Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Bosnia and Herzegovina History 1992-'

Orientador: Omar Ribeiro Thomaz
Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: A partir de pesquisa de campo em Sarajevo sobre fixers e outros que trabalharam para os jornalistas estrangeiros durante a guerra na Bósnia-Herzegóvina, pretendo pensar o lugar desses sujeitos na constituição de uma fala sobre o conflito. Paralelamente, penso a guerra enquanto um contexto de elaboração de discursos e identidades, que se revelaria de modo especial por meio destes sujeitos que procuro analisar. Os fixers são os intérpretes, os guias que tornaram possível o fazer jornalístico durante a guerra - em um lugar estrangeiro e de língua estrangeira para os grandes veículos internacionais de imprensa, predominantemente norte-americanos e europeus, que realizaram a cobertura do conflito e a transmitiram para todo o globo. Penso os fixers, portanto, como reveladores dos processos elencados acima e, também, como emblemáticos para se pensar o próprio fazer antropológico e o lugar do intermediário, sempre presente no campo, mas, na maioria das vezes, ausente nas etnografias. Esse trabalho é sobre eles, e como contam e entendem a sua história e a construção do estado na Bósnia
Abstract: Considering the field research in Sarajevo about fixers and those people ho worked for foreign journalists during the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, I analyze their role in the making of the history about the conflict. Besides that, I consider the war as a context of elaboration of discourses and identities that can be noticed through the subjects I analyze. Fixers are the translators, the guides who made the work of journalists during the war possible - in a foreign country, a strange language - for the great Media Corporations, mainly American and European, who covered the conflict and broadcasted it worldwide. I think that the research about fixers shed light on the processes quoted before, and eventually, on the anthropological work itself, concerning the role of the "intermediary", always present on the field, but mostly absent in the ethnographies. Hence, this thesis is about those people and about how they are telling history and thinking the building of the State
Doutorado
Antropologia Social
Doutor em Antropologia Social

This thesis relies on evidence from the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia to argue that systematic ethnic violence occurred during the 1992-95 war in Bosnia and Herzegovina because of the implementation of extreme ideological visions promoted by top political leaders. The first section demonstrates how Serb and Croat nationalist politicians in Serbia, Croatia, and Bosnia determined to create expanded monoethnic states as Yugoslavia collapsed in 1991-92. The second section illustrates how institutions dominated by Serbian President Slobodan Milos̆evic and the Croatian government led by Franjo Tudman sponsored the military campaigns conducted by Bosnian Serb and Croat forces, which attempted to realise the visions imagined in 1991-92. The final section reveals how in 1994-95, leaders from Croatia and Serbia shifted their short term strategies towards Bosnia for pragmatic reasons, and while the Croatian leadership succeeded in forcing Bosnian Croat nationalists to abate their separatist campaign, Milos̆evic's efforts to pacify the Bosnian Serb leadership failed and Radovan Karadz̆ic's regime continued to pursue its state-building programme until its defeat in summer 1995. Although both Milos̆evic and Tudman yielded their pre-war ambitions in the face of battlefield outcomes and international pressure, this thesis argues that both leaders regarded the peace agreements they signed as temporary compromises on their long-term ambitions. The words of top political decision-makers reveal the ideas and reasoning that inspired programmes to homogenise multi-ethnic Bosnia and divide it between Serbia and Croatia.

El vocabulario étnico es frecuentemente solicitado en los medios de comunicación para informar sobre masacres y violencia, en que los actores se opondrían por “su lengua”, “su religión”, “su cultura”. El sentido común tiende a considerar los grupos étnicos como naturales en la existencia humana, como una realidad primordial e inefable. El hecho de pertenecer a tal o cual grupo se relacionaría entonces con la herencia biológica de cada individuo. En cuanto a la oposición entre esos grupos, sería igualmente casi natural. El hombre estaría llevado a un comportamiento inhumano y bárbaro en presencia de una demasiado grande diversidad cultural y religiosa. En definitiva, las diferencias étnicas concluirían indefectiblemente en conflicto. Con esta lógica, los diferentes grupos nacionales, por norma, deberían ser gobernados en Estados separados, esto siendo la línea evolutiva de las relaciones entre los grupos humanos. Por ende, cabe problematizar este tema a través de concepciones etnográficas. En efecto, ésta apunta a poner de relieve el rol que pueden jugar las representaciones sociales en la construcción de la alteridad. A este respecto, uno de los conflictos que sacudió la ex-Yugoslavia ha sido generalmente pensado en las categorías: Serbios contra Croatas (ortodoxos contra católicos); Serbios contra Bosniacos (ortodoxos contra musulmanes). La elección de las categorías nacionales o religiosas parece indicar que la diferencia constituye el motor del conflicto.

