Relevant bibliographies by topics / Bookon russia ukraine war

Academic literature on the topic 'Bookon russia ukraine war'

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Published: 26 July 2024
Last updated: 28 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Bookon russia ukraine war"

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KOMINEK, Łukasz, Urszula STAŚKIEWICZ, and Mateusz MACIĄG. "RUSSIA-UKRAINE. WAR? NEW WAR? OLD WAR?" National Security Studies 26, no. 4 (August 18, 2022): 11–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.37055/sbn/152883.

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The aim of this study is a polemological analysis of the conflict between the Russian Federation and Ukraine. The main research problem of the article was defined in the form of a question: can the analyzed conflict be classified as old or new wars? The secondary goal, however, was to indicate the characteristic elements of this analysis. The following research methods were used in the work: definition, which allowed to define the uniqueness of terms, analysis and synthesis, which allowed for appropriate interpretation of the existing data, induction and deduction, which allowed for finding answers to the research question considered in the work. The work also uses the method of comparative analysis in terms of definitions relating to the discussed scope. The analysis of sources, monographs and scientific articles dealing with the research topic was also used.
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Niyazi qızı Səfərli, Mələkxanım. "Russia-USA competition in Russia-Ukraine war." SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH 09, no. 5 (May 22, 2022): 68–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.36719/2789-6919/09/68-71.

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Dünyada gedən geosiyasi proseslər yeni dünya nizamının yaradılmasının göstəricisidir. Təkqütblü sistemin lideri olan Amerika Birləşmiş Ştatları yüksələn güc olan Rusiya və Çinə qarşı yenidən müttəfiqlərini səfərbər etmək istəyir. Qərb və Rusiya arasında bufer zona olan Ukraynanın geosiyasi, geoiqtisadi, geostrateji önəmi qlobal güclərin maraqlarının toqquşmasına səbəb olur. Geosiyasi şəraitin uyğunluğundan istifadə edən Rusiya həm imperialist maraqlarını reallaşdırır, həm də Qərbə tələblərinin yerinə yetirilməsi üçün təzyiq göstərir. Və bu məqalə tərəflərin maraq və gələcək planlarının nə olduğundan bəhs edir. Həmçinin müharibə sonrası bütün dünyada qida qıtlığı və iqtisadi durğunluğun da olacağını proqnozlaşdırır. Açar sözlər: Rusiya, ABŞ, Ukrayna, NATO, Çin, Qərb dünyası, Co Bayden, Putin, geosiyasi mübarizə, milli maraq Melekkhanım Niyazi Safarli Russia-USA competition in Russia-Ukraine war Abstract Geopolitical processes in the world are an indicator of the creation of a new world order. The United States, the leader of the unipolar system, wants to re-mobilize its allies against the rising power of Russia and China. The geopolitical, geoeconomic and geostrategic importance of Ukraine, which is a buffer zone between the West and Russia, is causing a conflict of interests between global powers. Taking advantage of the geopolitical situation, Russia is both pursuing its imperialist interests and exerting pressure on the West to comply with its demands. And this article is about the interests and future plans of the parties. It also predicts food shortages and economic stagnation around the world after the war. Key words: Russia, USA, Ukraine, NATO, China, Western world, Co Biden, Putin, geopolitical struggle, national interest
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Abhinay Dogra, Major. "UKRAINE - RUSSIA WAR : A PERSPECTIVE." International Journal of Advanced Research 12, no. 04 (April 30, 2024): 697–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.21474/ijar01/18603.

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Semenenko, Viacheslav, and Andrii Ivashenko. "Russia`s Total War." National security and the future 23, no. 2 (March 2, 2022): 53–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.37458/nstf.23.2.2.

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The article examines Russia's political goals and military scenarios for Ukraine, as well as options for supporting Ukraine that are available to the United States, its allies and partners in the event of an invasion. New developments and information need further analysis to better understand Russia's intentions and consequences.
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Cho, Jungwon. "China-Russia Economic Cooperation after Russia-Ukraine War." Journal of Slavic Studies 38, no. 3 (September 30, 2023): 73–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.46694/jss.2023.9.38.3.73.

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Kim, Seongjin. "Russia-Ukraine War: Implication and Impact." Journal of Slavic Studies 37, no. 2 (June 30, 2022): 1–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.46694/jss.2022.6.37.2.1.

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H. Shinde, Vikram. "RUSSIA - UKRAINE WAR: ECONOMIC IMPACT ASSESSMENT." International Journal of Advanced Research 10, no. 05 (May 31, 2022): 849–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.21474/ijar01/14782.

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The war between Russia and Ukraine has raised many consequences out of it. This military action by Russia launched with a reason that Russia want to make Ukraine Nazi less and want to protect the rights of people of some of the regions of Ukraine. Whereas, the reasons for this actions seems very much rooted than it appears. Russia, after the break of USSR, has faced many problems as a country but today has secured a very great position on the world map. The third largest manufacturer of oil, second largest manufacturer of natural gas, is getting some troubles for their business and hence this action of war seems to be taken. This war has affected and is affecting the world economy and Indian economy as well. The increased prices of crude oil have resulted in inflation worldwide. Further Russia and Ukraine being the major players in wheat growing and exporting, an uncertainty is dwelling for harvesting the crop of this season which will lead to the increased rates of wheat worldwide. These are some the effects of this war. The intention behind this paper is to study the economic impact this war.
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Shairgojri, Aadil Ahmad. "Russia vs. Ukraine War: India's stance." Journal of Artificial Intelligence, Machine Learning and Neural Network, no. 25 (August 2, 2022): 34–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.55529/jaimlnn.25.34.44.

