Journal articles on the topic 'Bosnia and Herzegovina History 1992-'
To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Bosnia and Herzegovina History 1992-.
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Bosnia and Herzegovina History 1992-.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Dzihic, Vedran. "Comments on Gerard Toal's ‘“Republika Srpska will have a referendum': The rhetorical politics of Milorad Dodik”." Nationalities Papers 41, no. 1 (January 2013): 205–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2012.754746.
Full textAbstract:
The history of modern Bosnia-Herzegovina (BiH) is a history of referenda. The referendum as a tool to shape the political fate and future of a particular society has seemingly always been an integral part of the Bosnian past. The first two referenda in Bosnia-Herzegovina at the beginning of the so-called “democratic era” following the dissolution of the former Yugoslavia marked the beginning of a period of war and violence in the country. The referendum in November 1991, organized by the Serbian Democratic Party (SDS) and asking participants about the status of BiH within the Yugoslav federation, was the first step toward the formation of Republika Srpska (RS). On the other side, the referendum in March 1992 about the question of independence of Bosnia and Herzegovina from Yugoslavia, which was attended by Bosnian Muslims and Croats and boycotted by the Serbs, plunged Bosnia into war.
2
Selimović, Sead. "Preventing return: Implementation of annex VII of the Dayton peace agreement in Bosnia and Herzegovina (1995-2020)." Historijski pogledi 4, no. 6 (November 15, 2021): 206–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.6.206.
Full textAbstract:
The armed aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina ended with the signing of the General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina (Dayton Agreement), initialed in Dayton on November 21, 1995, and signed on December 14, 1995 in Paris „in Bosnian, Croatian, English and the Serbian language“. The Dayton Agreement confirmed the fact that the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia had real control (power) over the so-called Republika Srpska. Annex 4 of the Dayton Agreement determined the internal structure of Bosnia and Herzegovina. There are two entities in the internal structure of Bosnia and Herzegovina: the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which consists of 10 cantons, and the Republika Srpska. Apart from the two entities, there is also the Brčko District of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which was created by the Decision of the International Arbitration Court. It was established on March 8, 2000. According to the Dayton Agreement, the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, whose official name became „Bosnia and Herzegovina“, continues its legal existence under international law as a state with its internationally recognized borders. It remains a member of the United Nations, and as Bosnia and Herzegovina may retain membership or request membership in organizations within the United Nations system and in other international organizations. The Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina (Annex 4 of the Dayton Agreement) guarantees human rights and „fundamental freedoms“. Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Entities, according to the Constitution, will ensure „the highest degree of internationally recognized human rights and fundamental freedoms.“ For this purpose, the formation of the Commission for Human Rights is also envisaged, as provided for in Annex 6 of the General Framework Agreement. The issue of the return of refugees and displaced persons is addressed in Annex 7 of the Dayton Agreement, entitled „Agreement on Refugees and Displaced Persons“. According to Annex 7, all refugees and displaced persons have the right to return freely to their homes and have the right to restitution of property confiscated from them during hostilities since 1991 and to receive compensation for all property that cannot be returned to them. The „Agreement“ states that the return of refugees and displaced persons is an important goal of resolving the conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In the period 1995-2020. The authorities of the Bosnian-Herzegovinian entity of Republika Srpska did not give up on the project of „separation of peoples“. The implementation of Annex 7 of the Dayton Agreement has been obstructed in various ways: by killings, beatings, intimidation, attacks on religious buildings and in other ways. Obstructions in the implementation of Annex 7 were also carried out in the entity of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. However, this was not as pronounced as in Republika Srpska. The first return of displaced persons (refugees and displaced persons) was to the settlement of Mahala, which until the Dayton Agreement was located in the municipality of Kalesija and after Dayton in the municipality of Osmaci in the entity of Republika Srpska. It was August 24, 1996. This was followed by the return of Bosniaks to the settlements of Jusići and Dugi dio in the municipality of Zvornik and Svjetliča in the municipality of Doboj. These events also marked the official start of the implementation of Annex 7 of the Dayton Peace Agreement in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Although the Dayton Agreement guaranteed the return of the exiles, everything went much harder on the ground, and there were also human casualties. Between 1992 and 1995, approximately 2.2 million people in Bosnia and Herzegovina were forced to flee their homes as a result of the war against Bosnia and Herzegovina. About 1.2 million people have applied for refugee protection in more than 100 countries around the world, while countries in the region have accepted about 40% of the total number of refugees from Bosnia and Herzegovina. Almost one million people were internally displaced in Bosnia and Herzegovina. At the beginning of 2003, the Strategy of Bosnia and Herzegovina for the Implementation of Annex 7 of the Dayton Agreement was adopted. It was the first, at the level of the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina, harmonized, framework document which sets goals and plans the necessary actions and reforms towards the final implementation of Annex 7 of the Dayton Agreement. According to the 2015 UNHCR Annual Statistical Report, the number of refugees from Bosnia and Herzegovina outside the country was 18,748. Of these, 9,080 had refugee status in Serbia, 4,055 in France, 2,274 in Switzerland, 1,412 in Germany, and the remaining number in other countries. It is estimated that at the end of 1995 there were about one million displaced persons, accounting for almost a quarter of Bosnia and Herzegovina's pre-war population. The first comprehensive, official census of displaced persons in Bosnia and Herzegovina was conducted at the end of 2000, when 557,275 displaced persons were registered. The 2005 audit of the status of displaced persons identified 186,138 displaced persons in Bosnia and Herzegovina. According to the data of the Ministry of Human Rights and Refugees from 2016, there were 98,574 displaced persons in Bosnia and Herzegovina, of which 38,345 or 40.6% were displaced in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, 59,834 or 58.8% in the Republika Srpska and 395 or 0.5% in the Brčko District of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In the ethnic structure of displaced persons, according to the head of household - families, 32.7% (10,667 families and 30,920 persons) are Bosniaks, 60.0% (19,565 families and 60,737 persons) Serbs, 6.7% (2,195 families and 6,374 persons) Croats and 0.6% (184 families and 542 persons) Others. According to the 2016 data of the Ministry of Human Rights and Refugees, by the end of 2016, around 341,000 housing units had been built or renovated in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In the Bosnian entity of Republika Srpska, the Bosnian language is denied. Teaching in the Bosnian language is prohibited, and the language is called the non-existent Bosniak language. This discriminates against students who want their language to be called Bosnian. In addition, high-ranking officials from the Republika Srpska in public appearances deny the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Bosniaks as a people, deny genocide against Bosniaks, which affects the perspective of the people of this area. Streets in cities bear the names of war criminals from the Second World War and the period of aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, busts of war criminals are being built, schools and other state institutions are being „sanctified“, etc. In the period 1995-2020. Annex 7 of the Dayton Agreement was not fully implemented in 2006, as an important factor in the reintegration of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the recognition of the results of armed aggression and genocide against Bosniaks.
3
Hodžić, Jasmin. "Stavovi srpskih političara o jeziku u Bosni i Hercegovini 1991–1995." Historijski pogledi 5, no. 8 (November 15, 2022): 370–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2022.5.8.370.
Full textAbstract:
The topic of this article does not cover the views of all Serbian politicians on the language in Bosnia and Herzegovina from the beginning of the 1990s, at least not those who remained in the convocation of the Assembly of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina and who were opponents of the policy of the Serbian Democratic Party, that is, they did not agree with it. In this paper, we analyze shorthand notes from the so-called Assembly of the Serbian people in Bosnia and Herzegovina from 1991 to 1995 (from January 1992, the so-called Republic of the Serbian People of Bosnia and Herzegovina; and from March 1992, the so-called Serbian Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and from September 1992, the Republic of Srpska). The aim of this paper is twofold. One is analyzing the nationalist attitudes of Serbian politicians about the language in Bosnian society from the beginning of the 1990s, while the other is pointing out the presence of some open and tolerant attitudes. Topic wise, we follow the narrative about the use of the alphabet or the discussion about the relationship between the Latin and Cyrillic alphabets. Moreover, particular focus is on the discourse about the name of the language and the mutual relationship between the linguistic identities of Serbs, Croats and Bosniak Muslims. Lastly, we will pay special attention to the issue of Ekavica (ekavian speech) and the model of political partialness and imposition of the Ekavian language of identity in the dialect space to which it does not originally belong. As the use of Ekavica was the biggest point of contention in the debates of Serbian politicians, in this paper we will additionally refer to a brief historical overview of the status of Ekavica in the Bosnian society, especially in education. Documents about the usage of Ekavica in special circumstances will also be presented in this paper. As the documents show, however, Ekavica is a means of spreading Serbian national interests in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Following some ideas of proposed or adopted legislative acts on language from the beginning of the 1990s, we will analyze the transcripts from a total of thirteen parliamentary sessions where language was discussed, along with about twenty individually expressed views during parliamentary procedures. As a thorough presentation or analysis of all of the above would exceed the usual article length, we will present only some parliamentary positions directly as sources. Other views will be systematized and analyzed as a group through the discussion and conclusions. Views that directly concern the current organization of our society and state will be particularly dealt with. In that regard, significant data on how Serbian is positioned in relation to the Bosnian and Croatian languages through the directly stated views of Serbian political representatives on several occasions and at separate parliamentary sessions can also be observed. Two opposing models were found – tolerance in language views, on one hand, and open discrimination and linguistic imperialism in the misuse of language for political purposes on the other hand. The starting motive for research of this type is a contextualized relationship to the current situation in connection with official negative attitudes towards language rights in the Bosnian entity the Republic of Srpska, with a special contextual connection with the latest legislative acts – the so-called unity of the Serbian cultural space, the guidelines for the unified cultural and educational policy of the Serbian people (from 2019), and the Declaration on the borders of the Serbian language (from 2022) – without directly entering into the content elements thereof.
4
Moll, Nicolas. "Fragmented memories in a fragmented country: memory competition and political identity-building in today's Bosnia and Herzegovina." Nationalities Papers 41, no. 6 (November 2013): 910–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2013.768220.
Full textAbstract:
Bosnia and Herzegovina is politically fragmented, and so is the memory landscape within the country. Narratives of the 1992–1995 war, the Second World War, Tito's Yugoslavia, and earlier historical periods form highly disputed patterns in a memory competition involving representatives of the three “constituent peoples” of Bosnia and Herzegovina - Serbs, Croats and Bosniaks – but also non-nationalist actors within BiH, as well as the international community. By looking especially at political declarations and the practices of commemoration and monument building, the article gives an overview of the fragmented memory landscape in Bosnia and Herzegovina, pointing out the different existing memory narratives and policies and the competition between them in the public sphere, and analyzing the conflicting memory narratives as a central part of the highly disputed political identity construction processes in postwar Bosnia and Herzegovina. The paper also discusses the question whether an “Europeanization” of Bosnian memory cultures could be an alternative to the current fragmentation and nationalist domination of the memory landscape in BiH.
5
Omerbegović, Sead, and Izudin Šarić. "Border disputes between Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Republic of Croatia." Historijski pogledi 2, no. 2 (October 28, 2019): 414–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2019.2.2.414.