a) The research carried out: eight different samples of citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina were assessed in 1998 and 1999, two to four years after the end of the 1992-5 war, covering a wide range of variables including traumatic and stressful experiences and various measures of psychosocial adaptation including PTSD. b) Main results and conclusion: the results were published in nine papers which are described in this Context Statement, and which are also included as Appendices. Taken together, the specific (and sometimes tragic) features of the conflict in B&H, and some strengths of the research design, enabled the papers to make a significant contribution to three key psychological themes. The first theme was PTSD concept and measurement. The psychometric performance of measures of PTSD in B&H were found to be similar to other published results, suggesting that the construct is as valid for the B&H population as for the comparison populations on which the instrument was developed. The case is also made for dropping Criterion A from the DSM PTSD diagnosis altogether, on the grounds of overwhelming practical and conceptual problems with assessing it using populations with multiple stressors. The second theme was epidemiology and aetiology of PTSD and other symptom groups. Quite apart from PTSD, the war had a very significant impact on general mental health across the population. Current PTSD prevalences in the non-treatment samples ranged from 11% amongst returned refugees to 36% amongst internally displaced persons (IDPs) in camps, which are in line with the literature. Beyond PTSD, impact was concentrated in particularly high levels of somatisation, paranoid ideation, and aggression. PTSD prevalences amongst returned refugees are clearly lower than those of their peers who stayed in host countries, and much lower than all known reports in refugee samples abroad. Analysis of persons in treatment suggests that those who seek treatment for PTSD (as opposed to other medical problems) do have high levels of PTSD symptoms specifically, but not necessarily because they experienced a larger number of traumatic events. The third theme looked beyond psychopathology. Findings suggest that the concept of post-traumatic growth can be validly extended to this population, but levels were considerably lower than reported in most other studies on other kinds of traumatic event. Finally PTSD and the PTSD diagnosis are discussed in a broader social context and it is concluded that while the war had many different kinds of consequences beyond the purely clinical, this should not divert attention from the fact that individual, clinically-relevant suffering was prevalent in the population at levels warranting urgent attention from public health care.

La thèse porte sur la guerre en Bosnie (avril 1992-décembre 1995) et la diffusion de cette guerre par la presse européenne. Le travail consiste à analyser les commentaires et les éditoriaux publiés dans les presses britannique, française et allemande entre 1991 et 1995. Les journaux consultés sont les suivants: The Guardian, The Times, Le Figaro, Le Monde, Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung et Süddeutsche Zeitung. L’ambition est de prouver que l’intense couverture de la guerre en Bosnie ne montre pas nécessairement une bonne compréhension de celle-ci par les commentateurs. Au contraire, ces derniers se furent montrés arrogants sinon ignorants. La presse européenne réagit aux symptômes de la guerre tandis qu’elle ignora et/ou déforma ses causes et ses dynamiques. Les vieux préjugés sur les Balkans firent que les commentaires soient pleins d’erreurs factuelles et d’incohérences. Cette approche eurocentrique initiale des commentateurs les mena à se réfugier dans une interprétation eurocentrique de la guerre en Bosnie (cercle vicieux). Puisque la Bosnie était ethniquement trop hétérogène pour survivre à la désintégration yougoslave et qu’elle était donc vouée à la guerre civile, ce qui était en jeu n’était plus d’assurer une paix juste et durable en Bosnie, mais d’arrêter la guerre de sorte que les organisations occidentales et internationales puissent sauver la face. En dernière analyse, la couverture intense mais confuse de la presse européenne aboutirent à la caricaturisation du conflit, ce qui renforça les vieux préjugés parmi les lecteurs. La thèse ainsi confirme que le danger ne réside pas dans la médiatisation des événements, mais dans la caricaturisation de ceux-ci
The dissertation focuses on the war in Bosnia (April 1992-December 1995) and its coverage by the European press. Its scope has been limited to the commentaries and the editorials published in the British, French and German press between 1991 and 1995. The newspapers which have been analysed are The Guardian, The Times, Le Figaro, Le Monde, Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung and Süddeutsche Zeitung. The aim of this dissertation is to prove that the European press’ intense coverage of the Bosnian war did not necessarily mean that it fully understood this conflict. On the contrary, the commentators’ approach was arrogant, if not ignorant. The European press responded to the symptoms of the war while it ignored and/or distorted its causes and dynamics. The commentaries written under the influence of old prejudices on the Balkans included many factual errors and inconsistencies. The commentators’ initial Eurocentric approach led them to adopt an equally Eurocentric interpretation of the Bosnian war as a defence mechanism (vicious circle). Since Bosnia was ethnically too heterogeneous to survive the disintegration of Yugoslavia and therefore doomed to civil war, so the argument went, what was at stake was not to broker a just and durable peace in Bosnia, but to stop the war somehow so that Western/international organisations could save face. In the final analysis, the press’ intense yet chaotic coverage led to the caricaturisation of the Bosnian war, which in turn reinforced the existing prejudices among the readers. The dissertation thus confirms that the real danger lies not in mediatisation as such, but in caricaturisation of world events

Following the fall of the Berlin Wall, Yugoslavia was entangled in a fratricidal break-up. In none of the other former Yugoslav republics did the conflict turn as violent as in Bosnia and Herzegovina, which suffered genocide, the greatest number of victims and the highest percentage of infrastructural destruction. Although its three ethnic communities – Muslims, Serbs and Croats – were previously well integrated, the break-up of Yugoslavia exposed Bosnia’s unique Islamic component, which both Serbs and Croats perceived to be the major impediment to the continuation of a pluralistic society. Islam, however, only turned into a divisive and decisive factor in the conflict when combined with ethnic nationalism. Previous research into the causes of the 1992-95 war in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the break-up of Yugoslavia has identified Bosnia’s long Islamic heritage and large Muslim population on the doorstep of Europe as specific features influencing both its rationale and resolution. Yet there has been no analysis of the role and impact of ‘neo-Islam’ (a term I explained below) in the conflict – an omission this thesis seeks to redress. The thesis uses historical analysis to demonstrate that Bosnia and Herzegovina was frequently subject to international intervention during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, it explores whether the unique Islamic component was the reason behind this phenomenon, and seeks to comprehend why Bosnia and Herzegovina has always appeared to pose a problem for the international community, from the papal persecutions of the medieval Bogumils through to the present day.