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On February 24, Russian troops came into Ukraine from Belarus in the north, Crimea in the south, and the east. Multiple lines of attack suggested that the Russian military wanted to quickly take the capital, Kyiv, overthrow the democratically elected government, and take over as much as the eastern two-thirds of Ukraine. Since the war started on February 24, Russia has been wrong about four things: that the Ukrainian government would fall and Russian forces would quickly take Kyiv and other Ukrainian cities; that the European Union would struggle to show resolve and respond to this aggression; that the "Western world" would react in a split and uncertain way; and that the rest of the world would not condemn Russia's invasion. Russia has been building up its military along its border with Ukraine, which wants to join NATO. Russia has said that its deployment of troops is a response to the steady expansion of NATO to the east. Russia says that it is doing these things to protect its own security. The stance that India has taken on the conflict between Russia and Ukraine is being applauded everywhere therefore, the study highlighted and analysed the India’s stand on Russia – Ukraine war by adopting descriptive cum analytical method to reach on conclusion also the study utilised extensively thematic analytical tool MAXQDA for qualitative investigation to explain and analyse the India’s stand on Russia – Ukraine war.
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SHAIRGOJRI, AADIL AHMAD. "Russia vs. Ukraine War: India's stance." Aug-Sept 2022, no. 25 (September 15, 2022): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.55529/jpps.25.1.10.

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On February 24, Russian troops came into Ukraine from Belarus in the north, Crimea in the south, and the east. Multiple lines of attack suggested that the Russian military wanted to quickly take the capital, Kyiv, overthrow the democratically elected government, and take over as much as the eastern two-thirds of Ukraine. Since the war started on February 24, Russia has been wrong about four things: that the Ukrainian government would fall and Russian forces would quickly take Kyiv and other Ukrainian cities; that the European Union would struggle to show resolve and respond to this aggression; that the "Western world" would react in a split and uncertain way; and that the rest of the world would not condemn Russia's invasion. Russia has been building up its military along its border with Ukraine, which wants to join NATO. Russia has said that its deployment of troops is a response to the steady expansion of NATO to the east. Russia says that it is doing these things to protect its own security. The stance that India has taken on the conflict between Russia and Ukraine is being applauded everywhere therefore, the study highlighted and analysed the India’s stand on Russia – Ukraine war by adopting descriptive cum analytical method to reach on conclusion also the study utilised extensively thematic analytical tool MAXQDA for qualitative investigation to explain and analyse the India’s stand on Russia – Ukraine war.
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Marczuk, Magdalena. "Canada towards the Russia-Ukraine war." Sprawy Międzynarodowe 76, no. 2 (March 29, 2024): 161–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/sm.2023.76.2.07.

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Poniższa analiza ma na celu scharakteryzowanie polityki Ottawy wobec konfliktu rosyjsko-ukraińskiego. Dla niniejszego wywodu istotne jest również zaprezentowanie, jakie formy przyjęło zaangażowanie Kanady i jak reagowała na wydarzenia w Ukrainie począwszy od aneksji Krymu w marcu 2014 r. aż do rosyjskiej inwazji w lutym 2022 r. Liczna mniejszość ukraińska oraz wpływ lobby ukraińskiego na proces kształtowania polityki zagranicznej Ottawy to główny argument tłumaczący zaangażowanie się Kanady w regionie Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej. Metody badawcze zastosowane w tekście to metoda deskryptywna oraz decyzyjna i analizy zawartości.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Bookon russia ukraine war"

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Mychajlyszyn, Natalie Luba Carleton University Dissertation International Affairs. "Conditions for security regime development in post-cold war interactions: Russia and Ukraine." Ottawa, 1993.

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Stefan, Cako. "The Foundational Myth of Russia : Explicating the puzzle behind the foundational myth of Russia and the construction of its contemporary geopolitics." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Statsvetenskap, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-39190.

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This dissertation examines the construction of the contemporary Russian geopolitics through the usage of the foundational myth, better known as the Third Rome myth and the center of true Christianity. This is achieved through the analysis of four famous speeches by President Vladimir Putin. These speeches cover the two regions of Ukraine and Georgia, the former being to an internal audience and the latter to a foreign audience. Accompanied with examining the foundational myth, this dissertation also deliberates on how it is being utilized by Putin. In his reconstruction of a new Russia, one that synthesizes the old ideas of greatness alongside the new set of geopolitics. The aims to fulfill are: Firstly, to broaden our understanding of the present and future Russian geopolitics. Secondly, through usage of the myth to develop our understanding of the new environment surrounding hybrid warfare. And especially politics, in form of soft power, that play a significant role where insight can help prevent future conflicts. The method of analysis is of qualitative nature. Speech act by Austin and Searle is employed in order to gain an overview and enable the construction of semiotic squares, that in turn facilitate the actantial models by Greimas.
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Yilmaz, S. Harun. "Construction of national identities in Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan and Ukraine in Soviet historiography (1936-1953)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:5694552d-67e7-4d03-8011-cb01b1c8caa8.