Full textAbstract:
Bosnia and Herzegovina has been fighting for centuries through centuries in order to remain a unique, complete, independent and sovereign state. Throughout its many years of history, the various rulers who shared, appropriated, gave and took parts of its territory without any consequences were replaced in its territory. Following the independence referendum held on February 29 and March 1, 1992, the international recognition of Bosnia and Herzegovina followed on 6 April 1992 by the European Community (EC) in its existing borders. On June 30, 1999, Bosnia and Herzegovina signed the Border Agreement with the Republic of Croatia, but it has never been ratified by the Croatian Parliament or by the Bosnia and Herzegovina Parliament. When it comes to the territorial demarcation of Bosnia and Herzegovina with the neighboring countries, the opinion of the Badinter Arbitration Commission of the Conference on Yugoslavia, which defined the boundaries of delimitation based on some rules of international law, is important. In this regard, it is necessary to point out the legal significance of Opinion no. 3. Arbitration commissions which read: "The borders between former federal units are considered to be the borders of the successor states, and can not be changed by force, but only by agreement". The principle of "uti possidetis" can serve as a basis for defining the land borders of Bosnia and Herzegovina with neighboring countries. The gaining of Bosnia and Herzegovina's independence and its international recognition has sparked an interest in the issue of identification, that is, determining its land borders with neighboring countries, as well as the sea delineation with the Republic of Croatia. The international recognition of new states implies clearly and undoubtedly the limits of its sovereignty.
6
Gibas-Krzak, Danuta. "The Development of Muslim Nation in Bosnia and Herzegovina." Review of Croatian history 16, no. 1 (August 1, 2020): 177–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.22586/review.v16i1.11491.
Full textAbstract:
The main goal of this article is to show the conditions and circumstances of the formation of Muslim nation in communist Yugoslavia and the increase of its significance during and after the civil war 1992-1995. Furthermore, author presents the characteristics of contemporary nationalism, and distinguishes specific Balkan nationalism, which is often chauvinistic, ahistorical, militant and exclusive, of ethnocultural character. The identity of Bosnian Muslims originated from belief that their origin, language and culture related to Bosnia and Herzegovina, which makes them different from the Turks and other Islamic nations living in the Ottoman Empire. The genesis of forming Muslim nation in Yugoslavia is interpreted in various ways by the researchers. There is a hypothesis that it has been developed thanks to activity of young people who convinced Josip Broz Tito that such decision would reduce tensions between the Serbs and Croats in Bosnia and Herzegovina. According to the Author, Muslim inhabitants of Bosnia and Herzegovina can’t be a separate nation, above all, since the followers of Islam were nationally indifferent, and their cultural legacy is completely different than Serbian and Croatian legacy.
7
Pečenković, Vildana. "Issues of Identity in Trilogija o Bosni by Valerija Skrinjar-Tvrz." Društvene i humanističke studije (Online) 7, no. 4(21) (December 30, 2022): 219–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.51558/2490-3647.2022.7.4.219.
Full textAbstract:
The paper questions the construction of identity in the novels of Slovenian-Bosnian authoress Valerija Skrinjar-Tvrz: Na svojoj, na plemenitoj, Jutro u Bosni and Bosna i Soča, which were combined and published as a trilogy this year. Integrating the period of medieval Bosnia, the First World War, and the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina from 1992-1995 into one whole, the trilogy achieves multiple coding. Although distant in time, driven by different motivations, and intersected by different ideologies, wars shape the lives of the heroes of this trilogy. In this unique poetic entity, the authoress managed to show the complexity of common life through individual destinies and “small stories” and to deconstruct the conception that history is made up of “big stories”. The identities of individuals in the novels represent the identities of communities whose borders are porous and threaten to destroy the established systems, while individual unfortunate destinies are a mirror of collective traumas from the Middle Ages to modern times. The Trilogy covers almost the entire Bosnian history, trying to include identity constructions and their associated identification features, which the authoress considers representative of contemporary identity re/configurations.
8
Savoskin, A. M., and O. Yu Kurnykin. "Participation of the Organization of the Islamic Conference in the Settlement of the Bosnian Crisis of 1992-1995." Izvestiya of Altai State University, no. 3(125) (July 12, 2022): 45–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.14258/izvasu(2022)3-07.
Full textAbstract:
The Bosnian Crisis became a milestone in the process of disintegration of Yugoslavia. An important role in the development and settlement of the conflict was played by external actors, represented both by the countries of the West, as well as NATO and the EU, and by the Muslim community, which actively supported their co-religionists in Bosnia. On behalf of the latter, the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC, since 2011 — the Organization of Islamic Cooperation), which is the most authoritative and representative Muslim international organization, spoke. The position of the OIC, its interaction with the Bosnian leadership and other parties to the conflict significantly influenced the outcome of the Bosnian Crisis, despite the fact that most researchers tend to classify the OIC as a secondary participant in the process. The topic of the Bosnian conflict became one of the key ones at several conferences of foreign ministers of the OIC member countries, and the consolidated position of Muslim states developed at them in support of the Bosnians, according to the authors, prompted other stakeholders in the issue of resolving the conflict to more decisive action. The organization itself pursued the goal of including Bosnia and Herzegovina in its sphere of influence, but in the future this Balkan state will never become a member of the OIC, being content with observer status to this day. Nevertheless, the impact of international Islamic structures and, above all, the OIC on the course of hostilities and the political settlement in Bosnia and Herzegovina was a significant factor that retained its significance in the post-war period. Thus, the study of the history of interaction between the OIC and the Bosnian side seems relevant in order to identify the role and influence of the Islamic world on political processes in the Western Balkans and, above all, in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
9
Arnaut Haseljić, Meldijana. "The Dayton peace agreement – The end of greater state claims?" Historijski pogledi 4, no. 6 (November 15, 2021): 135–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.6.135.
Full textAbstract:
The General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina (Dayton Peace Agreement) accepted in Paris on December 14, 1995 was signed by: for the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina Alija Izetbegović, for the Republic of Croatia dr. Franjo Tudjman and Slobodan Milosevic for the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. There are good reasons why the international community has demanded that these people be signatories to the Dayton Peace Agreement. Namely, after unsuccessful attempts to establish an agreement on constitutional solutions in Bosnia and Herzegovina, starting with Cutileiro's plan (cantonization of Bosnia and Herzegovina on ethnic grounds), on which talks in Sarajevo began in February 1992, until the conference in London on 26 and On August 27, 1992, it was obvious that the positions of the Serb and Croat sides in Bosnia and Herzegovina were being harmonized with the positions of Belgrade and Zagreb, that is, the policies previously agreed and agreed upon on the Milosevic-Tudjman route. Three delegations participated in the conference in London. On behalf of the Bosnia and Herzegovina Government were President Alija Izetbegović, Minister of Foreign Affairs Haris Silajdžić, Ejup Ganić and General Sefer Halilović. The Bosnian Serb delegation included Radovan Karadzic, RS President Momcilo Krajisnik, RS Vice President and VRS General Ratko Mladic, who were in direct consultations with Belgrade throughout the negotiations. Representatives of Bosnian Croats were the President of HZ HB Mate Boban, then the Prime Minister of Republic Bosnia and Herzegovina, Mile Akmadžić (although he was a member of the Government of Republic Bosnia and Herzegovina, he participated as a member of the Croatian delegation) and General Milivoj Petković. Croatian President Franjo Tudjman also took part in the negotiations and was the unofficial but de facto head of the Croatian delegation. Following the London Conference and the failure of the previous negotiations, the European Community Conference on Yugoslavia was expanded to include the International Conference on the Former Yugoslavia, chaired by Cyrus Vance (US diplomat on behalf of the UN) and Lord David Owen (on behalf of the EC / U). a new era of peace negotiations. Vance-Owen's plan foresaw the decentralization of Bosnia and Herzegovina within the existing borders with a constitutional order based on federal principles contained in a number of constitutive elements - regions (ten cantons formed on ethnic principles) and with the Sarajevo district where the central government would be located. This plan, after the refusal of the Serbian Assembly from Pale to ratify it, was definitely rejected. This was followed by the Owen-Stoltenberg Peace Plan (Constitutional Agreement on the Alliance of the Republics of Bosnia and Herzegovina) which offered a confederation of Bosnia and Herzegovina composed of three republics made up of ethnicity, but this plan also proved unacceptable. The Contact Group's plan followed the establishment of the Washington Agreement, which established the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, in March 1994. This plan provided for the preservation of Bosnia and Herzegovina as a union within its internationally recognized borders, and territorial division according to the percentage of territory (51:49). The Serbian leadership in Pale also refused to accept this proposal. The international community had to look for new solutions. The Contact Group's plan was a step towards negotiations that will result in the signing of the Dayton Peace Agreement. However, it is important to note that all the plans offered led to the discovery of hidden policies created by the eastern and western neighbors of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Also, all the proposed proposals for "peace plans", which the international community tried to impose in the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, were based on constitutional devastation and territorial division, thus accepting armed conquests and occupation of the area with the ultimate goal of destroying its territorial integrity and statehood. sovereignty, which made it obvious that the international community was not ready to protect the sovereignty of an internationally recognized state guaranteed by international law, which was especially denied by the introduction of an arms embargo, which prevented it from protecting its own sovereignty and territorial integrity. What was the role of the signatories of the Dayton Agreement in the preparation and execution of bilateral aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina with the aim of implementing plans for the partition of Bosnia and the realization of large-scale projects, and whether it determined their position as signatories to the General Framework Agreement? and the topic of trials of international courts with the aim of establishing, proving and convicting committed crimes. What is the significance of the signatories in the establishment and preservation of peace, and whether large-scale projects and plans for their implementation ended with the signing of the Dayton Agreement are questions whose answers are still being sought 25 years after the signing of the agreement. Namely, Slobodan Milosevic, the then president of the Federal Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro), before the signing of the Dayton Agreement, appeared before the ICTY as an indictee for crimes committed in the Republics of the former Yugoslavia - Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia and Kosovo. The trial was not terminated due to the death of the accused, but the Trial Chamber rendered a decision on the motion for acquittal (Interim Judgment of the Hague Tribunal of 16 June 2004), which established his responsibility for genocide committed in the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Franjo Tudjman, the then President of the Republic of Croatia, was identified as a participant in a joint criminal enterprise in a verdict handed down for crimes committed by the Croatian Army (HV) and the Croatian Defense Council (HVO) against the civilian population of Bosnia and Herzegovina (Case IT-04-74 Prlić etc). In its appeal verdict against the Bosnian six, the ICTY Appeals Chamber found that there was an international armed conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the state of occupation, but also confirmed the existence of a Croatian joint criminal enterprise aimed at "ethnic cleansing" certain areas of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Croatia's Franjo Tudjman as one of the participants in this JCE. Thus, persons who found themselves in court proceedings and were held responsible for the consequences of the policies they implemented, the commission of crimes and joint criminal enterprises realized in the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, became signatories of the Dayton Peace Agreement and guarantors of peace.
10
Karčić, Hikmet. "Percepcija stvaranje ‘Muslimanske države’ u presretnutim telefonskim razgovorima između srpske političke elite 1991-1992." Historijski pogledi 5, no. 8 (November 15, 2022): 350–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2022.5.8.350.