A post-conflict society tends to get locked in a history war. As the practice of history in its broad sense is a moral craft, representations of guilt and victimhood prevail in social memory. The representations are often bolstered by mythical references, wherefore deconstruction of myths is expected from history education for the purposes of post-conflict reconciliation. This article deals with the post-conflict uses of history in Finland, South Africa and Bosnia-Herzegovina. The three cases constitute examples of a class war, a race conflict and an ethno-religious armed clash. The memory politics and history curricula differ between the cases. Their comparison indicates, how far an imposition of one ´truth´, a dialogue of two ´truths´ and segregation of different memory communities are feasible strategies of post-conflict history education. The article suggests that history lessons can be an asset instead of a liability in the pursuit of reconciliation.

The thesis examines the work of the media in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the post-war period and efforts to restructure its institutions and change journalistic practices. The main focus is placed the effort of the Organization of Security and Cooperation in Europe to facilitate "free and fair elections" in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the creation of the Media Experts Commission, which was to regulate the work of the media during this period. The difficulty that this Commission met during its work pointed to inadequacy of its mandate, as well as complexity of the issue of media transformation.
The case of restructuring the media in Bosnia and Herzegovina is compared to Poland, which was successful in success in creating more democratic media system, more adequate for a new political environment.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Architecture, 2011.
Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 485-531).
This dissertation examines how Bosnian Muslims construct their identity through the lens of rebuilt or newly built mosques following the systematic destruction of religious architecture during the 1992-1995 War. The stylistic diversity of contemporary mosques in the region, I argue, reflects competing visions of how contemporary Bosnia should deal with its own history of coexistence and war. By examining different identity formation processes on three scales (the building process, the regional, and the global scale), the dissertation argues that, aside from its religious functions, the contemporary mosque has become the primary locus where the emerging Bosniak nation can visually and symbolically shape and express its visions of itself. I begin by outlining how the cultural and political history of Bosnian Muslims has been "written" and "rewritten" through religious architecture since the fifteenth century. I then investigate how during the war of the 1990s the nationalist extremists instrumentalized religious architecture to facilitate the realization of their expansionist projects. While all ethno-national groups in Bosnia experienced significant war losses, Bosnian Muslims suffered the greatest human and architectural casualties. I argue that the extent and the genocidal nature of war violence against them has transformed the meaning of the mosque from that of a place of worship and of a signifier of religious-ethnic identity to that of the ethnic body of the Bosniak nation. The notion that the mosque stands in for the human body was internalized by Bosnian Muslims in the form of two novel and programmatically delineated mosque genres defined here as the Inat Mosque and the Memorial Mosque. The first results from identity construction in response to the national myths and territorial claims of the Serbs and Croats, while the second represents identity creation that is linked to the community's own internal processes of commemoration. These regional negotiations of identity are challenged by two competing global imperial ideologies introduced to Bosnia by the Saudi and Turkish donors and manifest in monumental mosques they finance. As local builders compete with these supra-national Islamic networks, contemporary mosque architecture in Bosnia has become a site of negotiation and frictions between global and local interests. Throughout, the analysis highlights the significance of ethnic symbols, long-term cultural factors, and global cultural flows in the creation of contemporary nations.
by Azra Aks̆amija.
Ph.D.

El estudio de la intervención española en la ex - Yugoslavia se organiza a partir de dos temáticas centrales: el análisis de los mecanismos jurídicos e institucionales de las organizaciones internacionales y la experiencia vivida de los protagonistas de estas misiones de paz. Por lo tanto, la tesis se articula a tres bandas: historia jurídica, historia social del pensamiento y la experiencia vivida. Las fuentes originales aúnan declaraciones internacionales, testimonios personales, y análisis pormenorizado de los medios de comunicación social.
The study of the spanish intervention in the former Yugoslavian Republic is based in two main subjects: The analysis of legal and institucional mechanism of international organizations and the lived experience of the main figures of these peace missions. Therefore, the thesis is articulated in a trilateral way: Legal history, Social History of thought and the lived experience. The original sources join international declarations, personal evidence and the detailed analysis of the social media

The war in Bosnia and Herzegovina was ended in 1995 with the signing of the Dayton Agreement. However, despite almost 25 years passing since its implementation Bosnia and Herzegovina is still a troubled state with deep internal divisions. This study seeks to analyzethe Dayton Agreement using an English School framework together with an examination of the most prevalent approach to peace within it. In Particular, it uses recent English School theoretical developments that place the concepts of order and justice on a spectrum where an ideal mix is sought. The focus is on discovering whether there is a focus on order to the detriment of justice. To accomplish this the thesis uses a combination of qualitative text analysis and the ADICO grammatical syntax which seeks to analyze statements by breaking them down into their constituent parts. The results of the analysis showed that the initial hypothesis was faulty, and order was in fact the least coded part of the Dayton Agreement. However, it also uncovereda number of problems, and contradictions within the Agreement, most of whom were to the detriment of the parts dedicated to justice and peacebuilding. Findings indicate that the parts of the Dayton Agreement focusing on justice and long-term peacebuilding have been negatively affected by inconsistencies and problems within it as well as the sheer variety of goals that the Agreement seeks to fulfill. This in turn has had implications for the long-term success and stability of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

This study is a qualitative interview study that examines antagonism, identity and collective memory among second generation immigrants from Bosnia & Herzegovina. The study is based on an existential history use-perspective and social constructivist socialization theory. The study shows that the Bosniak identity is seldom defined by their history and the Yugoslavian wars but rather by language and traditions. In addition, the results indicate that the Bosniak identity has been assimilated to a large extent into the Swedish majority culture. The results also show that antagonism against other ethnic groups in the Balkans mainly occurs among first-generation immigrants while the descendants do not relate to a large extent to the war crimes and atrocities that occurred against Bosnian Muslims. Instead, they express empathy and sympathy for their parents’ experiences of these traumas. The respondents also experienced a nonchalance towards their background in Swedish history teaching where their history was neglected in favor of other wars and genocides. While the respondents suspected a fear of conflict among teachers to account for the area, they also told examples when teachers failed in the relational pedagogy and homogenized the individuals by letting them represent an entire conflict and ethnic group. Overall, the study shows that the use of history is not a recurring phenomenon among second-generation Bosniak immigrants, and their attitude focuses on individuals rather than groups. In the didactic part of the study, the results emphasize that history teachers might need to self-educate based on the students' background to create a meaningful education and create a history awareness among students.