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This dissertation aims to explain how Soviet national historiographies were constructed in Ukraine, Azerbaijan, and Kazakhstan, in 1936-1953 and what the political and ideological reasons were behind the way they were written. The dissertation aims to contribute to current scholarship on Soviet nationality policies; on Stalinist nation-building projects; and to the debate on whether the Soviet period was a project of developmentalist modernization or not. This dissertation aims to examine the process of national history writing in three republics from the local point of view, by using the local archival sources. For this research, archival materials that have been overlooked by scholars up to this point from the archives of the communist parties, academy of sciences, and central state archives in Kiev, Ukraine, Baku, Azerbaijan, and Almaty, Kazakhstan have been collected. The timeline starts with Zhdanov’s commission in 1936, which summoned historians and ideologues of the Communist Party in Moscow to write an all-Union history because a parallel campaign of writing national histories had been initialized by the local communist parties. The first two chapters cover the pre-war (1936-1941) period, when national histories were written after the demise of Pokrovskiian historiography. Although there was one ideology, there were different preferences in solving the problem of ethnogenesis, defining national heroes, and also different preferences among the sections of the past that national histories emphasized. The third chapter explains the construction of national histories during the war period (1941-1945). The chapter also presents how national histories were used for wartime propaganda. Finally, the last chapter is about the post-war discussions and the shift of emphasis from ‘national’ to ‘class’ that occurred in the non-Russian national narratives in the Zhdanovshchina period. While there was an ‘imperial design’ for the necessities of managing a multi-national state, the Soviet Union also appears as a modernization project for all three cases by constructing national narratives. Though non-Russian Soviet historiographies produced contradictory narratives in different decades, they also homogenized, codified and nationalized the narrative of the past. Regional, dynastic, religious, tribal figures and events incorporated into grandiose national narratives. Nations were primordialized and their national identities armed with spatial and temporal indigenousness within the borders of their national republics. Modern national identities of Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan and Ukraine gained from this homogenization and codification by the Soviet regime. Although modernism is not only about construction of national narratives, the latter points out the developmental and modernizing character of the Soviet period.
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Shivnani, Annushka. "The Perfect Storm: Failures of U.S. Foreign Policy and the Disintegration of U.S.-Russian Relations." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1711.

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This paper examines the broader relationship between the United States and Russia since the end of the Cold War. In recent years, relations between the U.S. and Russia have seriously deteriorated. This thesis lists the four most important contributing factors: ineffective reforms of the 1990s, NATO’s continued expansion, escalation in Ukraine, and the failure to jointly address the Syrian conflict. It argues that one major consequence of the strained relationship is a stronger Russia-China partnership. If Washington continues to ignore Russia’s security and economic interests, relations are likely to further decline, harming U.S. objectives in the long term. In order to improve relations, this thesis recommends that the U.S. transform its existing NATO policy, reverse sanctions, and reorient U.S. foreign policy to focus less on Russia’s non-democratic system of government and more on geopolitical issues, such as coordinating measures with Moscow to stabilize Syria.
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Козир, Юлія Анатоліївна, Юлия Анатольевна Козырь, and Yuliia Anatoliivna Kozyr. "Наукова думка в Росії щодо мас-медійного висвітлення сучасних українсько-російських відносин." Thesis, Сумський державний університет, 2016. http://essuir.sumdu.edu.ua/handle/123456789/49139.

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Стаття містить огляд опублікованих у Росії наукових праць про висвітлення в мас-медіа воєнного конфлікту між Україною й Росією. Розглядаються праці, видані з 2014 року включно.
The paper contains a review of research papers published in Russia since 2014, aimed to analyze the mass media coverage of the war conflict between Ukraine and Russia.
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Omerbasic, Anita. "I carry three pieces of metal in my body from the separatists : Ukrainian war veterans' experiences of the reintegration process and adjustment to civilian life." Thesis, Högskolan för lärande och kommunikation, Jönköping University, HLK, Globala studier, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-49185.

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The Donbas war in Ukraine has resulted in over 380,000 veterans who now have to reintegrate into civilian life again. What to do with former combatants has been on the agenda for many years since their reintegration plays a critical role in the transition from war to peace. Researchers have emphasized the relevancy of conducting more studies about how the veterans themselves experience the transition to civilian life. Therefore, this study which is based on ten qualitative in-depth interviews explores how Ukrainian war veterans experienced the reintegration process following the war in Donbas and how they adjusted their identities in the transition from military to civilian life.Through a thematic analytical approach and by using a theoretical framework related to identity adjustment processes their experiences were analysed. The results of this study show that although the extent to which the veterans are in need of assistance after deployment varies, all veterans did experience difficulties when returning to a civilian setting. The bureaucratic processes and media coverage of veterans were expressed to have the biggest negative impact. Female veterans had experiences that differed from their male counterparts both before deployment and during the transition phase. Moreover, all veterans to some extent experienced identity disruptions during the reintegration process. Ultimately, the ongoing war in Donbas is impacting the possibility for these veterans to fully move on and take on their civilian responsibilities. They continue to wait for the prospects of peace, both for their country and for themselves.
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Tyshchenko, Dmytro. "Evolução da política de vizinhança da União Europeia em relação à Ucrânia, Moldávia e Bielorrússia (2003-2014)." Doctoral thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/14425.