Full textAbstract:
During 1991, the security services of Bosnia and Herzegovina began to monitor the telephone conversations of high-ranking officials of the Serbian Democratic Party (SDS). These recorded conversations reveal part of the truth to the preparations for the war and the genocide that followed. Intercepted conversations also show the connections that Serbian officials in Bosnia and Herzegovina had with Belgrade, that is, with Slobodan Milošević and other officials of the Yugoslav leadership. These conversations were recorded until the beginning of the aggression, that is, until they left the territory of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina in March and April 1992, by persons whose phones were tapped. This paper will deal with conversations that were recorded in the period from May 1991 to March 1992. One of the most common topics of these conversations was the issue of Islam, that is, the thematization of terms such as „Islamic Republic“, „Islamic Declaration“, „Islamic way of life“, „Islamic fundamentalism“, etc. The paper shows how the Serbian political elite used this terminology to instill fear in public opinion, but to a certain extent they also believed that an increased birth rate would lead to the establishment of a Muslim-majority state. For the purposes of writing this paper, research was done on primary sources, i.e. transcripts of intercepted conversations. The transcripts were used as evidence by the Prosecutor's Office of the Hague Tribunal during the trial of high-ranking Serbian officials. In addition to the research, sorting and analysis of the transcripts, this paper will also identify the most prominent participants in the conversation of the Serbian leadership. Also, given the aforementioned specificity of telephone conversations through their private nature, it is possible to dissect important topics in the conversations, which are often not military and political, and will contribute to finding additional answers. This makes these conversations even more important because they show a more intimate side of the genocidal strategist. Participants such as high-ranking officials Slobodan Milošević, Radovan Karadžić, Biljana Plavšić, Nikola Koljević, Momčilo Krajišnik, Dobrica Čosić and others, shows what and how those at the top thought in their private telephone conversations in those days in 1991 and 1992. On the other hand, through the conversations, one can see how well the SDS leadership managed the situation on the ground. Low-ranking figures who performed various political and social tasks such as Todor Dutin, director of the SRNA, Rajko Dukić, president of the SDS Executive Committee and a local strongman in Milići appear in the conversations; Vojo Kuprešanin, member of the Main Board of SDS and a key man in Krajina; Vitomir Žepinić, Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs of Bosnia and Herzegovina; Radoslav Brđanin, head of the Autonomous Region of Krajina, Zvonko Bajagić, a prominent member of the SDS in Vlasenica, Gojko Đogo, writer and essayist, a close friend of Karadžić, Momčilo Momo Mandić, Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs of Bosnia and Herzegovina and later wartime Minister of Justice of the so-called „Republic Serbian“,; Trifko Komad, head of Radovan Karadžić's Cabinet and member of the SDS Main Board and many others. Also, what is important to mention is the visible 'radicalization' of the participants in the talks. As the political situation on the ground worsened, hate speech and threats became more frequent and serious. This paper aims to further approach this important topic of intercepted conversations and to popularize its greater use in scientific research works. With the advancement of technology and means of communication, the primary sources for research are slowly shifting and taking on a new look. Thus, this paper also tries to analyze these intercepted conversations to give some insight into the complexity of understanding the genocidal intentions of the Bosnian Serb leadership.
11
Simmons, Cynthia. "A Multicultural, Multiethnic, and Multiconfessional Bosnia and Herzegovina: Myth and Reality." Nationalities Papers 30, no. 4 (December 2002): 623–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2002.10540510.
Full textAbstract:
In early 1992, the “three m's” (tri m), which denoted a multicultural, multiethnic, and multiconfessional Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), became the rallying cry against the forces of disintegration, or more accurately, of partition. These identifying characteristics or national ideals could not avert catastrophe. Indeed, BiH's liminal position at the crossroads of cultures, religions, and history rendered it the most vulnerable of republics in the Yugoslav wars of succession. However “three m” Bosnia and Herzegovina was in 1992, it was less so by 1995. Yet, despite the bloodshed, forced expulsions, migrations, and the inevitable rise in nationalism, citizens of BiH have no choice, in the aftermath, but to examine what their country was before the war and the potential for a new “multi-multi” Bosnia and Herzegovina. Such an investigation must begin with the past, as a Sarajevan colleague implied when I asked her how she envisioned the future in Bosnia. She replied that Bosnians could hardly conceive a future when in 1998 they still had no idea what had happened, and why. This work addresses the reality behind the epithets that gained currency during and after the war, of a “three-m,” “multi-multi,” and multi-kulti (multicultural) Bosnia and Herzegovina. Within the framework of a particular understanding of multiculturalism, it will suggest why, despite its multiethnic and multiconfessional reality, BiH proved in many instances vulnerable to nationalistic rhetoric. This analysis proceeds from the conviction that multiculturalism must be both studied and encouraged in the international community's efforts to support the growth of democratic institutions and practices in post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina.
12
Woodward, Susan L. "Genocide or Partition: Two Faces of the Same Coin?" Slavic Review 55, no. 4 (1996): 755–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2501235.
Full textAbstract:
Robert Hayden is not alone in wondering why the expulsion of Serbs from Croatia in 1991 and 1995 was labeled a population transfer and even justified by the logic of nation-states, while the expulsion of Muslims by Serbs in 1992-96 from an area of Bosnia and Herzegovina that the Serbs claim for their state was labeled genocide and justified establishing an international war crimes tribunal. Hayden wants to protect the term genocide, and its legal standing internationally, for truly exceptional instances—to wit, the Holocaust, and nothing else until, God forbid, there should be another such instance. By contrast, he argues, population transfers, even on a massive scale and forced, are not pathological. "Ethnic cleansing" of territory in the former Yugoslavia, whether of Croatia or of Bosnia and Herzegovina, is unexceptional, a normal part of the history of the twentieth century. Although final solutions are not inevitable—Hayden criticizes Croatian President Tudjman for writings that seem to have justified the Serb expulsion as such—"ethnic cleansing" is a part of the history even of states that now sit in moral condemnation of the Balkan horrors and the Bosnian Serbs.
13
Zayed, Kazi. "An Attempted Integration of Urban Utility and Historic Value." Journal of Environmental Engineering and Studies 7, no. 3 (October 12, 2022): 18–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.46610/joees.2022.v07i03.004.
Full textAbstract:
Bosnia Herzegovina had experienced some significant events of its history during the Bosnian War. Bosnia Herzegovina was one of the epicenters of devastating war causing severe damage and casualties. In Mostar, the conflict scenario was particular during the “siege of Mostar” in 1992 and then again later in 1993 to 1994. Mostar landfill was used as a prominent dump-yard of martyrs during the war. After the historic event, Mostar has still to face many difficulties in the field of environmental management. The landfill is one of the most important sanitary landfills in Bosnia Herzegovina and holds the tearing memories of the war. At the same time, it holds both the memories of mass murders and its significance as an urban utility. Waste management is one of the primary ecological issues in post conflict areas. Due to the war affected situations and political unstable settings, environmental crisis becomes eminent. The notion of this research is to develop a probable design structure to integrate an urban utility (Landfill) and post conflict emotional correspondence. Phenomenological Qualitative research methodology was used to figure out the bridges between these two discrete phenomena.
14
M ulavdić, Vedad. "Stavovi Hamze Hume o jeziku i književnosti u autorskom tekstu o nacionalizmu u bh. književnosti." Književni jezik, no. 33 (2022): 227–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.33669/kj2022-33-11.
Full textAbstract:
The paper discuses Hamza Humo’s text “Nationalism in BH literature” published in 1929 in the book Effort of Bosnia and Herzegovina for liberation and unification. The text presents an overview of development of Bosnian literature from the 17th century to the beginning of the First World War. Humo’s attitude towards language and literature in the works of some writters is observed, as well as Humo’s language in the text itself. Bosniak literature and the Bosnian language are not specifically presented in this text, but only as part of the development of literature and language in the wider Yugoslav area. Nevertheless, the name Bosnian language is mentioned in the text, and it is treated more as label for the dialect and the literary realisation of that speech, considering the fact that the classical processes of language standardization had not yet begun. Many writers mentioned in this text also spokes about language in their works, which Humo underlines only occasionally. This text is also significant for the study of the history of literature and language in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the interwar period.
15
Trakic, Adnan. "A Legal and Administrative Analysis of Inalienable Muslim Endowments (Awqaf) in Bosnia and Herzegovina." ICR Journal 3, no. 2 (January 15, 2012): 337–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.52282/icr.v3i2.559.
Full textAbstract:
The establishment of inalienable Muslim endowments (pl. awqaf; sing. waqf) in Bosnia and Herzegovina goes back to the days of the Ottoman occupation of the region in 1463. This article explains their establishment and development together with their institutions with reference to the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries when some of the most famous awqaf emerged. The great period for awqaf came to an end with the Austria-Hungarian takeover in 1878. The author argues that since then the institution of waqf in Bosnia and Herzegovina was subject to injustice, hostility, and devastation from the various regimes that have ruled the country. He explains the deteriorating position of waqf property through the periods of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia and the unlawful confiscation and nationalisation of waqf property and the ultimate complete abolition of the institution of waqf under the communist and socialist regime. This situation lasted until the independence of Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1992 when the Council of the Islamic Community of Bosnia and Herzegovina established the Waqf Directorate. The author also evaluates the legal applications of the restitution claims made by religious communities for the property which was unlawfully confiscated through various legislative mechanisms during and after the communist regime. The ways to safeguard and protect waqf property will be examined as well.
16
Tahirović, Emir, and Ermin Kuka. "The Dayton controversies – public decision-making between parliamentary democracy and partitocracy." Historijski pogledi 4, no. 6 (November 15, 2021): 283–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.6.283.
Full textAbstract:
In Bosnia and Herzegovina, the pluralization of society and the state began during 1990. This is the time when political parties are formed and the first multi-party parliamentary elections are held. Due to the strong influence and domination of the ethnic principle, political parties were formed in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1990 in two basic forms: as ethnic or people's (national) parties, and as civic (multiethnic) parties. In almost all election cycles from the beginning of the pluralization of Bosnian society until today, ethnic political parties have won the elections. Ethnic political parties have appropriated a monopoly in the promotion of national interests since the 1990 election campaign, guided by the idea of protecting the national interests of “their“ peoples. The continued rule of ethnic parties without a coalition political agenda and agreement has strengthened ethnic pluralism in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Thus, instead of democratic decision-making and competition between the majority and the opposition, the representative bodies in Bosnia and Herzegovina have become an arena and a place of mutual competition and confrontation between the parties that make up the parliamentary majority. The lack of the necessary democratic consensus between the ruling ethnic political parties at the state level was compensated and compensated by the High Representative of the International Community (OHR), who, on the basis of the Bonn powers, promulgated certain laws. Hundreds of laws in Bosnia and Herzegovina have been promulgated by high representatives. This prevented blockages in the work of the Parliamentary Assembly of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In the absence of the necessary consensus of the ruling ethnic parties, it is not possible to develop or strengthen the power of parliaments as the highest representative body of the people and citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Instead of parliamentary democracy, classical partitocracy is at work. The situation is similar at the entity level, and at the cantonal level in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina entity. All this, along with heterogeneous and complicated decision-making procedures and processes, ultimately reflects on the adoption of laws and decisions of importance to society and the state. Complicated forms of decision-making and the existence of a famous mechanism for the protection of vital national interests are some of the obstacles to the development of the state and society. All of these are some of the essential problems, but also the controversies that follow the decision-making processes in the representative bodies in the country. This is especially true of the adoption of important and significant public policies aimed at solving socio-political problems. Only decision-making at the level of local self-government units (municipalities and cities) can serve as a positive example. In general, the local level of government has so far proved to be the most efficient level of government in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The basis for strengthening the democratic decision-making capacities of the representative bodies of the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina is contained in the application of the democratic principle on which parliamentary democracy is established and functions. Applying almost all basic and general scientific research methods, as well as the method of analysis (content) of relevant documentation as a method of data acquisition, will identify key problems and controversies of public decision-making and policy making in Bosnia and Herzegovina, in the period after the Dayton Peace Agreement. today. A conclusion will be drawn on the need to establish a parliamentary majority based on the coalition agreement and the political program of that coalition, which significantly affects the public decision-making processes and the adoption of the necessary state public policy. Bosnia and Herzegovina is required to reconstruct public decisions in the direction of strengthening state public decisions and policies and building European standards, in order to more efficiently compose them with the requirements and directives of the European Union.