La République de Bosnie-Herzégovine choisit en mars 1992 de déclarer son indépendance plutôt que de rester au sein de la Yougoslavie. Un mois plus tard, la Communauté européenne reconnaît l’indépendance de la Bosnie. Or, depuis cette reconnaissance, l’avenir de la Bosnie en tant qu’État indépendant et souverain ne cesse d’être remis en question. A travers cinq parties et dix-sept chapitres, cette thèse expose les facteurs menaçant la pérennité de l’État bosnien. Tout d’abord, elle révèle que la genèse du territoire bosnien et de ses communautés n’a pas facilité le développement d’une identité citoyenne commune à tous les groupes ethno-nationaux de Bosnie. Ensuite, cette thèse permet d’appréhender le processus d’indépendance de la Bosnie et de comprendre que lors de la reconnaissance de cet État, il n’existait pasde volonté collective de la part des populations bosniennes d’appartenir à un même État. Troisièmement, cette thèse montre que le nouvel espace national bosnien n’a pas produit un seul et unique territoire politique transcendant les différences ethno-nationales entre les communautés bosniennes. Quatrièmement, elle expose les facteurs à la fois endogènes et exogènes menaçant l’unité et la souveraineté de la Bosnie sur son propre territoire. Enfin, la dernière partie, consacrée au District de Brčko, permet de mieux saisir, par des exemples détaillés, le lien existant entre le territoire bosnien et ses communautés. En résumé, cette thèse tend à montrer que le territoire bosnien, au cours de l’histoire, aplutôt été le mode privilégié de la « ghettoïsation » des cultures bosniennes, au lieu de dépasser les différences culturelles au sein des communautés de Bosnie
The Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina in March 1992 chose to declare independence rather than stay in Yugoslavia. A month later, the European Community recognized the independence of Bosnia. However, since this recognition, the future of Bosnia as an independent and sovereign State continues to be threatened. Through five parts and seventeen chapters, this thesis discusses the factors threatening the sustainability of the Bosnian state. First, it reveals that the genesis of the Bosnian territory and its communities has not facilitated the development of a common civic identity for all ethno-national groups in Bosnia. Then this thesis allows us to comprehend the process of independence of Bosnia and understand that upon recognition of this state, there was no collective will to belong to the same state within the Bosnian population. Third, this thesis shows that the new Bosnian national space has not produced a single political territory transcending ethno-national differences in the Bosnian communities. Fourth, it discusses the factors both endogenous and exogenous threatening the unity and sovereignty of Bosnia in its own territory. Finally, the last part, on the Brčko District, allows us to understand better, with detailed examples, the link between the Bosnian territory and its communities. In summary, thisthesis suggests that the Bosnian territory in the course of history has been the preferred mode of "ghettoization" of Bosnian cultures, instead of transcending cultural differences between Bosnian communities

"Afterlife of Empire" explores Ottoman cultural, social, and political continuities in Bosnia Herzegovina during the Habsburg administration (1878-1914). The research focuses on the enduring influence of the Ottoman Empire - an influence perpetuated both by the efforts of the Ottoman imperial state, and by the former subjects in Bosnia Herzegovina itself to explain the lingering aftereffects of the Ottoman Empire in the province. At the core of this dissertation is the argument that the Ottoman subjects and the former territories did not stop being Ottoman in any significant sense immediately after the separation from the empire, and that the break with the empire was not that of rupture, but characterized by enduring features of the empire that evolved to respond to diplomatic and strategic interests in the region. A shift from the common inclination to analyze the Habsburg period as the introduction of modernity, and a focus, not on the national/ethnic framework constructed around identity, but on the overlapping, multiple loyalties in this study convey a more accurate representation of the period and an assessment of what legitimacy and sovereignty meant in this region. By drawing on Ottoman and Bosnian archival sources in focusing on Bosnia's overlapping imperial, regional, religious, linguistic, and cultural frameworks, this dissertation demonstrates the importance of considering the Ottoman context after its formal departure, and the significance of incorporating Islamic intellectual history in understanding the past and present of Bosnia Herzegovina and Southeastern Europe in general.

Wahhabi interpretation of Islam, which came to Bosnia and Herzegovina with the arrival of foreign fighters and humanitarian organizations from Islamic countries during the war between 1992 and 1995, developed a conflicting relationship with the local Islamic tradition. Diploma thesis The position of the Islamic Community of Bosnia and Herzegovina to Wahhabism between 1992 and 2016 uses a critical analysis of primary sources to explain development of the position of the official religious institution of Bosnian Muslims, the Islamic Community, to Wahhabism and its supporters since their arrival to the present. This paper shows that although the Islamic Community often seemed ambivalent in its approach, it took a negative stance to the alien religious tradition from the outset and even though its activities were inconsistent, the Islamic Community contributed to preventing the spread of Wahhabism in the country. Furthermore, we show that the position of the Islamic Community was rather determined by political needs than by religious incentives.

