In this article, I examine Bosnian postwar governance with comparative insights from Northern Ireland. Bosnia was the recipient of a large amount of international aid. While this aid was crucial to the initial state-building effort, the problems Bosnia now faces are due to its consociational governance structure. Some of the group-based aspects of consociationalism are in tension with individual rights, a problem that cannot be addressed by aid alone.
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Šabić, Indira. "Homonimnost i sinonimnost u bosanskohercegovačkoj ojkonimiji." Književni jezik, no. 33 (2022): 155–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.33669/kj2022-33-08.
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This paper deals with the place names of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In the first part the autor analyse homonyms in Bosnian oikonymy. The paper highlights 360 oikonyms that have two or more occurrences in different localities, and highlights the problems it causes in communication and orientation. In the second part points to the problem of synonymy – to the fact that there are several names for the same ojkonym in Bosnia and Herzegovina, which is a consequence of renaming in its oikonymy. The third part of the paper consists the analysis of reasons and types of renaming. Contextually, paper emphasizes the need for a contemporary monographic presentation of place names in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
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Kulanić, Ahmed. "The Core Tenets of The Islamic Tradition of Bosniaks: attitudes, perceptions and practices." Illuminatio 1, no. 1 (June 1, 2020): 236–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.52510/sia.v1i1.1.
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This article aims to give an overview study of the main specific tenets of the Islamic tradition of Bosniak Muslims as defined and institutionalized by the traditional Islamic Community in Bosnia.
Also, it attempts to shed light on current perceptions, attitudes and practices in the context of an overall pre-Ottoman and post-Ottoman religious tradition of the Bosniak people known historically as Bono Homini (“the Good People”). The article provides a survey on the Bosniak Muslims in regard to their Islamic tradition in Bosnia with the purpose to reveal whether there are regional, gender and age differences among them in terms of their religious beliefs and practices. In doing so, the author was assisted by the authors in this area such as Ćimić, Karčić and Alibašić.
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Durmišević, Enes. "Bosna: ni srpska, ni hrvatska, ni muslimanska, već bosanska! / Bosnia: neither Serbian, nor Croatian, nor Muslim, but Bosnian!" Pregled: časopis za društvena pitanja / Periodical for social issues 62, no. 1 (July 6, 2021): 235–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.48052/19865244.2021.1.235.
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This text is a review of Proceedings 75. godišnjica Trećeg zasjedanja ZAVNOBiH-a: uloga Trećeg zasjedanja ZAVNOBiH-a u društvenom i političkom razvoju Bosne i Hercegovine (Academy of Sciences and Arts, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Sarajevo, 2020, pp. 280).
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Wasiak, Katarzyna. "Pamięć i trauma." Politeja 16, no. 1(58) (October 31, 2019): 101–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.16.2019.58.07.
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Memory and Trauma: Contemporary Interpretations of the 1992‑1995 War among the Youth of Bosnian‑Muslim
For Bosnia and Herzegovina, the 1990s were a period of changes due to war. Transformations occurred not only in the political area, but also in the social one. A multicultural region, Bosnia and Herzegovina was suddenly transformed into isolated enclaves. In fact, this separation is maintained by war trauma, which remains in the social consciousness and regulates ethnic relations in the state.
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Moll, Nicolas. "Fragmented memories in a fragmented country: memory competition and political identity-building in today's Bosnia and Herzegovina." Nationalities Papers 41, no. 6 (November 2013): 910–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2013.768220.
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Bosnia and Herzegovina is politically fragmented, and so is the memory landscape within the country. Narratives of the 1992–1995 war, the Second World War, Tito's Yugoslavia, and earlier historical periods form highly disputed patterns in a memory competition involving representatives of the three “constituent peoples” of Bosnia and Herzegovina - Serbs, Croats and Bosniaks – but also non-nationalist actors within BiH, as well as the international community. By looking especially at political declarations and the practices of commemoration and monument building, the article gives an overview of the fragmented memory landscape in Bosnia and Herzegovina, pointing out the different existing memory narratives and policies and the competition between them in the public sphere, and analyzing the conflicting memory narratives as a central part of the highly disputed political identity construction processes in postwar Bosnia and Herzegovina. The paper also discusses the question whether an “Europeanization” of Bosnian memory cultures could be an alternative to the current fragmentation and nationalist domination of the memory landscape in BiH.
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Medić, Jasmin. "The influence of war in Croatia to events in Bosanska krajina during 1991." Historijski pogledi 2, no. 2 (October 28, 2019): 364–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2019.2.2.364.
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The author analyzes the impact of war events in Croatia on national relations in the Bosnian Krajina in 1991. The Serbian autonomous region of Krajina (later the Republic of Srpska Krajina) in Croatia and the Autonomous Region of Krajina (ARK) in the northwestern part of Bosnia and Herzegovina were the first to form autonomous areas according to the ethnic principle in the process of the dissolution of Yugoslavia as formal-legal successors of the communities of municipalities. The narrow military and political cooperation, the issue of mobilizing the population of the Bosnian Krajina in the Yugoslav People's Army (JNA) and the problem of refugees, significantly influenced national relations in this part of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
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Mcdermott, Yvonne. "Prosecutor V. Karadžić (ICTY)." International Legal Materials 52, no. 5 (October 2013): 1117–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/intelegamate.52.5.1117.
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On July 11, 2013, in the case against Radovan Karadžić, the Appeals Chamber of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) held that the evidence presented against the accused, if taken at its highest, could lead a reasonable trier of fact to find that genocide against Bosnian Muslim and/or Bosnian Croat groups had occurred in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1992. This decision overturned an earlier ruling by Trial Chamber III on the accused’s motion for acquittal pursuant to Rule 98bis of the Rules of Procedure and Evidence, which found that there was insufficient evidence to support a conviction for genocide in the seven municipalities of Bosnia and Herzegovina.2