17
Banjeglav, Tamara. "Exhibiting Memories of a Besieged City. The (Uncertain) Role of Museums in Constructing Public Memory of the 1992-1995 Siege of Sarajevo." Südosteuropa 67, no. 1 (March 26, 2018): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2019-0001.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract The author examines museums in Sarajevo, the capital of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and their exhibitions dealing with the city’s most traumatic event in recent history—the 1992-1995 siege. She analyses how the interpretations and re-interpretations of history in these museums have been affected by social, political, cultural, and institutional contexts, and how various ‘memory entrepreneurs’ have played a role in building the public memory of the city’s siege. The analysis focuses on, but is not limited to, three museums: the History Museum of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Tunnel Museum, and the War Childhood Museum. This discussion is supplemented by an analysis of other museums in Sarajevo that also demonstrate how the political deadlock in the country has affected the cultural sector. The author argues that the various museums to have opened in Sarajevo in recent years indeed have the potential to become crucial public spaces where authoritative notions of history, memory, and identity can be critically examined, negotiated, and contested.
18
Cross, Sharyl, and Pauline Komnenich. "Ethnonational Identity, Security and the Implosion of Yugoslavia: The Case of Montenegro and the Relationship with Serbia." Nationalities Papers 33, no. 1 (March 2005): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990500053747.
Full textAbstract:
While traditional ethnic/religious rivals had been incorporated to form the modern multiethnic communist nation-state of Yugoslavia under the forceful presence of Marshall Broz Tito, the collapse of the communist bloc and ensuing revolutionary/democratization wave engulfing East-Central Europe created tremendous uncertainty and the perception of a power vacuum throughout the former communist bloc. Conflicts would erupt based on distinctions along traditional cultural/ethnic lines. The struggle for control and territory among Yugoslavia's political elite ultimately resulted in a series of secessionist conflicts in Croatia (1991–1992), Bosnia-Herzegovina (1992–1995) and most recently Kosovo (1999).
19
Forić Plasto, Melisa. "A Divided Past for a Divided Future!?" Journal of the Faculty of Philosophy in Sarajevo (History, History of Art, Archeology) / Radovi (Historija, Historija umjetnosti, Arheologija), ISSN 2303-6974 on-line 7, no. 2 (December 10, 2020): 295–321. http://dx.doi.org/10.46352/23036974.2020.2.295.
Full textAbstract:
The paper problematises the issue of the current BiH history textbooks about
the 1992-1995 war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, as a theme that has been reintroduced to
the BiH curricula after 18 years. Different approaches in interpretation of the war, as well
as in representation of war crimes and mass suffering, continues to deepen divisions among
school children as well.
20
Hadžić, Izet, and Ahmed Hadžić. "Political and military circumstances in Tuzla-Podrinje canton in the year of the Dayton peace." Historijski pogledi 4, no. 6 (November 15, 2021): 184–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.6.184.
Full textAbstract:
At the beginning of the paper we explain the territorial differences between the Washington and Dayton Peace Solutions, which especially refers to the Tuzla-Podrinje Canton and focuses only on the Tuzla region and its specifics in relation to other regions in Bosnia and Herzegovina. We then present the basic elements of the Washington Agreement, the meetings that preceded it, the content of the agreement, the principles of the Vienna Agreement important for the organization of the canton, as well as active monitoring and consideration of the agreement by the Tuzla District Assembly and its views on international community plans. We also monitor the implementation and importance of the implementation of the Washington Agreement in the Tuzla region and the creation of the Tuzla-Podrinje Canton, explain the name of the canton and use demographic data based on the 1991 census to indicate that Podrinje is a Bosniak-majority region. Then we give an overview of how the implementation of the Washington Agreement reflected on the normalization of food prices, the situation in the canton and the strengthening of the combat power of the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, ie the II Corps of the Army of B&H. The paper describes the jurisdiction of the President of the Canton, the Government of the Canton, national representation by agreement of SDA and HDZ, the composition of the government, the reasons for non-participation of Serbs in implementation and talks with the Serb Civic Council to participate in organizing ministries. We especially present the activities of the President and the Government of the Canton on supporting the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, II Corps and strengthening defense, budget funds for these purposes: action: „We are all B&H Army“, support for displaced persons and improving living conditions in protected areas of Srebrenica and Žepa We also describe the activities of the authorities during the fall of the protected zones of Srebrenica and Žepa, for the care of the displaced population, as well as the requests to the institutions of the international community to stop and prevent genocide against the Bosniaks of Srebrenica. We especially emphasize the activity of the Tuzla-Podrinje Canton Ministry of the Interior in preserving public order and peace. We are especially dealing with the military situation in the Tuzla-Podrinje Canton, presenting significant military successes through the liberation of Lisača on the Kalesija front, Vis near Gračanica, Vijenac near Lukavac, Greda on Majevica, as well as the crushing of enemy offensives „Spreča-95“ and others. In this paper, we argue the support of Russian diplomacy to the aggressor and link Russia's diplomatic activities through the contact group and other accomplices of the conspiracy group towards the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In a complex situation such as that in Bosnia and Herzegovina, when a Serbian aggressor with the support of insurgent Serbs in Bosnia and Herzegovina commits genocide, a joint criminal enterprise with the support of the Croatian state led by Tuđman and Croats mainly from Herzegovina win over Fikret Abdić to organize a quisling creation „autonomous region of Western Bosnia“ and opening a conflict with the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The support of the Tuzla District Assembly to the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Government of Bosnia and Herzegovina in their efforts to stop the war and find a peaceful solution was significant. Also, the authorities of the District of Tuzla vigorously condemned the divisions on the national principle as well as the division of the territory of the District of Tuzla. In this paper, we have processed the proposals of the Assembly of the District of Tuzla to the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina according to individual peace solutions. The inadmissibility of the Dayton Peace Solution for the Tuzla-Podrinje Canton authorities and the SDA Cantonal Committee was specifically addressed as well as the reasons and request to President Alija Izetbegović and the negotiating team of Bosnia and Herzegovina to leave the Dayton negotiations, and then the request to Izetbegović to clarify the reasons for accepting such an unjust peace agreement.
21
Toal, Gerard. "“Republika Srpska will have a referendum”: The rhetorical politics of Milorad Dodik." Nationalities Papers 41, no. 1 (January 2013): 166–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2012.747500.
Full textAbstract:
The theory and practice of referenda played an important role in the break-up of Yugoslavia, especially in Bosnia-Herzegovina (BiH), where two divisive referenda preceded the Bosnian War of 1992-1995. After the failure of constitutional reforms in April 2006, Milorad Dodik, then Republika Srpska's prime minister, suggested that Republika Srpska had the right to hold its own referendum, with separation from Bosnia an unstated (yet soon openly discussed) aspiration. This paper presents an account of the emergence of Republika Srpska referendum discourse and how it was articulated by Milorad Dodik to establish his SNSD party as the dominant force in Republika Srpska. It documents the dialogical context and rhetorical gambits used by Dodik to articulate the discourse, tracing how it evolved in response to regional events and elections. The paper concludes by considering the limits of interpreting Dodik as a demagogue and of a discourse-centered approach to political rhetoric.
22
Vukoičić, Jelena. "Conflict and/or coexistence: The phenomenon of Bosnian komsiluk." Socioloski godisnjak, no. 9 (2014): 39–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/socgod1409039v.
Full textAbstract:
In this article the author analyses the phenomenon of Bosnian komsiluk, the term that is mostly used in order to describe multiethnic society in B&H, that is the relations between different ethnic communities living on the same territory. It is said that komsiluk, in some works on the subject of Bosnia and Herzegovina, is mostly portrayed as the key evidence of harmonic multiethnic society which was destroyed in the civil war in the nineties, by the nationalist forces outside of B&H. The author, however, emphasizes that these kinds of attitudes wrongly interpret the essence of this phenomenon. Komsiluk much less represents the expression of the centuries old tolerance, and much more the mechanism of the everyday functioning of different ethnic communities, based on the respect of very strict rules of behavior and the maintenance of borderline between the members of different nations. The best proof of this 'superficial closeness' of the peoples in B&H is their behavior in the periods of political and security crisis, which were numerous in the turbulent history of this region. In each one of these cases, Serbs, Muslims and Croats have had different political platforms and started brutal interethnic conflicts. Civil war in the period from 1992. until 1995., therefore, is in no way exception, but rather the rule, that is, the continuity of the accumulated political problems solving within Bosnian komsiluk. Author concludes that, in order to understand complex interethnic relations in B&H, it is important to understand the essence of the phenomenon of komsiluk, which, without any doubt, represents very important factor in the turbulent history of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
23
Ahmetović, Amir. "Social and political divisions in Bosnia and Herzegovina after the 1990 elections." Historijski pogledi 4, no. 5 (May 31, 2021): 163–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.5.163.
Full textAbstract:
Bosnia and Herzegovina represents a very suitable experimental space for the analysis of integrative policy in the conditions, war and long-lasting crisis, of a devastated society which, due to the challenges of history, is deeply divided. In such a space, applying the analytical model designed and used by Seymour Lipset and Stein Rokan, the paper deals with the detection of social divisions that underlie party preferences in the 1990 elections for the Assembly of the Socialist Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Analyzes of pre-election and post-election activities of political entities show the existence of an important link between ethno-confessional characteristics and attitudes on political issues and party preferences, which in accordance with the used theoretical model creates preconditions for talking about social divisions that have turned into party divisions. It can be determined that they are bh. political parties formed, with all their specifics, on the basic lines of Bosnia and Herzegovina social divisions. In the analysis of the relationship between social and political space and the influence of the structure of society on political relations and divisions, it is possible to determine that party divisions and divisions, their segmentation and polarization are conditioned, above all, by the depth and dynamics of fundamental Bosnia and Herzegovina social divisions. The divisions that emerged in the pre-election period of 1990 (we can conditionally define them as divisions communism vs anti-communism) were pushed into the background in the first post-election year and priority was given to the split that S. Lipset and S. Rokan defined as the center-periphery split. (or the territorial-cultural split as, after adaptation, Professor Nenad Zakošek called it). The second part of the paper presents an overview of the most important political parties in the 1990 elections and continues to examine the applicability of S. Lipset and S. Rokan's theory of turning social divisions into party divisions, this time in the first year of ethno-confessional parties in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Analyzing the basic lines of historical ethnic and confessional divisions in Bosnia and Herzegovina society and in the sphere of political (sub) system through indicators such as: predominant (ethnic, confessional, linguistic, cultural and regional) identifications, the relationship between ethno-confessional and civil, the relationship to the rights and freedoms guaranteed in Bosnia and Herzegovina. According to the Constitution, the attitude towards different solutions to the state question (remaining in the common state of Yugoslavia vs. the independent Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina) tested the hypothesis that historical lines of ethno-confessional splits represent the basic determinant of political goals. It can be seen that the territorial-cultural divide (primarily in the form of center-periphery conflict) is actually a kind of complete split, given that it is a split that involves conflict between stable social groups (residents of the center and periphery but also members of different ethnic and confessional communities). In the Bosnia and Herzegovina case, these are (ethnic and confessional) communities that have different views on the most important issues of the social organization of the common state, which results in open conflict on the political scene in the form of voting for different political options, which can be transformed by ethnopolitical elites. (very easily) into various forms of violence against others and different in the territory that is under their political (and police) control.