(in English): The thesis deals with representations of civil war in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the media that are influential among Bosniaks and Bosnian Serbs. The introduction summarizes the course of the war and briefly presents current social situation in the country. The nature of media field and of the media as such are described with use of existing analyses and research and with use of available information on media ownership. Continuing ethnic division of media is observed. The thesis uses critical discourse analysis both as a theoretic approach to discourse and as a methodological tool to its study. The civil war discourse in Bosniak and Bosnian Serb media is represented in the analysis by two daily newspapers on each side. The analysis showed mutually incompatible representations of causes and of the nature of the war, prevailing absence of their mutual dialogue and ignorance of war victims of the other side. Looking at more specific topics, a number of discourses are identified on both sides, among which there are some with potential to dialogue with alternative representations. The discourses are interpreted through Bosniak and Bosnian Serb nationalist ideologies.

Tematem zaprezentowanej pracy doktorskiej jest obraz Bośni i Hercegowiny w chorwackich podróżach pisanych w XIX wieku. Główny nacisk został w niej położony na dwa czynniki. Pierwszym z nich jest wpływ nowoczesnej idei narodowej na postrzeganie Bośni przez podróżujących do niej członków inteligencji chorwackiej. Drugim jest sposób w jaki dziedzictwo historyczne kształtowało sposób myślenia o sąsiednim kraju. Bośnia, kraj leżący w centralnej części Bałkanów Zachodnich, przez stulecia była narażona na próby podboju ze strony państw ościennych. Niemalże całe średniowiecze było dla niej pasmem wojen prowadzonych na jej terytorium przez władców chorwackich, serbskich, węgierskich, a nawet bułgarskich i bizantyjskich. Pretekstem do kolejnych inwazji były zwłaszcza pogłoski o schizmie kościelnej związanej z herezją dualistyczną, jaką mieli tam przynieść uciekający z Bułgarii na zachód Europy Bogomiłowie. Gdy w połowie XV w. Bośnia została podbita przez Turków Osmańskich, stała się ona najbardziej na zachód wysuniętym przyczółkiem cywilizacji Orientu. Po podboju, większość Bośniaków przeszła na islam, przyciągnięta rozwojem ekonomicznym, szybką urbanizacją oraz niższymi podatkami i możliwością zrobienia kariery. Tylko niewielka część populacji pozostała przy wierze przodków, którą w większości był rzymski katolicyzm. W kraju mieszkali również członkowie Serbskiego Kościoła Prawosławnego, którzy pojawili się w Bośni głównie w XIV i XV w., po tym jak ich własne państwo znalazło się we władaniu Turków. Społeczeństwo bośniackie, podzielone na tzw. millety (wspólnoty religijne), zostało niemalże odseparowane od prądów intelektualnych, które zmieniały oblicze Europy przez następne trzysta lat. Aż do późnego XVIII w. jedynie franciszkanie bośniaccy przynosili do Bośni echa ówczesnej kultury zachodniej, chociaż kultura ich własnej grupy etnoreligijnej w dużej mierze funkcjonowała w późnośredniowiecznym paradygmacie. Wyznawcy prawosławia zyskali dostęp do nowych koncepcji intelektualnych pochodzących z Europy Zachodniej dopiero w ostatnich dziesięcioleciach XVIII w., głównie dzięki kontaktom z Serbami zamieszkującymi Wojwodinę. Muzułmanie bośniaccy, w przytłaczającej większości, aż do początków XIX w., pozostali obojętni na zmieniający się świat wokół nich. Nawet wówczas, inaczej niż sąsiednie ziemie chorwackie, czy narodowo zrewoltowana Serbia, Bośnia nadal była outsiderem europejskiego życia społecznego oraz modernizacji ideowej. Zarówno Chorwacji, jak i Serbowie zaczęli już konstruować naród w oparciu o etniczność, przez co ziemie pomiędzy Uną a Driną stały się miejscem ścierania się tych dwóch, młodych nacjonalizmów. W tym czasie ważne były nie tylko manifesty polityczne. Liderzy ruchów narodowych uważali, że cała kultura powinna włączyć się w odrodzenie narodowe, które formowało nową świadomość narodową. Częścią tego procesu było kreowanie pojęć takich jak terytorium narodowe/przestrzeń narodowa i przestrzeń kultury narodowej. W realizacji tych celów dużą rolę odgrywali pisarze-podróżnicy, którzy spisywali relacje ze swoich wojaży. Podobnie było w przypadku chorwackich podróży do Bośni i Hercegowiny. Podróż jest gatunkiem literackim zaliczanym do literatury faktu. Z tego powodu relacje z podróży są często traktowane jako źródło wiedzy, specyficzny rodzaj świadectwa, które daje nam prawdziwą informację o ziemiach, ludziach, naturze poza granicami naszej ojczyzny. Przywódcy ruchów odrodzenia narodowego w Europie Środkowej i na Bałkanach zauważyli, że podróże są bardzo przydatnym narzędziem kształtowania tożsamości narodowej rodaków. Podróżujący pisarze i intelektualiści otrzymali więc zadanie, by zaznajamiać czytelników z różnymi częściami ich ojczyzny oraz z ziemiami, które uważano za, oddzielone granicami, części terytorium narodowego. W Chorwacji dotyczyło to przede wszystkim Bośni i Hercegowiny. Aby pokazać, w jaki sposób Bośnia stała ideologicznie nacechowanym pojęciem odnoszącym się do realnie istniejącego fenomenu kulturowego, autor rozprawy prezentuje kontekst odnoszący się historii kulturalnej i intelektualnej chorwackiego postrzegania terytorium pomiędzy Uną i Driną. Wpływy chorwackie były obecne na terenach bośniackich od wczesnego średniowiecza. Duże fragmenty tego kraju były częstokroć włączane w obręb państwa chorwackiego, tak przy pomocy siły militarnej, jak i zabiegów dyplomatycznych. Po tym jak Turcy Osmańscy dokonali inwazji na Bałkanach Zachodnich, Bośnia nie tylko stała się miejscem zaciętych walk pomiędzy chrześcijańskim a muzułmańskim imperium, ale również nabrała znaczenia jako miejsce chorwackiej pamięci historycznej. Ta sama narracja miała też inną stronę. Bośniaków pokazywano w niej jako część armii dążącej do podboju ziem chorwackich. Centralną postacią tej części opowieści stał się wielki wezyr Mehmed-pasza Sokolović, symbol zarówno rycerskości, jak i zdrady wiary przodków. W efekcie, przez cały wiek XIX, z jednej strony intelektualiści chorwackiego ruchu narodowego próbowali przekonać innych Chorwatów, że Bośnia jest integralną częścią ich