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Tese de Doutoramento em Ciências Sociais - especialidade de Relações Internacionais
A investigação junta-se à discussão vibrante nas ciências políticas sobre o desenvolvimento da Política Europeia de Vizinhança e da sua dimensão oriental. A política está baseada na abordagem regional da União Europeia. Portanto, a evolução da Parceria Oriental está profundamente dependente de políticas externas dos Estados-Membros e das instituições da UE. A tese também pretende estudar as relações bilaterais entre a UE e a Bielorrússia, a Moldávia e a Ucrânia. A Europa Oriental tem a importância significativa no subcontinente europeu. Nesse sentido, eu estudei ferramentas de influência da União Europeia e da Rússia no “Vizinhança Comum”, os instrumentos do poder brando e duro, também os projetos de integração de Moscovo e a guerra híbrida da Rússia. Além disso, participando na resolução das crises na Ucrânia e na Moldávia, a UE tem vindo a aumentar o seu potencial como ator político global. O desenvolvimento da tese baseia-se na análise dos dados empíricos, juntamente com abordagens teóricas, que são divididos em dois grupos – abordagens nucleares (neoliberalismo, neorrealismo e Normative Power Europe) e uma série de teorias complementares. Portanto, a investigação foi dividido em quatro capítulos, tentando descrever uma conexão e interdependência dessas áreas.
This dissertation joins a vibrant conversation in the political sciences about the development of the European Neighbourhood Policy and its Eastern dimension. The Policy stands on regional approach of the European Union. The evolution of the Eastern Partnership henceforth is profoundly dependent upon foreign policies of the Member States and the EU institutions. The thesis also intends to study the bilateral relations between the EU and Belarus, Moldova and Ukraine. Eastern Europe has а significant importance in the European subcontinent. In this sense, I studied tools of influence of the European Union and Russia in the “Shared Neighbourhood”, the soft and hard power instruments together with the Moscow-led integration projects and the hybrid war of Russia. Moreover, participating in the crisis settlement resolution in Ukraine and Moldova, the EU has been increasing its potential as a global political actor. The development of the proposal model of research is based upon the analysis of the empirical data together with theoretical approaches, which are divided into two groups – nuclear approaches (neo-liberalism, neo-realism and Normative Power Europe) and a range of complementary theories. Therefore, the study was divided into four chapters, trying to describe a connection and interdependence of these areas.
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Sitniece, Katrīna Marija. "The Power of Values in Determining Interstate Threat Perception." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-445527.

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Interstate threat perception plays a vital role in peace and conflict, having the potential to lead to pre-emptive war.  Despite the significance of the theme, little is known about the elements and mechanisms at play guiding threat perception at the state level. This study contributes to said gap by focusing on values as the driver of threat perception. The argument explores the regional constraints of threat perception, focusing on regional military interventions and their effects on the threat perception of the states within said region. Thus, the paper addresses the question of what role value congruence plays in interstate threat perception following a regional military intervention. The paper hypothesises that a higher perceived value congruence between the perceiving state and the intervening state lowers the degree of threat perception. Noting data limitations and isolation challenges, the study finds support for this hypothesis by exploring the case of 2014 Russian intervention in Ukraine and its effects on Belarus, Poland, and Sweden.
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Opoka, Iurii. "The international roles of Ukraine in the Euro-Atlantic Area." Doctoral thesis, 2019. https://depotuw.ceon.pl/handle/item/3436.

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The research tries to take a few steps back. It seeks comprehensive analysis of the reasons and determinants of the Ukrainian foreign policy and its place in the international arena. That is why a retrospective review of the Ukrainian actions, aspirations, intentions, and consequences for Ukraine and the international environment has been elaborated. The analysis of the international roles of Ukraine during 1991-2017 is an extensive panoramic view on the international behavior of the state. The subject of the study is international behavior of Ukraine, its determinants, logic, reasons, typologies, consequences, and roles. The research pays attention to the international roles of Ukraine in the Euro-Atlantic area. This geographical area in the research has a political aspect, that is why under consideration are states and international organizations operating in the region. Three main groups of roles were selected according to the International role theory: (1) roles expected from Ukraine, (2) roles declared by Ukraine, and (3) roles played by Ukraine. The main aim of the study is to synthesize three aforementioned groups of international roles of Ukraine and to analyze their effectiveness and specificity.
W niniejszym badaniu cofnięto się o kilka kroków w poszukiwaniu wszechstronnej analizy przyczyn i uwarunkowań polityki zagranicznej Ukrainy i jej miejsca na arenie międzynarodowej. W retrospektywny sposób dokonano analizy działań władz na Ukrainie, ich aspiracji, intencji i konsekwencji tych posunięć dla tego państwa i środowiska międzynarodowego. Analiza międzynarodowych ról Ukrainy w latach 1991-2017 jest obszernym, panoramicznym spojrzeniem na międzynarodowe zachowanie państwa. Przedmiotem niniejszych badań jest międzynarodowa aktywność Ukrainy: jej uwarunkowania, logika, przyczyny, typologie, konsekwencje i role. W pracy zwrócono uwagę na role międzynarodowe Ukrainy na obszarze euroatlantyckim. Obszar geograficzny jest tu rozumiany politycznie, więc pod uwagę brano państwa i organizacje międzynarodowe działające w regionie. Trzy główne grupy ról zostały wybrane zgodnie z ustaleniami teorii ról międzynarodowych: (1) role oczekiwane od Ukrainy, (2) role zadeklarowane przez Ukrainę i (3) role odgrywane przez Ukrainę. Głównym celem badania jest porównanie trzech wyżej wymienionych grup, oraz analiza ich skuteczności i specyfiki.
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Хренов, Олександр Миколайович. "Наративні джерела з історії російсько-української війни (2014-2019 рр.)." Магістерська робота, 2020. https://dspace.znu.edu.ua/jspui/handle/12345/1553.