24
Maley, William. "The United Nations and Ethnic Conflict Management: Lessons from the Disintegration of Yugoslavia." Nationalities Papers 25, no. 3 (September 1997): 559–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999708408524.
Full textAbstract:
On 14 December 1995, an agreement as the Elysée Treaty (earlier initialled in Dayton after weeks of difficult negotiation) was signed in Paris by the Heads of State of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Republic of Croatia, and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. One of the witnesses at the ceremony was the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Dr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, and, in a real sense, it marked the nadir of his term of office. In June 1992, amidst the euphoria of U.S. President George Bush's articulation of hopes for a new world order, Boutros-Ghali had presented a report to U.N. members entitled An Agenda for Peace which painted an ambitious picture of the opportunities for constructive involvement of the U.N. in conflict resolution. Yet ironically, this was almost the moment at which the intensification of intergroup conflict precipitated Bosnia-Hercegovina's slide into social and political disarray. The ultimate humiliation for the U.N. came in July 1995 when the massacre of Bosnian Muslims by Bosnian Serb forces in the U.N.-declared “safe area” of Srebrenica triggered the chain of events which saw responsibility for Bosnia-Hercegovina decisively removed from the U.N.'s grasp, and assumed by the United States and its NATO allies. The U.N. may recover from the shame of its Balkan entanglement, but the scars are likely to prove permanent.
25
Kuka, Ermin, and Hamza Memišević. "Visegrads criminal, bloody revels – yesterday, today, tomorrow." Historijski pogledi 3, no. 4 (December 30, 2020): 267–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2020.3.4.267.
Full textAbstract:
Main goal of Serbian ideology, policy, practice, starting from the late XVIII until the beginning of XIX century is creation of a clean, pure and ethnic Serbian country so called Great Serbia. In such country idealists also included the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Meanwhile that is achievable only by committing heinous crimes including the Bosnian Genocide. Because of the Visegrads Geostrategic position the city is crucial for Serbian plans, aggressors and criminals tried by any means to form ethnically clean territory, not choosing the means or tools in the attempt of achieving that goal. Highest point of those crimes happened during the second world war 1941-1945, also in the time of aggression on Republic Bosnia and Herzegovina 1992-1995. Numerous mass and individual killings, extermination, enslavement, deportations and / or forcible transfer of the Bosniak population, imprisonment and other forms of deprivation of liberty committed in violation of basic rules of international law constitute a long and sad list of criminal and genocidal acts committed against Bosniaks in the Drina Valley, and in the name of the so-called project Great Serbia. In this cycle and history of chetnik misery and inhumanity, the culmination of human malice, evil blood and moral dishonor was against the Bosniaks of Eastern Bosnia. Thanks to the hard work of the community and people of the country this evil plan and evil intentions of Serbs ideologists did not come through. Yet they do not give up, furthermore they use new means and methods. In that contest targeting wider area of Visegrad, as a starting point for commencing Great Serbian goals and ideas. That gave birth to the idea that Visegrad is continuously in focus to the leaders and actors of the ideology of Great Serbia, therefore creation of ethnically clean Serbian areas. All this, for a consequence, had a permanent acts of numerous crimes against humanity and international human rights among Bosnians in wider area of Visegrad, from the period of World war 2 and in the time of aggression on Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In this area number of heinous crimes were committed. One of the consequences of the horrific crimes committed against Bosniaks is a radical change in the ethnic structure of the population in the Visegrad area during the 1992-1995 aggression. In relation to the 1991 Census, when there were 13,471 Bosniaks, according to the 2013 census, 1,043 Bosniaks have registered residence in Visegrad. Still, the area wasn’t ethnically cleansed as in accordance to Serbian ideologists, so this shameful project that’s grounded on crime, continued by new means and methods. Analysis confirmed key marks of aggressive attempts of ideology and policy in creating ethnic clean Serbian territory within area of Visegrad. Research is focused and timely determined on three periods: First during the Second world war 1941-1945, Second, Aggression on Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, third period after signing of Dayton’s 1995. still this day. For the purpose of proving the general hypothesis of the research, the methods of analysis and synthesis, the hypothetical-deductive method and the comparative method will be used, and for the purposes of obtaining data, the method of analysis (content) of documents and the case study method. Serbian ideologist still tries to remove all Bosnians from the wider area of Visegrad and by doing so make that town the starting point for the next phases of ethical cleansing of non-Serbian population from walleyes of Drina Conclusion would be under any price secure at first economic conditions for survival of Bosnians on those areas, take a set of measures on economically strengthening Gorazde, as a center of gathering non-Serb population in the walleye of Drina.
26
Helms, Elissa. "Gendered Transformations of State Power: Masculinity, International Intervention, and the Bosnian Police*." Nationalities Papers 34, no. 3 (July 2006): 343–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990600766651.
Full textAbstract:
Many Bosnians I talked to were skeptical about my plan to do research among local police in the central Bosnian town of Zenica. They told me that no one would talk to me there. “They're too scared of foreigners,” they said, meaning especially Westerners who might be connected to the powerful international institutions that have acted as de facto protectorate to the fragmented and unstable state after the collapse of socialist Yugoslavia and the devastating 1992–1995 war. In their efforts to neutralize the police as enforcer of ethnonational separatism and to promote the new democratic values of rule of law, respect for human rights, and ethnic and gender equality, the “international community” had sacked hundreds of officers, restricted police powers, and introduced quotas for ethnic minorities and women. There was thus a sense that “foreigners” posed a threat to the masculinized coercive power of the state as embodied in the police. As it happened, the police did talk to me, though always in reference to this context of shifting relations of state and state-like power, as well as the economic and social instability that characterizes postwar Bosnia-Herzegovina (hereafter Bosnia).
27
Gurda, Vedad, Dževad Mahmutović, and Maja Iveljić. "The post-Dayton search for justice: War crimes trials in Bosnia and Herzegovina before competent courts." Historijski pogledi 4, no. 6 (November 15, 2021): 250–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.6.250.
Full textAbstract:
The armed conflicts in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the period from 1992 to 1995, which ended with the conclusion of the so-called The Dayton Peace Agreement was marked by serious violations of fundamental human rights and freedoms and the commission of horrific war crimes. Prosecution of defendants for these crimes takes place at several levels, ie before: a) the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY), b) domestic courts and c) courts of certain foreign states. The paper analyzes certain indicators related to the prosecution of these crimes, their scope and structure, as well as the ratio of convictions and acquittals for certain war crimes, the scope of application of conventional and summary forms of ending criminal cases and court policy of sanctioning perpetrators. It was learned that by the end of 2020, hundreds of criminal proceedings against approximately a thousand defendants had been completed. Most of the accused were prosecuted before the Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina (Court of B&H), followed by the ICTY, and a slightly smaller number before the courts of the former SFRY and some Western European countries. The research established that before the ICTY, out of the total number of accused for war crimes committed in Bosnia and Herzegovina, as many as 90.2% were convicted of some of these crimes, while the rate of convicted in relation to accused before the Court of B&H was 67.2% , and before the courts in the Republic of Serbia 70.2%. It is interesting that before the ICTY as many as 24.3% of the accused were convicted in summary proceedings on the basis of a plea agreement, while before the Court of B&H 13,3% of the accused were convicted using a plea bargaining as a consensual model for ending criminal cases. So far, 22 people have been convicted of the crime of genocide as the most serious crime before the ICTY, the Court of B&H and German courts, and all convictions related to the activities of the Army of Republika Srpska during the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Court of B&H, inherited a relatively mild policy of punishing war crimes. Finally, it was found that certain courts, especially Court of B&H, inherited a relatively mild policy of punishing war crimes.
28
Kurtović, Larisa, and Azra Hromadžić. "Cannibal states, empty bellies: Protest, history and political imagination in post-Dayton Bosnia." Critique of Anthropology 37, no. 3 (July 28, 2017): 262–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0308275x17719988.
Full textAbstract:
In February 2014, Bosnia-Herzegovina witnessed its largest and most dramatic wave of civic protests since the end of the 1992–1995 war and the signing of Dayton Peace Accords. Confrontations with the police and the destruction of dozens of government buildings subsequently gave way to the formation of plenums – town hall assemblies – where protesters collectively articulated their grievances against the country's corrupt and deeply unpopular political authorities. The plenums emphasized Bosnia's pressing problems of widespread unemployment, rising poverty and corruption, and in so doing sidelined the ossified nationalist rhetoric and identity politics. This article analyzes the main representations of protests, and the sociopolitical and economic pressures that helped usher in this massive public uprising. We demonstrate how protesters sought to break out of the impasses of post-Dayton ethnic politics by actively recuperating and representing alternative visions of participatory politics and popular sovereignty associated with socialist-era imaginaries and embodied in the plenum. We argue that these efforts signal the emergence of a new kind of prefigurative politics that provide alternative practices of political organization, decision-making, and sociability in Bosnia and beyond.
29
Đozić, Adib. "Identity and shame – How it seems from Bosniaks perspective. A contribution to the understanding of some characteristics of the national consciousness among Bosniaks." Historijski pogledi 4, no. 5 (May 31, 2021): 258–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.5.258.