terytorium narodowego i że słowiańscy Bośniacy są tak naprawdę etnicznymi Chorwatami, a z drugiej strony opisywali oni ów kraj jako ukształtowany przez cywilizację islamu, a przez to kulturowo obcy. Obserwowana orientalizacja kultury bośniackiej dotykała nawet miejscowych chrześcijan. Tak więc obraz ten zawierał w sobie immanentną dychotomię, która w XX w. doprowadziła chorwackie dążenia asymilacyjne do spektakularnej klęski. Prezentowana praca bazuje na krytycznym odczytaniu istniejących podróży chorwackich powstałych w XIX wieku. Pierwsza z nich powstała w 1842 r., a ostatnia w 1896 roku. Na pracę składają się analizy klasycznych tekstów gatunku, takich jak podróż Pogled u Bosnu (Spojrzenie na Bośnię) Matiji Mažuranicia oraz mniej znanych, publikowanych w chorwackich czasopismach z tego okresu. Obejmuje ona również podróżopisarstwo dwóch franciszkanów bośniackich – o. Ivana F. Jukicia i o. Grgi Marticia, których twórczość powstawała na peryferiach literatury chorwackiej. Natura tematu sprawiła, że konieczne było oparcie dysertacji na dwóch założeniach metodologicznych. Pierwszym z nich jest konieczność badania tematu przez pryzmat teorii nacjonalizmu. W odróżnieniu od wielu innych badaczy, autor zdecydował się na podejście etnosymboliczne. Pierwszą jego zaletą jest to, że etnosymbolizm wskazuje na stopniowy charakter formowania się narodów w oparciu o istniejące już w średniowieczu grupy etniczne, które często powstawały w oparciu o tożsamość religijną. Podejście to jest zbliżone do modernistycznej teorii narodu, ale nie lekceważy znaczenia etniczności dla całego procesu. To sprawia, że teoria etnosymboliczna jest bardzo użyteczna w badaniu kwestii narodowej w Europie Środkowej i na Bałkanach. Z taką właśnie sytuacją mieliśmy do czynienia w Bośni i Hercegowinie, którą zamieszkiwały trzy główne „etnie” (termin zaczerpnięty z teorii nacjonalizmu autorstwa Anthonego D. Smitha), które powstały na bazie tożsamości religijnych. W wyniku długotrwałego procesu unaradawiania stopiły się one z sąsiednimi narodami (katolicy, w większości stali się Chorwatami, prawosławni Serbami) lub przekształciły się w nowy naród (słowiańscy muzułmanie, którzy stali się Boszniakami). Drugą zaletą etnosymbolizmu jest możliwość uniknięcia moralnie i politycznie dwuznacznej polaryzacji pomiędzy „dobrym” i „złym” nacjonalizmem, która służyła wspieraniu wyższości i hegemonii kulturowej Zachodu. Drugim ze wspomnianych założeń metodologicznych jest interdyscyplinarność. Niniejsza praca odnosi się nie tylko do kontekstu kulturalnego tekstów, do którego należy zaliczyć teorię literatury i historię literatury chorwackiej, ale też do filozofii oraz nauk historycznych i społecznych. W rezultacie zawiera ona odniesienia do studiów kolonialnych i postkolonialnych, etnografii regionu, teorii pamięci historycznej, gadamerowskiej teorii przedsądów oraz do dwóch koncepcji, które wywarły znaczący wpływ na współczesne badania tekstów podróżniczych – orientalizmu Edwarda Saida i bałkanizmu Marii Todorowej. Ta baza teoretyczna i metodologiczna pozwoliła autorowi pracy odkryć polityczne i etyczne implikacje obrazu Bośni i Hercegowiny, jaki został stworzony w chorwackich podróżach XIX wieku. Pozwoliło to również pokazać, że ów wizerunek nie może być rozpatrywany w oderwaniu od idei politycznych i społecznych czasów, w których powstawały badane teksty, gdyż to właśnie trzy odłamy chorwackiego ruchu narodowego (iliryzm, ruch jugosłowiański i etniczny nacjonalizm Antego Starčevicia) odcisnęły na nim znaczące piętno. Praca ta pokazuje również w jaki sposób ideologicznie nacechowane przekonania, które stanowiły część świadomości chorwackich podróżników, stały się przeszkodą nie do przejścia dla prób zaakceptowania religijnego obcego. W XIX w. walkę o świadomość prawosławnej część społeczeństwa bośniackiego wygrał nacjonalizm serbski, ale muzułmanie bośniaccy nie stali się postulowaną integralną częścią narodu chorwackiego właśnie z powodu ich przynależności do cywilizacji islamu i ciężkiego brzemienia pamięci zmagań chrześcijańsko-muzułmańskich.
The picture of Bosnia and Herzegovina in Croatian journeys of 19th century is main research topic of presented dissertation. Focus has been especially put on two factors. First one is how the modern national idea influenced perception of Bosnia by travelling through its territory Croatian intelligentsia members. The second, is the way how the heritage of history affected the Croatian way of thinking about the neighboring country. Bosnia as a country that lies in the center of West Balkans for the centuries had been exposed for conquest attempts of neighboring countries. Nearly whole of its medieval history was series of wars waged by Croatian, Serbian, Hungarian and even Bulgarian and Byzantine Kingdoms. Invasions were fueled by a rumors about Bosnian ecclesiological schism connected with dualistic heresy allegedly brought there by Bogomils fleeing west from Bulgaria. After Bosnia had been conquested by Ottoman Turks in the middle of the 15th century it became westernmost bridgehead of Oriental civilization. Most of Bosnians converted on Islam, in the years after a Turkish conquest of their land, attracted by the economic development and process of fast urbanization, as well as taxation and career profits from being a Muslim. Only a part of Bosnian society stayed at faith of their ancestors who predominantly were Roman Catholics. Other Christians in this country were Serbian Orthodox Church believers, who came to Bosnia in 14th and 15th century, after their own kingdom had fallen under a Turkish rule. Whole society, divided into so-called millets (religious communities), was nearly separated from the intellectual currents that were changing Europe through the next three hundred years. Until late 18th century only Franciscan monks brought to Bosnia some cultural echoes of Western culture of that times, although culture of their own ethno-religious group largely remained in late medieval paradigm. Orthodox people received some access to new intellectual conceptions of Western origin in the last decencies of 18th century, thanks to contacts with Serbian population of Vojvodina. Bosnian Muslim society remained largely indifferent for the changes of the world around