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Хренов О. М. Наративні джерела з історії російсько-української війни (2014-2019 рр.) : кваліфікаційна робота магістра спеціальності 032 "Історія та археологія" освітньої програми "Історія" / наук. керівник С. М. Білівненко. Запоріжжя : ЗНУ, 2020. 97 с.
UA : Кваліфікаційна робота складається з 97 сторінок, містить джерел, монографії та статті. Об’єктом дослідження виступають наративні джерела пов’язані з російсько-українською війною. Предметом дослідження особливості інформативних можливостей наративних джерел з історії війни на сході України Мета роботи метою дослідження є збір та обробка спогадів які стосуються війни. Новизна роботи полягає в тому, що у постановці та розробці проблеми, яка не отримала раніше всебічного та ґрунтовного висвітлення в історичній науці було проведено вперше комплексне дослідження теми. Зроблено спроба проаналізувати наратив з історії війни на сході України, дати історичну оцінку та узагальнити їх. Висновки. Кожному етапу війни на сході України відповідає різні наративні джерела на першому етапі були притаманні публікації в ЗМІ, ведення інтернет блогів та відео фіксація то що відбувалося першій етап закінчився підписанням мінських домовленостей в вересні 2014 року. Другий етап був з перших мінських домовленостей до других тобто вересень 2014- лютий 2015 року вже в цей проміжок часу почнуть з’являтися перші наукові статі пов’язанні з наративними джерелами, а саме публікації, статі та перші видання спогадів бійців. Також починають з’являтися перші мемуари та публікуються щоденники. Хоча і залишається все те що було на першому етапі. Третій період триває від лютого 2015 до сьогодення йому характерне видання ґрунтовних праць науковців різних спеціальностей які пов’язані з наративними джерелами, багато документальних фільмів які знімали на сході України. В той же час ми зазначаємо що різні джерела дають нам більше інформації про те що відбувається на війні. Починаючі від активних бойових діє і до якихось побутових моментів які є повсякденністю солдатів на передовій.
EN : The qualifying work consists of pages, contains sources, monographs and articles. Key words: Ukraine, Russia, War, ATO, OOS, cargo 200, raid, DAP. The object of the study is narrative sources related to the Russo-Ukrainian war. The subject of research is the peculiarities of informative possibilities of narrative sources from the history of war in the east of Ukraine The aim is to make a work is to collect and process memories related to the war. The novelty of the work lies in the fact that, for the first time, a comprehensive study of the subject was conducted in the formulation and elaboration of a problem that did not receive comprehensive and thorough coverage in historical science before. An attempt has been made to analyze narratives from the history of war in eastern Ukraine, give a historical account and summarize them. Conclusions. Each stage of the war in eastern Ukraine has different narrative sources. The first stage was characterized by publications in the media, blogging and video recording of what happened, the first stage ended with the signing of the Minsk agreements in September 2014. The second stage was from the first Minsk arrangements to the second, ie September 2014 - February 2015, the first scientific articles related to narrative sources, namely publications, articles and the first editions of the soldiers' memoirs, will appear at this time. The first memoirs are beginning to appear and diaries are published. Although everything remains in the first stage. The third period lasts from February 2015 to the present, and is characterized by the publication of groundbreaking works by scholars of various specialties that are related to narrative sources, many documentaries filmed in eastern Ukraine. At the same time, we note that various sources give us more information about what is going on in the war. Starting from active combat to some everyday life that is the everyday life of soldiers on the front line.
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Books on the topic "Bookon russia ukraine war"

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Kasińska-Metryka, Agnieszka, and Karolina Pałka-Suchojad. The Russia-Ukraine War of 2022. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003341994.

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Fedor, Julie, Markku Kangaspuro, Jussi Lassila, and Tatiana Zhurzhenko, eds. War and Memory in Russia, Ukraine and Belarus. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-66523-8.

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Kuzio, Taras. Ukraine. ABC-CLIO, LLC, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9798216028833.

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A definitive contemporary political, economic, and cultural history from a leading international expert, this is the first single-volume work to survey and analyze Soviet and post-Soviet Ukrainian history since 1953 as the basis for understanding the nation today. Ukraine dominated international headlines as the Euromaidan protests engulfed Ukraine in 2013–2014 and Russia invaded the Crimea and the Donbas, igniting a new Cold War. Written from an insider's perspective by the leading expert on Ukraine, this book analyzes key domestic and external developments and provides an understanding as to why the nation's future is central to European security. In contrast with traditional books that survey a millennium of Ukrainian history, author Taras Kuzio provides a contemporary perspective that integrates the late Soviet and post-Soviet eras. The book begins in 1953 when Soviet leader Joseph Stalin died during the Cold War and carries the story to the present day, showing the roots of a complicated transition from communism and the weight of history on its relations with Russia. It then goes on to examine in depth key aspects of Soviet and post-Soviet Ukrainian politics; the drive to independence, Orange Revolution, and Euromaidan protests; national identity; regionalism and separatism; economics; oligarchs; rule of law and corruption; and foreign and military policies. Moving away from a traditional dichotomy of "good pro-Western" and "bad pro-Russian" politicians, this volume presents an original framework for understanding Ukraine's history as a series of historic cycles that represent a competition between mutually exclusive and multiple identities. Regionally diverse contemporary Ukraine is an outgrowth of multiple historical Austrian-Hungarian, Polish, Russian, and especially Soviet legacies, and the book succinctly integrates these influences with post-Soviet Ukraine, determining the manner in which political and business elites and everyday Ukrainians think, act, operate, and relate to the outside world.
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Robert, Prof John. Russia and Ukraine War: Hidden Facts about Russia-Ukraine War. Independently Published, 2022.

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The Life of Tolka. Canada: Poetry World Org, 2023.