Full textAbstract:
The relationship between identity and national consciousness is one of the important issues, not only, of the sociology of identity but of the overall opinion of the social sciences. This scientific question has been insufficiently researched in the sociological thought of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and with this paper we are trying to actualize it. Aware of theoretical-methodological and conceptual-logical difficulties related to the research problem, we considered that in the first part of the paper we make some theoretical-methodological notes on the problems in studying this phenomenon, in order to, above all, eliminate conceptual-logical dilemmas. The use of terms and their meaning in sociology and other social sciences is a very important theoretical and methodological issue. The question justifiably arises whether we can adequately name and explain some of the “character traits” of the contemporary national identity of the Bosniak nation that we want to talk about in this paper with classical, generally accepted terms, identity, consciousness, self-awareness, shame or shame, self-shame. Another important theoretical issue of the relationship between identity and consciousness in our case, the relationship between the national consciousness of Bosniaks and their overall socio-historical identity is the dialectical relationship between individual and collective consciousness, ie. the extent to which the national consciousness of an individual or a particular national group, political, cultural, educational, age, etc., is contrary to generally accepted national values and norms. One of the important factors of national consciousness is the culture of remembrance. What does it look like for Bosniaks? More specifically, in this paper we problematize the influence of “prejudicial historiography” on the development of the culture of memory in the direction of oblivion or memory. What to remember, and why to remember. Memory is part of our identity. The phrase, not to deal with the past but to turn to the future, is impossible. How to project the future and not analyze the past. On the basis of what, what social facts? Why the world remembers the crimes of the Nazis, why the memory of the Holocaust and the suffering of the Jews is being renewed. Which is why Bosniaks would not remember and renew the memory of the genocides committed against them. Due to the Bosniak memory of genocide, it is possible that the perpetrators of genocide are celebrated as national heroes and their atrocities as a national liberation struggle. Why is the history of literature and art, political history and all other histories studied in all nations and nations. Why don't European kingdoms give up their own, queens and kings, princesses and princes. These and other theoretical-methodological questions have served us to use comparative analysis to show specific forms of self-esteem among Bosniaks today. The concrete socio-historical examples we cite fully confirm our hypothesis. Here are a few of these examples. Our eastern neighbors invented their epic hero Marko Kraljevic (Ottoman vassal and soldier, killed as a “Turkish” soldier in the fight against Christian soldiers in Bulgaria) who killed the fictional Musa Kesedzija, invented victory on the field of Kosovo, and Bosniaks forgot the real Bosniak epic heroes , brothers Mujo and Halil Hrnjic, Tala od Orašac, Mustaj-beg Lički and others, who defended Bosniaks from persecution and ethnic cleansing in the Bosnian Krajina. Dozens of schools in Bosnia and Herzegovina have been named after the Serbian language reformer, the Serb Vuk Stefanović Karađić (1787-1864), who was born in the village of Tršić near Loznica, Republic of Serbia. Uskufije (1601 / 1602.-?), Born in Dobrinja near Tuzla. Two important guslars and narrators of epic folk songs, Filip Višnjić (1767-1834) and Avdo Medjedović (1875-1953), are unequally present in the memory and symbolic content of the national groups to which they belong, even if the difference in quality is on the side of the almost forgotten. Avdo Medjedovic, the “Balkan Homer”, is known at Harvard University, but very little is known in Bosnia and Herzegovina. And while we learned everything about the murderer Gavril Princip, enlightened by the “logic of an idea” (Hannah Arendt) symbolizing him as a “national hero”, we knew nothing, nor should we have known, about Muhamed Hadžijamaković, a Bosnian patriot and legal soldier, he did not kill a single pregnant woman , a fighter in the Bosnian Army who fought against the Austro-Hungarian occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1878. When it comes to World War II and the fight against fascism are full of hero stories. For one example, we will take Srebrenica, the place of genocidal suffering of Bosniaks. Before the war against Bosnian society and the state 1992-1995. in Srebrenica, the elementary school was called Mihajlo Bjelakovic, a partisan, born in Vidrići near Sokolac. Died in Srebrenica in 1944. The high school in Srebrenica was named Midhat Hacam, a partisan born in the vicinity of Vares. It is not a problem that these two educational institutions were named after two anti-fascists, whose individual work is not known except that they died. None of them were from Srebrenica. That's not a problem either. Then what is it. In the collective memory of Bosniaks. Until recently, the name of the two Srebrenica benefactors and heroes who saved 3,500 Srebrenica Serbs from the Ustasha massacre in 1942, who were imprisoned by the Ustashas in the camp, has not been recorded. These are Ali (Jusuf) efendi Klančević (1888-1952) and his son Nazif Klančević (1910-1975). Nothing was said about them as anti-fascists, most likely that Alija eff. Klančević was an imam-hodža, his work is valued according to Andrić's “logic” as a work that cannot “be the subject of our work” In charity, humanitarian work, but also courage, sacrifice, direct participation in the fight for defense, the strongest Bosniaks do not lag behind Bosniaks, but just like Bosniaks, they are not symbolically represented in the public space of Bosnia and Herzegovina. We had the opportunity to learn about the partisan Marija Bursać and many others, but why the name Ifaket-hanuma Tuzlić-Salihagić (1908-1942), the daughter of Bakir-beg Tulić, was forgotten. In order to feed the muhadjers from eastern Bosnia, Ifaket-hanum, despite the warning not to go for food to Bosanska Dubica, she left. She bravely stood in front of the Ustashas who arrested her and took her to Jasenovac. She was tortured in the camp and eventually died in the greatest agony, watered and fried with hot oil. Nothing was known about that victim of Ustasha crimes. Is it because she is the daughter of Bakir-beg Tuzlić. Bey's children were not desirable in public as benefactors because they were “remnants of rotten feudalism”, belonging to the “sphere of another culture”. In this paper, we have mentioned other, concrete, examples of Bosniak monasticism, from the symbolic content of the entire public space to naming children.
30
Nielsen, Christian Axboe. "Serbian Historiography after 1991." Contemporary European History 29, no. 1 (November 12, 2019): 90–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096077731900033x.
Full textAbstract:
Few countries in Europe have witnessed as much turbulence during the past quarter century as the seven states which emerged from socialist Yugoslavia after it dissolved amidst a catastrophic series of wars of succession. Although actual armed conflict only took place in Serbia (then still including Kosovo in the rump state Federal Republic of Yugoslavia) in 1998 and 1999, Serbia directly participated in the wars of Yugoslav succession beginning in 1991 in Slovenia, Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, and then finally in Kosovo. For nearly a decade from 1992 until 2001 Serbia's economy languished under the combination of a kleptocratic regime, expensive and protracted military engagements and international sanctions. The long Serbian transition entered a new phase in October 2000, when Yugoslav President Slobodan Milošević was ousted by a very heterogeneous political coalition whose leaders shared only an intense antipathy for Milošević. The Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was transformed into the short-lived state union of Serbia and Montenegro, which disappeared when Montenegro declared its independence in 2006, followed by Kosovo in 2008.
31
Hasanovic, M., S. Morgan, S. Oakley, S. Richman, Š. Šabanović, S. Habibović, and I. Pajević. "EMDR training's for Bosnia and Herzegovina mental health workers resulted with seven European accredited EMDR psychotherapists and one European accredited EMDR consultant." European Psychiatry 41, S1 (April 2017): s896. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.eurpsy.2017.01.1827.
Full textAbstract:
IntroductionBosnia-Herzegovina (BH) citizens, affected by 1992–1995 war, developed serious mental health posttraumatic consequences. Their needs for EMDR (eye movement desensitisation and reprocessing) treatment increased. The Humanitarian Assistance Programmes UK & Ireland (HAP) work in partnership with mental health professionals in Bosnia-Herzegovina (BH) from 2010.ObjectivesWe aim to build a body of qualified and experienced professionals who can establish and sustain their own EMDR training.MethodAuthors described educational process considering the history of idea and its realization through training levels and process of supervision which was provided from the Humanitarian Assistance Program (HAP) of UK &Ireland with non profit, humanitarian approach in sharing skills of EMDR to mental health therapists in BH.ResultsThe trainers from HAP UK & Ireland completed five EMDR trainings in BH (two in Tuzla and three in Sarajevo) for 100 recruited trainees from different BH health institutions from different cities and entities in BH. To be accredited EMDR therapists all trainees are obliged to practice EMDR therapy with clients under the supervision process of HAP UK&Ireland supervisors. Supervision is organized via Skype Internet technology. Up today seven trainees completed their supervision successfully and became European Accredited EMDR Psychotherapists, one of them became European Accredited EMDR Consultant.ConclusionFive training of Bosnia-Herzegovina mental health workers to effectively use EMDR with enthusiastic help of EMDR trainers from HAP UK&Ireland resulted with seven European accredited EMDR psychotherapists, and one of them became European accredited EMDR consultant. This will increase psychotherapy capacities in postwar BH.Disclosure of interestThe authors have not supplied their declaration of competing interest.
32
Novikova, O. N. "Religious identity of the population of bosnia and herzegovina: history and modernity." Vestnik of North-Ossetian State University, no. 2 (2019): 60–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.29025/1994-7720-2019-2-60-68.
Full text
33
Bandžović, Safet. "Raskršća i pribježišta: Bosanskohercegovački muhadžiri u Sandžaku (1878-1912)." Historijski pogledi 5, no. 8 (November 15, 2022): 44–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2022.5.8.44.
Full textAbstract:
Numerous „long-term“ historical processes transcend local frameworks and regional boundaries. This also refers to the complex issue of the de-Ottomanization of the Balkans, the „border of the worlds“, whose political geography has been subjected to radical changes, bringing significant ethnic changes and displacements. Its multi-ethnic and religious color disrupted calculations with imposed and simple categorizations. Migrations radically changed the demographic map of the ethnically mixed, unstable area of the Balkans - a „zone of friction“ in which major political events and wars took place, where the phenomenon of migration, migration, exodus, resettlement, displacement and settlement was permanently expressed. All nations have separate stories and dates in their memory, they remember different events and dates from their own perspective, apostrophize different roles, perpetuate monuments, experience different causes and consequences. The history of any nation is indeed the history of a long-lasting process. Knowledge of the world/European past is important for a more comprehensive understanding of complex processes, comparisons and placing national and regional histories in a broader context that provides more meaningful answers. The Ottoman history of the Balkans requires rational reconstructions, complex and asymmetric images of the past, inclusion of nuanced historical phenomena, critical and reasoned reinterpretation, freedom from pseudo-mythical and pseudo-historical networks and tensions. What exists of it constitutes a selective, compartmentalized history. A number of researchers continue to treat the past of the Balkans from a narrowly national starting point, ignoring the history and achievements of other ethnic groups and the multinational societies and states to which they once belonged. In the dominant Christian Balkan narratives, an almost static negative image of the Ottomans, devoid of positive attributes, persisted. The history of the Balkans is not complete, nor can it be interpreted without studying and appreciating the fate of the Muslims, whose brutal persecution from that area began at the end of the 17th century. That history is mostly presented while minimizing and marginalizing the Muslim component. The fate of Bosniaks should therefore not be observed in isolation, but also in a wider regional framework, in the context of the fate of other Muslim communities in the Balkans. The dramatic events of 1875-1878, the de-Ottomanization processes that preceded them, the decisions of the Berlin Congress in 1878, as well as the accompanying territorial demarcations, greatly changed the mosaic geopolitical, religious and ethnic picture of the Balkans, especially the number and territorial distribution of the Muslim population. Expulsions and emigration of Muslims affected the tectonic changes of the ethnic-religious structure. The emigration of Bosniaks from Bosnia and Herzegovina, initiated in 1878, is an integral part of the continuous process of widespread emigration of Muslims from the Balkans. It represents a massive and long emigrant movement caused by the action of a number of political, social, economic and other important factors. The emigration of Bosniaks, as well as other Muslims of different ethnic and linguistic origins from the Balkans to various parts of the Ottoman Empire, had a number of consequences that were manifested in all levels of their life courses. After 1878, a considerable number of emigrants from BiH came, in several stages, to Sandžak, one of the emigrant centers in the Balkan part of the Ottoman Empire, itself exposed to numerous problems and temptations. After the Balkan Wars (1912-1913), a strong wave of emigration and persecution of Muslims from the new, confiscated Balkan Ottoman provinces affected the Bosniak population in Sandžak, as well as the Muhajirs there from Bosnia and Herzegovina, towards the distant Anatolian regions of the Ottoman Empire. Breakthrough events must be shown from the positions of all the protagonists, as well as from the perspective of ordinary people.
34
Selimović, Sead. "In the service of the idea of “National and State unity”: School in Bosnia and Herzegovina from 1918 to 1929." Historijski pogledi 2, no. 2 (October 28, 2019): 213–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2019.2.2.213.
Full textAbstract:
The school system represents one of the most important segments for each state and society. For this reason, and for a number of other reasons, the authorities are trying to put schools under their control. Through the education of Bosnia and Herzegovina, political, economic, cultural, national and other goals of the ruling political elites were achieved. The curricula removed contents whose educational goals were in line with the interests of the Austro-Hungarian regime. The ruling elite was spreading the idea of a "three-nation nation", seeking to create a unique political, economic, educational and cultural space. Schools were given the task of developing the idea of a common fold and the idea of '' national and national unity ''. The idea, in the view of the ruling elite, could have been realized by schools, not by the army and officials. Teachers who had to respond to the '' spirit of the times '', as well as curricula and textbooks, played an important role in achieving the goals. Significant changes were made in the group of national subjects (history, geography, Serbian or Croatian language), with an emphasis on the history and geography of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, and works on Serbian, Croatian or Slovenian literature were prescribed for the school textbook. Most of the textbooks were written by authors from Croatia and Serbia, while only a small number were from Bosnia and Herzegovina.