them until early years of 19th century. In that time Bosnia was still an outsider of European social and ideological modernization. But not the neighboring Croatia nor the nationally revolted Serbia. Both Croatians and Serbs had already started to construct modern nation on ethnic basis and the land between Una and Drina became a place of clash of the two young modern nationalisms. In that time not only ideological manifestos were important. National leaders claimed that whole culture should take part in national revival movement, which was forming a new national consciousness. Part of this process was creating a notion of national territory and national cultural space. In this task great role was given to the writers-travelers, who were writing down their reports from journeys they were taking. It was so, also in case of Croatian journeys to Bosnia. Journey as a genre is a part of non-fiction literature. Because of that it is often treated as a source of knowledge, a special kind of testimony which gives us relevant information about lands, people and nature outside of our homeland. Leaders of national revivals in Central Europe and Balkans noticed, that journeys are very useful in shaping a national identity among their countryman. Writers and intellectuals on travel were given a task of acquainting readers with different parts of their own homeland and the lands that were claimed to be, separated by borders, parts of the national territory. In Croatia such situation can be observed in case of Bosnia and Herzegovina. To show how the Bosnia became ideologically loaded term referring to existing cultural phenomenon, author presented a historical context of cultural and intellectual history of Croatian thinking about the territory between Una and Drina. Croatian influence was present in Bosnia from the early medieval times. Large parts of this country were often incorporated to Croatian lands by military or by diplomatic force. After the Ottoman Turks had invaded Western Balkans, Bosnia not only became a place of fierce fighting between Christian and Muslim empires, but also an important part of Croatian historical memory. But the reverse of the same narrative was showing Bosnian people as part of conquerors armies, with the figure of Grand Vizier Mehmed Pasha Sokolovic as a symbol of both knightly values and betrayal of faith. As an effect, on the one hand through the whole 19th century, Croatian national movement intellectuals were trying to convince other Croats that Bosnia is an integral part of the national territory and that Slavic Bosnians were in fact an ethnic Croatians, but on the other hand they were describing it as a culturally remote land shaped by civilization of Islam. Observed orientalisation of Bosnian culture affected even the local Christian communities. So this vision had an immanent dichotomy within, which led Croatian assimilatory efforts to the spectacular collapse in 20th century. Presented study is based on the critical reading of existing Croatian journeys written in 19th century. The first one was published in 1842 and last one in 1896. The work includes analysis of classical primary texts such as travelogue Pogled u Bosnu by Matija Mazuranic and lesser known ones published in Croatian periodic of that time. Dissertation also includes an analysis of travelogues written by two Bosnian Franciscan monks – fra Ivan Frano Jukic and fra Grga Martic, whose works were created on peripheries of Croatian literature and culture. Nature of subject has made it necessary to base the thesis on two methodological assumptions. First one is that topic should be examined through the prism of theory of nationalism. In contrary to many other scholars author have chosen the ethnosymbolic attempt. The first advantage of such choice is that ethnosymbolism points to the gradual formation of nations on the basis of medieval ethnic groups, which were often based on religious identity. This approach is close to the modernist one, but it do not disregard value of ethnicity. This makes this theory very useful in research of the national question in Central Europe and Balkans. Such a situation we had in Bosnia and Herzegovina, which was inhabited by three main “ethnies” (term has been taken from Anthony D. Smith theory of nationalism) based on religious identity. In a long term process they had merged into surrounding nations (Catholics at large became Croatians, Orthodox became Serbs) or transformed into a new nation (Slavic Muslims who became Bosniaks). The second advantage of ethnosymbolism is that it gives an opportunity to avoid morally and politically ambivalent polarization between “good” and “bad” nationalism which served to reinforce the cultural superiority and hegemony of the West.The second methodological assumption is interdisciplinarity. That work refers not only to cultural context of the texts, which includes theory of literature and history of Croatian literature, but also to the philosophy, historical and social sciences. As an effect it includes references to colonial and postcolonial studies, ethnography of the region, theory of historical memory, Gadamer’s theory of prejudices, Said’s Orientalism and Todorova’s Balkanism, which have strongly affected contemporary research model of travelogues. This theoretical and methodological basis has enabled author to unearth the political and ethical implications of Bosnia image created in Croatian journeys. It has also shown that Bosnia’s image cannot be separated from political and social ideas of the time in which travelogues were written, as three branches of Croatian national revival conceptions (ilirism, yugoslavism and ethnic nationalism of Ante Starcevic) made a great impact on it. The work is also showing how the ideologically loaded beliefs, which were part of Croatian travelers consciousness, became impassable obstacle for the acceptance of religious others. In the 19th century Orthodox part of Bosnian society has been already won by the Serbian nationalism, but the Bosnian Muslims did not became postulated integral part of Croatian nation, because of their affiliation to the civilization of Islam and the heavy burden of the historical memory of struggle between Christians and Muslims.