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Jr, Reed Craig A. Russia-Ukraine War Factbook. Military Miniature Press, 2022.

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BLAKE, O. P. E. Real War; Russia Ukraine War : Real War: Russia Ukraine Nato Conflict Front Line. Independently Published, 2022.

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Martin, Jim T. RUSSIA vs UKRAINE- Russia Committing War Crimes. Independently Published, 2022.

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Kibita, Nataliya. The Institutional Foundations of Ukrainian Democracy. Oxford University PressOxford, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/9780191925351.001.0001.

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Abstract Ukraine and Russia are today at opposite ends of the political spectrum. Despite 300 years of full submersion into Russian authoritarian system, Ukraine has rejected authoritarianism. To explain why and how Ukraine’s road diverged from Russia’s, this monograph investigates the origins of regionalism in Ukraine, which is at the foundation of the Ukrainian institutional system. ‘Weak centre, strong regions’ was characteristic of both Ukraine and Russia in the early post-Soviet years. However, what was a detour for Russia was a long-standing framework in Ukraine. The story follows the relationship between Moscow, Kyiv, and the Ukrainian regions in the period from spring 1917 to summer 1994. Based on new archival material and guided by the theory of institutions, the book examines how interlinked political and economic incentives and constraints determined the opportunities and institutional interests of the Ukrainian leadership and the Ukrainian regions, and how the institutional framework affected the dynamic of the relationship between the central leadership in Moscow, the Ukrainian leadership, and the regions. It shows that, once established, the configuration of ‘weak centre, strong regions’ did not change, even when the Soviet centralized party-state system collapsed. The failure of the Ukrainian leadership to reconfigure the interplay of incentives and constraints that dictated the behaviour of the Ukrainian regions determined not only the insignificance of the disintegration of the Soviet system, but also the institutional weakness of the new Ukrainian executive branch and the failure by President Kravchuk to establish some form of authoritarian rule.
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Polonsky, Antony. Jews in Poland and Russia: A Short History. Liverpool University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781906764395.001.0001.

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For many centuries Poland and Russia formed the heartland of the Jewish world: right up to the Second World War, the area was home to over 40 per cent of the world's Jews. Yet the history of their Jewish communities is not well known. This book recreates this lost world, beginning with Jewish economic, cultural and religious life, including the emergence of hasidism. By the late eighteenth century, other factors had come into play: with the onset of modernization there were government attempts to integrate and transform the Jews, and the stirrings of Enlightenment led to the growth of the Haskalah movement. The book looks at developments in each area in turn: the problems of emancipation, acculturation, and assimilation in Prussian and Austrian Poland; the politics of integration in the Kingdom of Poland; and the failure of forced integration in the tsarist empire. It shows how the deterioration in the position of the Jews between 1881 and 1914 encouraged a range of new movements as well as the emergence of modern Hebrew and Yiddish literature. It also examines Jewish urbanization and the rise of Jewish mass culture. The final part, starting from the First World War and the establishment of the Soviet Union, looks in turn at Poland, Lithuania, and the Soviet Union up to the Second World War. It reviews Polish–Jewish relations during the war and examines the Soviet record in relation to the Holocaust. The final chapters deal with the Jews in the Soviet Union and in Poland since 1945, concluding with an epilogue on the Jews in Poland, Lithuania, Belarus, Ukraine, and Russia since the collapse of communism.
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Book chapters on the topic "Bookon russia ukraine war"

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Prokop, Maryana. "Russia – Ukraine." In The Russia-Ukraine War of 2022, 6–21. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003341994-2.

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Jach, Anna, Elżbieta Kużelewska, and Agnieszka Legucka. "Russia." In The Russia-Ukraine War of 2022, 22–39. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003341994-3.

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Fedorchak, Viktoriya. "Combatants." In The Russia-Ukraine War, 61–80. London: Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003351641-5.

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Fedorchak, Viktoriya. "The maritime domain." In The Russia-Ukraine War, 120–37. London: Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003351641-8.

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Fedorchak, Viktoriya. "The resilience of the Ukrainian people." In The Russia-Ukraine War, 159–73. London: Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003351641-10.

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Fedorchak, Viktoriya. "Analytical framework." In The Russia-Ukraine War, 4–22. London: Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003351641-2.

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Fedorchak, Viktoriya. "Introduction." In The Russia-Ukraine War, 1–3. London: Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003351641-1.

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Fedorchak, Viktoriya. "Final considerations." In The Russia-Ukraine War, 195–214. London: Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003351641-12.

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Fedorchak, Viktoriya. "The air domain." In The Russia-Ukraine War, 100–119. London: Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003351641-7.

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Fedorchak, Viktoriya. "International military assistance." In The Russia-Ukraine War, 174–94. London: Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003351641-11.

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Conference papers on the topic "Bookon russia ukraine war"

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Joshi, Manika, Nishi, Ritu Rani, Nidhi Bisla, Arun Sharma, and Amita Dev. "Twitter and the Ukraine-Russia War: An Examination." In 2023 IEEE 4th Annual Flagship India Council International Subsections Conference (INDISCON). IEEE, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/indiscon58499.2023.10270120.

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Dutta, S., A. Bhattacharya, Y. Totaj, A. Beluli, D. Samanta, and B. P. Etemi. "Twitter-based sentiment analysis on Russia-Ukraine war." In 4th International Conference on Distributed Sensing and Intelligent Systems (ICDSIS 2023). Institution of Engineering and Technology, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1049/icp.2024.0489.