35
Rašidagić, Ešref Kenan, and Zora Hesova. "Development of Turkish Foreign Policy Towards the Western Balkans with Focus on Bosnia and Herzegovina." Croatian international relations review 26, no. 86 (2020): 96–129. http://dx.doi.org/10.37173/cirr.26.86.4.
Full textAbstract:
Under the AKP government, Turkey’s foreign policy towards the Western Balkans, and Bosnia and Herzegovina in particular, has led many analysts to suspect it of possessing neo-imperial, or so-called neo-Ottoman, objectives. These suspicions have been compounded by the repeated declarations of former Prime Minister Davutoğlu and current President Erdoğan that the history and religious identity shared by Turks and Western Balkan Muslims forms the basis of both Turkish-Balkan relations and a common future. Critical examination of official Ankara’s attitudes toward the Western Balkans in general, and especially Bosnia and Herzegovina, identifies four distinct phases in which cultural, historical, and religious appeals morphed into the set of distinctive foreign policies. These policies have also been shaped by pragmatic pursuits of regional influence, the effects of internal (Turkish) transformations, and more recently, the ad hoc policies of President Erdoğan. This article will reconstruct the development of Turkish foreign policy since 1990, from multilateral and soft power efforts to religious and economic objectives, and will analyse the limits of this policy.
36
Gratz, Dennis. "Elitocide in Bosnia and Herzegovina and its impact on the contemporary understanding of the crime of genocide." Nationalities Papers 39, no. 3 (May 2011): 409–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2011.565318.
Full textAbstract:
In my paper I will present and discuss the theoretical concept of elitocide (a systematic elimination of leading figures of a society or a group) and its impact on the crime of genocide on the example of the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina 1992-1995. A systematization and scientific classification of elitocide as a sociological phenomenon bears great importance to the field of study on genocide, mass murder and human rights abuses. The scientific elaboration of new or hitherto neglected occurrences of organized violence has a significant impact on the understanding of the phenomenon of systematic war crimes and mass atrocities in modern war conflicts. In order to better understand how genocide or potentially genocidal mass murders emerge and how they can be prevented, it is necessary to modify and redevelop their conventional theoretical framework. Since the premises of modern war have changed, the science is obliged to adapt its approach to this new reality. This paper is a contribution to making the causes and consequences of mass atrocities practically cognizable and theoretically comprehensive.
37
Engelhardt, Georgi. "The referendum on Republika Srpska’s National Day — a political response to the abuse of historical policy." A day in the calendar. Celebrations and memorial days as an instrument of national consolidation in Central, Eastern and South-Eastern Europe from the nineteenth to the twenty-first century, no. 1 (2019): 143–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2619-0877.2018.1.7.
Full textAbstract:
The National Day Referendum of September 25, 2016 has so far remained the only successful attempt of the Republika Srpska’s authorities of holding a plebiscite within the republic. Previously, Banja Luka had been forced by strong international pressure to abandon three such attempts - on issues of higher political significance. On the one hand, this shows the absence of immediate political implications of the vote on the status of the National Day; on the other, it demonstrated once again the intense confrontation of Bosnia and Herzegovina’s ethnic communities in the field of symbols and key historical stereotypes, especially with regards to events from their recent history, namely the Bosnian civil war of 1992–1995. However, the relatively insignificant National Day issue gave the President of the RS, Milorad Dodik a chance to establish a precedent in the history of Bosnia of the Dayton agreement by holding a separate referendum at the level of the republic. Supported by the Western powers, the efforts of the Bosniak leader Bakir Izetbegović to tread on the Bosnian Serbs’ interests in the field of historical policy and symbolics in fact afforded the President of the RS an opportunity to strengthen the autonomy of his republic. Milorad Dodik efficiently used the strong pressure from Sarajevo and the West along with the support from Russia for Bosnian Serb national mobilisation that resulted in massive electoral support — 99 % of 56 % voters that took part in the ballot were in favour of 9 January to be proclaimed the Republika Srpska’s National Day. In spite of the strong outside pressure, Dodik triumphed in carrying out a major political action and establishing a base for Banja Luka’s future independent political ventures. He also demonstrated utmost caution and pragmatism as he exploited further the 25 September Referendum. Although engaging in brinkmanship, he never crossed the red line of escalation into a regional conflict and/or direct Western intervention.
38
Michałowska, Marianna. "Nie-widoki. Fotograficzne narracje o bólu." Załącznik Kulturoznawczy, no. 5 (2018): 287–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zk.2018.5.16.
Full textAbstract:
The article is based on the analyses of two photo-texts by young Polish photographers, Paweł Starzec and Łukasz Gniadek. Both artists show cultural landscapes in a ‘new topography’ style to tell stories about the war trauma of inhabitants of displayed areas. Makeshift by Starzec is dedicated to victims of the 1992-95 war in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Under the Surface by Gniadek refers to Polish Jews history in Warsaw. Photographers present no visual signs of the bygone tragedy, however – through focusing on landscapes – they direct attention of the viewer to the drama of human loss. Remembering that, according to the title of Susan Sontag’s book, in photography we ‘regard the pain of Others’, I state that a view of pain does not have to be the main means used in visual narration on suffering. Paradoxically, it is a ‘view’ that blocks the empathy for the Other. Thus we need a non-view to understand the experience of those who suffer.
39
Šehović, Moamer. "In honorem et memoriam Esada Pašalića." Journal of BATHINVS Association ACTA ILLYRICA / Godišnjak Udruženja BATHINVS ACTA ILLYRICA Online ISSN 2744-1318, no. 2 (December 1, 2018): 13–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.54524/2490-3930.2018.13.
Full textAbstract:
Esad Pašalić, born in 1915, was one of the most prominent historians and archaeologists in the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Through his work, research and archaeological excavations, professor Pašalić has indebted the future generations of scholars, not only in Bosnia and Herzegovina, but in a much wider region. Although his professional career lasted relatively briefly, we cannot say the same for his scholarly work abundant in contributions, articles, studies and one monography in the span of about fifteen years. He spent his entire career at the Faculty of Philosophy in Sarajevo, starting at the position of Senior Teaching Assistant to finally reaching the position of Full Time Professor. During his work at the Faculty of Philosophy, on two occasions he acted as the Dean of this Faculty. His social and scholarly work was never limited within the walls of this institutions. Instead, he was active in numerous historical and archaeological societies such as the Association of University Teachers and Scholars in Sarajevo, the Alliance of Historical Societies of Yugoslavia, the Archaeological Society of Yugoslavia; he was the member of the Editorial Board of the Yearbook of the Centre for Balkan Studies, the member of Inter-academic Board of Scientific and Research Project Tabula Imperii Romani. We should also mention that he was the international member of the Archaeological Institute in Berlin, which shows how his work was recognized outside the Yugoslavian borders. Although he wrote papers about different areas of history and archaeology in the Roman period, his field of activity can roughly be divided into three groups: settlements and roads, the economy with a special focus on mining, and military-political history. Moreover, Pašalić lead archaeological excavations at two sites, and their findings and results aided better understanding of circumstances in the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the Roman period. The first excavation was conducted in the territory of present-day Ilidža under the auspices of the Museum of Sarajevo from 1955 to 1963. Pašalić published a detailed report about the findings of this excavation up to 1959. The second excavation took place in the territory of a mining district in north-western Bosnia in the valley of the Japra River from 1962 to the end of 1967. During his intellectual peak, when the best and most fruitful years lied ahead of him, Pašalić suddenly had apoplexy (stroke) and died several days later, on 10 June 1967, at the Military Medical Academy in Belgrade.
40
Li, Darryl. "Translator's Preface: A Note on Settler Colonialism." Journal of Palestine Studies 45, no. 1 (2015): 69–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2015.45.1.69.
Full textAbstract:
The Journal of Palestine Studies presents an original translation of a 1981 article by Yugoslav anthropologist Nina Seferović (1947–1991) on “Bushnaqs”—Palestinians whose ancestors hail from the territory of present-day Bosnia-Herzegovina. Seferović describes the circumstances of the Bushnaqs' departure in the late nineteenth century; the distinct community they founded in the village of Caesarea near Haifa; and their assimilation into the Palestinian nation. This study is a contribution to the social history of Palestine that raises productive questions about the legacies of the Non-Aligned Movement and about the role of race and temporality in framing such categories as settler and native in the broader examination of settler colonialism. Below, in order of appearance, are Darryl Li's translator's preface, “A Note on Settler Colonialism,” illuminating and explicating the original study; Nina Seferović's article, “The Herzegovinian Muslim Colony in Caesarea, Palestine,” and an appendix titled, “Balkan Migration to the Middle East.” A substantial section of endnotes follows, divided into three corresponding parts.
41
Velagić, Adnan. "Uloga Italije u junskom ustanku 1941. godine na području Hercegovine." Historijski pogledi 5, no. 8 (November 15, 2022): 208–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2022.5.8.208.
Full textAbstract:
After the April War and the collapse of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, the position of Bosnia and Herzegovina was extremely complex. Although only a few days before the start of the attack on Yugoslavia, in a document called „Preliminary guidelines for the division of Yugoslavia“, Hitler handed over the entire area of Bosnia and Herzegovina to Italy - which determined Mussolini to take maximum part in the „Directive 25“ operation - the situation turned out to be complicated. immediately after the successful completion of the military operation. Namely, at the Vienna Conference on April 21 and 22, 1941, Germany took the side of the Independent State of Croatia (NDH) and supported the inclusion of Bosnia and Herzegovina in its composition. There were several reasons for this German turn, and the key one certainly lay in the fact that Hiter was counting on German dominance in the Adriatic, so in this respect he was very bothered by Mussolini's emphasized irredentism (Italia irredenta - the fight for an ununited Italy from the Atlantic to Central Asia ). This development of the situation affected the complication of relations within the victorious camp. The ambivalence between Italy and the NDH was especially pronounced, regarding supremacy over the territory of Herzegovina. In that period, the situation on the ground was very complex. The uprising of the Serbian population, due to reprisals by the current Croatian government, which was supported by Italy, at the beginning of June 1941 destabilized the NDH in this area and called into question the strategic German military-political ambitions in Eastern Europe. Namely, Germany soon saw that the current NDH government was unable to maintain order and peace, so it had to yield to Italy and support the signing of the Zagreb Agreement on August 26, 1941. According to this agreement, the territory of Herzegovina was placed under Italian supremacy. However, even after that, the situation in this area did not calm down. Until the capitulation in 1943, Italy continued to support the Serbian insurgents, among whom in the spring of 1942 a differentiation into partisans and Chetniks took place. The Partisan insurgents accepted the ideology of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, which stood on the positions of fighting against the occupiers, while the Chetniks accepted the Great Serbian ideology and cooperation with the Italian forces in Herzegovina. In order to strengthen its presence in this area, Italy did everything to weaken the strength of its ally in the Triple Pact - NDH, and in this sense it helped (politically protected and financed) the Great Serbian insurgents in every way. In the end, Italy, under the pretext of the need to mobilize all forces against the communist partisans, legalized the Greater Serbian insurgents, giving them the name Volunteer Anti-Communist Militia (MVAC - Milizia volontaria anti comunista). Historical knowledge about the June uprising in Herzegovina is not enough, because very few authors have dealt with this issue. Italy's role in encouraging and affirming the Serbian insurgents is even less illuminated. In this paper, the author, on the basis of published and unpublished archival materials, and on the basis of relevant literature, considered the causes, character and reflections of the Serbian uprising in Herzegovina in June 1941, with special attention to the role of Italy in encouraging and affirming the insurgents.