abstract: Ethno-nationalist politicians and criminals in Mostar espoused a discourse of ethno-exclusionist sociocultural relations as a superstructure for the public in order to establish ethnocratic kleptocracies where they concealed their criminal colonization of residential and commercial property through manipulating the pre-Bosnian War discourse on property relations. This is not to argue that some or most of these politicians and criminals did not believe in their virulent nationalist rhetoric, but instead that the effects of the discourse created well-used pathways to personal, not community, wealth. Elites used the Yugoslav economic crisis and perceived past grievance to enflame growing tensions between ethnicities and social classes. I use Mostar as an object of analysis to examine the creation of Bosnian Croat and Bosniak ethnocratic regimes in this divided city. However, I focus more on the Bosnian Croat regime in the city because it envisioned Mostar as its capital, making the city the site of its political competition among factions. Even though ethno-nationalist politicians and criminals still hold a level of power in Mostar, the IC did succeed in instituting a high level of property restitution, which does not necessarily imply return, because the IC was able to impose rule of law when it acted in an organized manner. Also, the ethnocratic regimes were weakened due to regional economic and political factors that undercut the regimes' hold over the population.
Dissertation/Thesis
M.A. History 2013

Cooking and Dining in Times of War and Peace: Changing Contexts and Modes of Food Production, Preparation and Consumption in Srebrenica, Bosnia and Herzegovina Mgr. Markéta Slavková Abstract (English) This project opens up the topic of armed conflict and subsequent post-conflict development in the Former Yugoslavia from a non-traditional perspective - that of the anthropology of food. At the centre of attention there stand the ways in which the production, preparation and consumption of food were and are carried out in Srebrenica, BiH in the context of the dramatic changes that the region has undergone over the last few decades. Food is the precondition of reproduction, a primary form of interaction with the world, a mediator of socialization, a sign of identity and social cohesion but also a tool of power. In this sense, Farquhar notes that the "mantra" 'You are what you eat,' continues to be thematized by social sciences (Farquhar, 2006: 146). On the other hand, the question of the relationship between social actors and their "daily bread" in conditions of starvation and overall material scarcity in wartime has not been satisfyingly answered. This project, based on long-term ethnographic fieldwork, addresses these issues more closely, affording greater insight into them.

Based on longitudinal ethnographic fieldwork in Bosnia and Herzegovina I trace ontologies of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and their enactments among veterans of the 1992-1995 war. My aim is to problematize and rethink social constructionists' approaches in medical anthropology that discuss war trauma and PTSD in relation to naturalistic models and treat them as constructed realities not determined by the nature of things. I argue that such a standpoint produces a particular epistemological/ontological side-effect: it allows medical anthropologists to craft a purely social ontology of trauma and PTSD by claiming that the realness of these "constructs" is a result of psychiatric discourse, moral economy of contemporary societies or Western (intellectual, political, and medical) hegemony. Considering the ontology of PTSD as an empirical question I analyze the enactments of PTSD in four settings: the ethnographic genre itself, the organization of war veterans with PTSD in the city of Tuzla, the veterans' welfare system in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Bosnian public arena. I argue that PTSD is practiced as a heterogeneous and multiple reality that cannot be situated solely either in the realm of human organism (and explained by naturalistic models) or society and culture (and...

Since the end of the Cold War, political and geographical realities have changed considerably. One such reality was the balance of power between East and West, which was especially visible in Europe. The contest between rivals, the Warsaw Pact and the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO), was over. Ultimately, NATO found itself the pre-eminent security organisation in Europe. The new post-cold war environment forced questions about the appropriate role for NATO. However, that changed with both the process of NATO expansion into former Warsaw pact countries and the ethnic conflicts throughout the former Yugoslavia. NATO found a new purpose during the violent dissolution of Yugoslavia as ‘peace-enforcer’ in the Balkan region. The focus of this thesis is NATO’s role in peace-enforcement in the former Yugoslavia. It examines how NATO dealt with the end of the Cold War and the collapse of the Warsaw Pact. Specifically, how NATO managed to re-establish its relevance as a security organisation. NATO’s military intervention in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo were crucial in securing the end of hostilities in both those regions. NATO’s Implementation Force (IFOR), Stabilisation Force (SFOR) and Kosovo Force (KFOR) all played significant roles in subsequent peace-enforcement and peace-building roles in the region by suppressing violence through power projection and institution building. In 2001, NATO undertook a third operation in the Balkans, that time of a more limited nature, disarming ethnic Albanians in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. NATO’s presence there also encouraged stability. This thesis argues that, ultimately, NATO maintained its relevance by the establishing a new role for itself after the Cold War through Eastward expansion and in suppressing ethnic conflict in the Balkans. Both these roles have been successful. The decisive interventions in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo and FYROM forced the belligerents to stop fighting. NATO’s subsequent enforcement of the peace has stopped each conflict from flaring up again. With NATO membership now including most of Europe, it remains the only viable security organisation on the continent. NATO’s effectiveness as a security organisation was demonstrated with its ability to end the conflict in the Balkans and providing a stable environment for the people of the region. This intervention was crucial to the definition of a new role for NATO in the post-Cold War world.
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Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Adelaide, School of History and Politics 2008