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Singh, Gursimran, and H. B. Acharya. "POSTER: A Cyberspace Study of the Russia-Ukraine War." In ASIA CCS '23: ACM ASIA Conference on Computer and Communications Security. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3579856.3592822.

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HUBATKA, Slavomír, Branislav BUĽKO, Dana BARICOVÁ, Peter DEMETER, and Lukáš FOGARAŠ. "Impact of Russia-Ukraine war on European steel production." In METAL 2022. TANGER Ltd., 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.37904/metal.2022.4445.

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Pathinayake, Nilani, Lasitha Kulatileke, Chethana Hettiarachchi, Sachira Yapa, and Supunmali Ahangama. "Sentiment Analysis of Tweets on the Russia-Ukraine War." In 2024 4th International Conference on Advanced Research in Computing (ICARC). IEEE, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/icarc61713.2024.10499745.

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Krivičić, Armin, and Sanda Martinčić-Ipšić. "Analyzing Sentiment of Reddit Posts for the Russia-Ukraine War." In 2023 46th MIPRO ICT and Electronics Convention (MIPRO). IEEE, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.23919/mipro57284.2023.10159986.

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Ishchuk, Andrii. "CURRENT STATE OF EXTERNAL MIGRATION CAUSED BY RUSSIA-UKRAINE WAR." In RICERCHE SCIENTIFICHE E METODI DELLA LORO REALIZZAZIONE: ESPERIENZA MONDIALE E REALTÀ DOMESTICHE. European Scientific Platform, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.36074/logos-03.03.2023.01.

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Trochan, Jozef. "Vojnový konflikt na Ukrajine: príčiny, charakter a scenáre možného vývoja." In Národná a medzinárodná bezpečnosť. Akadémia ozbrojených síl generála Milana Rastislava Štefánika, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.52651/nmb.c.2023.9788080406516.424-434.

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The Russia-Ukraine war conflict has been triggered by several contributing factors and has gone on toward registering negative impacts across the Europe and world. On February 24, 2022, the Russia started a large-scale military aggression against Ukraine, moving from covert hybrid to overt war. Findings suggest that the main reasons for Russia’s war against Ukraine are: geopolitical, imperial, civilization, existential, personal and psychological. Possible scenarios of this war conflict include the long-lasting attrition war, defeat of Russia and restoration of the territory of Ukraine or miscalculation.
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"Political and Economic Implications of the Russia-Ukraine War for Nigeria." In International Conference on Accounting, Business, Economics and Politics. Tishk International University, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.23918/icabep2023p21.

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Rizojeva Silava, Aleksandra, and Sandija Zeverte-Rivza. "IMPACT OF RUSSIA-UKRAINE WAR ON DAIRY SECTOR IN THE BALTIC STATES." In 10th SWS International Scientific Conferences on SOCIAL SCIENCES - ISCSS 2023. SGEM WORLD SCIENCE, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.35603/sws.iscss.2023/s03.17.

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The Russian invasion of Ukraine that has occurred between two of the largest exporters of food and energy in the world has had an impact to global energy and food industry in 2022. One of the biggest industries that was affected by this war is the dairy industry. The dairy industry is one of the most important agricultural industries apart from grain production in the Baltic States - Latvia, Estonia and Lithuania. And the Russia- Ukraine war has had and is further impacting dairy sector in the Baltic States. Simulation models are often used in the preparation of sectors outlooks and one of them is the AGMEMOD model. AGMEMOD model is an econometric and dynamic model with which it is possible to make projections and simulations to assess agricultural support instruments, programs, and policies at European Union level and at individual Member States level. The AGMEMOD model allows to analyse the current situation in dairy sector and create a projection based on it for the specified time periods. One of the main factors that were affected by the war is milk price. This factor is very important for dairy industry and will be analysed in the AGMEMOD model. The purpose of this study is to analyse impact of Russia-Ukraine war on milk price in the Baltic States using the AGMEMOD model. To reach these purposes, research tasks were set which helped to analyse the key factors of the dairy sector in Baltic States and the operation of the AGMEMOD model.
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Reports on the topic "Bookon russia ukraine war"

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Rice, Brendan, Manuel A. Hernandez, Joseph W. Glauber, and Rob Vos. The Russia-Ukraine war is exacerbating international food price volatility. Washington, DC: International Food Policy Research Institute, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.2499/9780896294394_04.

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Auers, Daunis. The Russia-Ukraine War and Right-Wing Populism in Latvia. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), March 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0023.

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Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has profoundly impacted Latvia’s politics, economy and society. It also moved Latvia’s political centre to the right and mainstreamed many of the core policy positions of the dominant Radical Right National Alliance (NA), such as squeezing the Russian language from the public sphere, dismantling the publicly-funded Russian-language school system, and demolishing Soviet-era monuments. This policy shift has been made possible by the NA’s gradual political mainstreaming over the last decade (it has been in a governing coalition since 2011) and long-standing opposition to Putin’s regime, as well as existing contacts and support for Ukrainian nationalist groups. As a result, there is a public perception that the NA was “right” about Russia. As the NA has mainstreamed and abandoned its populist rhetoric, new populist parties have emerged in Latvia. Parliamentary elections in October 2022 saw new “Latvian” (the Latvia First Party, LPV) and “Russian” (Stability! or S!) populist parties elected to parliament. The LPV largely refused to engage with the war, focusing on domestic economic issues, while S! has capitalized on the “we are for peace” niche left open by other parties’ denunciation of Russia’s invasion.
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Harangozó, Dániel. Serbia and the Russia–Ukraine War: Implications and Challenges I. Külügyi és Külgazdasági Intézet, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.47683/kkielemzesek.ke-2022.63.