42
Bartulovic, Alenka. "Nationalism in the Classroom: Narratives of the War in Bosnia-Herzegovina (1992-1995) in the History Textbooks of the Republic of Srpska." Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism 6, no. 3 (March 18, 2008): 51–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1754-9469.2006.tb00098.x.
Full text
43
Milojevic, Brankica. "Urban development and influential factors on urban form of towns in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the period of socialism and transition: Case study of Banjaluka and Trebinje." Facta universitatis - series: Architecture and Civil Engineering 11, no. 3 (2013): 237–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fuace1303237m.
Full textAbstract:
Throughout the history, the urban development of towns in Bosnia and Herzegovina has been strongly influenced by different social systems that were transponed into the urban space giving it general characteristics common for the most cities. The character of the urban form of cities also pointed to the influence of various individual factors which can be generally classified into three groups: the natural characteristics of the urban space, created physical structure and the socio-economic factors. They are permanently shaping the urban space acting interactively with different intensity and impact giving each city the specifics that underlie its urban identity. The most intensive development occurred during the last two periods, the period of socialism (1945 - 1992) and the period of social transition into the liberal democratic system, where the factors in the socio-economic sphere have achieved an especially large impact on the urban form. This paper presents the general characteristics of urban development and influential factors on the urban form of Banjaluka and Trebinje from 1945 until today.
44
ANTIĆ, DRAGAN, and NESRINE AKKARI. "Haasea Verhoeff, 1895—a genus of tumultuous history and chaotic records—redefinition, revision of taxonomy and geographic distributions, with descriptions of two new species from Austria and Serbia (Diplopoda, Chordeumatida, Haaseidae)." Zootaxa 4798, no. 1 (June 16, 2020): 1–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/zootaxa.4798.1.1.
Full textAbstract:
In this paper we revise the chordeumatidan genus Haasea Verhoeff, 1895 for the first time and describe two new species viz., H. gruberi sp. nov. and H. makarovi sp. nov. discovered in Austria and Serbia, respectively. A new terminology is proposed to standardize the description of the gonopod structures in the genus. Type material obtained from several institutions was examined and documented herein, whereby lectotypes are designated. We clarified the taxonomic status of a few taxa and consider the species H. norica (Verhoeff, 1913) and H. guidononveilleri Makarov, 2008 as a junior subjective synonyms of H. cyanopida (Attems, 1903) and H. vidinensis (Strasser, 1973a), respectively. The following subspecies or varieties, viz., Orobainosoma filicis ossiacum Verhoeff, 1939b, Orobainosoma flavescens vornatscheri Verhoeff, 1935, Orobainosoma hungaricum orientale Tabacaru, 1965, and Orobainosoma inflatum var. aspidiorum Verhoeff, 1929 are here regarded as junior subjective synonyms of their nominal taxa. The taxonomic relationships within the genus Haasea are discussed and an identification key to its 17 species is presented, based on number of body segments and gonopod structures. Maps showing species occurences based on historical and recent records are presented to understand their respective geographic ranges. H. flavescens is now deleted from the list of species in Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Slovenia and Italy as these records were based on misidentified material. H. inflata is deleted from the fauna of Bosnia and Herzegovina, whereas H. hungarica is newly recorded from Austria, Serbia and Slovenia.
45
Bozanic, Snezana, and Ana Elakovic-Nenadovic. "From the “personal dossier” of dr. Adolf Hempt: From school time to the retirement." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 170 (2019): 195–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1970195b.
Full textAbstract:
The paper analyzes the professional movements, the scientific and professional work of Dr. Adolf Hempt, one of the leading rabiologists in Yugoslavia and in the world. The research is based on the well-preserved and unexplored personal dossier of Dr. Adolf Hempt, which is kept in the Archive of Vojvodina (Novi Sad). From the rich source of material, the authors selected the documents that partircularly highlight his life in Lukavac, then certificates of his scientific and professional engagement in Vienna, Paris and Budapest (1910-1912), testimony about the preparations for his participation in the First International Conference on Rabies, and many letters written by Hempt himself. His Curriculum Vitae of 26 August, 1921, and two copies of Official gazette (from 1926 and 1932) should be particularly mentioned. The original material is in Serbian, German and Latin. Dr. Hempt lived or spent longer or shorter periods of his life, researching and improving himself, in Novi Sad, Sarajevo, Graz, Munich, Vienna, Gross-Enzersdorf, Lukavac, Paris, and Budapest. His professional career can be tracked through several stages. He was a military doctor in peace (1898-1905) and at war (1914-1918). His arrival in Lukavac coincides with the socio-economic development and the rise of this small town. He worked here as a factory, municipal, and railway doctor (1905-1921). Working on the eradication of infectious diseases and epidemics, he left an indelible mark on the history of health care and culture in Bosnia and Herzegovina. From 1908 until the beginning of the First World War, he was engaged in the launch of the Pasteur Institute in Bosnia and Herzegovina. After he moved to Novi Sad, as a founder and administrator of the Pasteur Institute, he wrote scientific papers, travelled and explored. This paper deals with a series of lesser known and unknown facts which complements and illuminates the biography of Dr. Adolf Hempt.
46
Lukic, Reneo. "Greater Serbia: A New Reality in the Balkans." Nationalities Papers 22, no. 1 (1994): 49–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/00905999408408309.
Full textAbstract:
“We Serbs must militarily defeat our enemies and conquer the territories we need.”Vojislav Maksimovic, MemberBosnian Serb Parliament“I don't see what's wrong with Greater Serbia. There's nothing wrong with a greater Germany, or with Great Britain.”Bosnian Serb LeaderRadovan KaradžićThe break-up of Yugoslavia has come about as a result of national, economic and political conflicts which by the end of 1987 had taken on unprecedented dimensions. At that point, latent political conflicts between various republics came into the open. More specifically, the conflict between Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo had turned into a low-intensity war. Under Slobodan Miloševićs leadership in Serbia, the Serbo-Slovenian conflict over Kosovo deepened, forcing other republics and provinces to take sides. The Slovenian leadership opposed a military solution to the Serbo-Albanian conflict in Kosovo. By 1990 the Serbo-Slovenian conflict had spilled over into Croatia, completely polarizing the Yugoslav political elite into two distinct camps; one encompassed Slovenia and Croatia, the other Serbia and Montenegro, with Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina playing the role of unsuccessful mediators.
47
Cvijic, Srdjan. "Swinging the Pendulum: World War II History, Politics, National Identity and Difficulties of Reconciliation in Croatia and Serbia." Nationalities Papers 36, no. 4 (September 2008): 713–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990802230563.
Full textAbstract:
The downfall of communist Yugoslavia and the democratization process that followed at the end of the 1980s have led to the fragmentation of the country, which was accompanied by several wars of different intensity and duration (1991–1999). From the ashes of what once was the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia raised six independent states: Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, Macedonia and Serbia. The situation relating to the southern Serbian province of Kosovo, after its unilateral declaration of independence at the beginning of 2008, and subsequent recognition by parts of the international community, remains unclear. Slovenia is already in the EU, while the rest of the former Yugoslav republics, within the framework of the Stabilization and Association Process of the European Union, have the status of EU Candidate or Potential Candidate countries and are slowly moving towards EU membership.
48
Hasanovic, M., I. Pajevic, S. Morgan, and N. Kravic. "EMDR training for mental health therapists in postwar bosnia-herzegovina who work with psycho-traumatized population for increasing their psychotherapy capacities." European Psychiatry 26, S2 (March 2011): 1309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0924-9338(11)73014-0.
Full textAbstract:
IntroductionAfter war 1992–1995 in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BH), whole population was highly psych-traumatized. Mental health therapists had no enough capacities to meet needs of population. They are permanently in need to increase their psychotherapy capacities. EMDR is a powerful, state-of-the-art treatment. Its effectiveness and efficacy has been validated by extensive research. National Institute for Clinical Excellence (NICE) recommended it as one of two trauma treatments of choice.AimTo describe non profit, humanitarian approach in sharing skills of Eye Movement Reprocessing and Desensitization (EMDR) to mental health therapists in BH from Humanitarian Assistance Program (HAP) of UK & Ireland.MethodAuthors described educational process considering the history of idea and its realization through training levels and process of supervision.ResultsHighly skilled and internationally approved trainers from HAP UK & Ireland came four times to Psychiatry Department of University Clinical Center Tuzla in BH where they provided completed EMDR training for 24 trainees: neuro- psychiatrists, residents of neuro-psychiatry and psychologists from eight different health institutions from six different cities in BH. After finishing training process, trainees are obliged to practice their EMDR therapy in daily practice with real clients under the supervision process of HAP UK & Ireland trainers to become certified EMDR therapists. Regarding big physical distance between supervisors and trainees, supervision will be realized via Skype Internet technologyConclusionPsychotherapy capacities of mental health psychotherapists in postwar BH could be increased with enthusiastic help of EMDR trainers from HAP UK&Ireland.
49
Gucka, Agnieszka. "„Chorwaci islamskiej wiary” – byt rzeczywisty czy twór propagandy?" Slavia Meridionalis 11 (August 31, 2015): 15–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sm.2011.002.
Full textAbstract:
The “Croats of Islamic faith” – reality or a creation of propaganda? According to the latest census, in 2001, 56, 777 Muslims live in the Republic of Croatia. The present article is an attempt to answer the following questions about these “Croats of Islamic faith” (Hrvati islamske vjeroispovjesti): Who are they? Where do they come from? And how are they socially perceived?The notion that the Bosnian Muslims are “Croats of the purest blood” was first formulated in the first half of the XIX century by Dr. Ante Starčević, the founder of the Law Party and the originator of a modern Croatian national doctrine. His views were fully adopted and accepted by the Ustasha propaganda, which claims that Bosnia and Herzegovina is the historical cradle of the Croatian state. As a result of this, local Muslims enjoyed a status which was equal to that of the Catholic community. Some propaganda gestures of the time, such as a celebration of the opening of a big mosque in downtown Zagreb, were meant to make the Bosnian Muslims accept the idea of the NDH state and induce them to enroll in the Ustasha Army. After World War II numerous Muslims, who uncritically became advocates of the Ustasha propaganda also shared the fate of Pavelic and his followers. The other Muslims who left their country before the war cultivated the infamous traditions of the NDH state, as well as the myth of an apparent Catholic-Muslim brotherhood.Following the civil war (1991–1995) thousands of Muslim refugees from Bosnia and Herzegovina returned to Croatia, and the issue of their ethnic identity caused some problems. The level of social acceptance of the Muslim community in this traditionally Catholic community, however, is insufficient given the history, and displays of religious activity such as the establishment of Islamic schools and the building of mosques, raise anxiety and a fear of Islamicization amongst many Catholic Croatians. One can observe ongoing and endless Internet debates on the issue as to whether or not the Muslims living in Croatia are true Croatians, while politicians struggle to make use of the Muslim issue for their own purposes. In reality the “Croats of Islamic faith” are simply trying to adapt themselves to the global community and are too busy with everyday matters that they seem not to notice these debates that are largely theoretical.
50
Toal, Gerard, and Adis Maksić. "‘Serbs, You Are Allowed to be Serbs!’ Radovan Karadžić and the 1990 Election Campaign in Bosnia-Herzegovina." Ethnopolitics 13, no. 3 (December 12, 2013): 267–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17449057.2013.860305.
Full text