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The outbreak of the Russia–Ukraine war in February 2022 has had a marked effect on the Western Balkan region. Among the countries of this region, Serbia is in a unique situation due to its military neutrality, and the fact that it follows a balancing foreign policy between the Western powers on the one hand, and Russia, Turkey, and China on the other hand, also maintaining close political and security ties with these three powers. The present paper reviews the challenges that have faced the country since the outbreak of the war in terms foreign, security, and defence policy. It answers three questions: how Serbian foreign policy has reacted to the international sanctions on Russia enacted in the wake of the invasion, what challenges Serbian military neutrality or non- alignment has faced since the outbreak of the war, and how the war and international sanctions have affected Serbian-Russian defence cooperation.
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Harangozó, Dániel. Serbia and the Russia–Ukraine War: Implications and Challenges II. Külügyi és Külgazdasági Intézet, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.47683/kkielemzesek.ke-2022.65.

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The outbreak of the Russia-Ukraine war in February 2022 has had a marked effect on the Western Balkan region. Among the countries of this region, Serbia is in a unique situation due to its military neutrality, and the fact that it follows a balancing foreign policy between the Western powers on the one hand, and Russia, Turkey, and China on the other hand, also maintaining close political, economic, and security ties with the latter two powers. The second part of the paper continues to review the consequences and challenges of the war on Serbia by examining the energy domain. Russian exposure in Serbia’s energy sector, apart from the near-total reliance on Moscow for gas imports, is compounded by the fact that the most important oil company of the country, Naftna Industrija Srbije (NIS) is majority-owned by Gazprom Group. As with other countries in the Central and Eastern European region as well as wider Europe, the diversification of sources and decreasing the reliance on Russian energy will take considerable time for Serbia. Cooperation both with Serbia’s neighbours and the countries of the region (e.g. Bulgaria and Greece) will play a significant role in the diversification of both sources and supply routes.
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Učeň, Peter. The Russia–Ukraine War and the Radicalization of Political Discourse in Slovakia. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), March 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0029.

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The report opens with a reflection on the political actors who have been labelled and analysed as populists in the modern history of Slovakia. Then, it assesses the impact of the Russian aggression in Ukraine by taking into account the broader group of radical challengers to the liberal-democratic notion of “politics as usual” in Slovakia who operate beyond the populist Radical Right. Overall, the report finds that while the Russia–Ukraine war has contributed to the radicalization of the public discourse in Slovakia, it has not engendered new populist or radical actors nor caused notable changes in the ideational profiles and political strategies of existing ones.
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Sunnercrantz, Liv. The impact of the Russia–Ukraine war on right-wing populism in Norway. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), March 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0025.

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The political right-wing populism topography in Norway has for decades been dominated by the Norwegian Progress Party, which is characterized by a combination of social-conservative values like nativism combined with market liberalism. However, following the invasion of Ukraine, it is not issues of security and sovereignty that take centre stage in the Progress Party’s discourse but high energy prices. As a fossil fuel producer, Norway profits from the ensuing energy crisis and Europe’s search for other energy providers than Russia. These profits, the Progress Party argues, are unduly awarded to the state treasury while “ordinary people” and entrepreneurs struggle. Populism thus appears in Norway as a way for a right-wing opposition party to challenge the centre-left government.
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Ivaldi, Gilles, and Emilia Zankina. The impact of the Russia–Ukraine War on right-wing populism in Europe. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), March 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0010.

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This report has examined the impact of the Russian invasion of Ukraine on the state of the pan-European populist Radical Right. Such parties are generally considered admirers of Russia and Vladimir Putin’s regime and ties between the Kremlin and the European populist Radical Right parties have grown stronger over the last decade. Because of such ties, the Russian invasion of Ukraine has presented new challenges for radical right-wing populist parties, putting many of them under strain and forcing them to adapt to the new context produced by the war. In this report, we have asked how such parties have navigated the new context produced by the war and the impact it may have had on them, both nationally and at the EU level. Special attention has been paid to the reactions of right-wing populist parties to this war and the political and electoral consequences of the conflict for such parties. The analysis in this report includes a total of 37 populist Radical Right parties across 12 West European and 10 East European countries, plus Turkey.
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Lahti, Yannick, and Emilia Palonen. The impact of the Russia–Ukraine war on right-wing populism in Finland. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), March 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0018.

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As Finland’s neighbour, Russia, attacked its neighbour, Ukraine, the response across the political spectrum in Finland was universal. All the parties underscored the importance of patriotism and sovereignty and messages of solidarity and support for Ukraine (alongside condemnation of Russia). Support for Putin or the war is basically non-existent in Finland. Still, the Finns Party (FP), which is part of the populist Radical Right milieu in Finland, polls extremely well. Moreover, groups combining anti-COVID-19 measures with pro-Putin leanings have registered as political parties in preparation for elections in spring 2023. Still, their combined support is in single digits. The concrete consequences of the war include a U-turn in foreign policy from long-standing neutrality to NATO membership, with all parties—including the FP—supporting the government’s pending application to join alongside neighbouring Sweden. Interestingly, as the conflict heated up in early 2022, “Niikkogate”—a scandal in which a parliamentary committee chair from the FP was replaced after tweeting pro-Kremlin sentiments—has indicated the degree of pro-Ukraine support across the political spectrum.
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Jakobson, Mari-Liis, and Andres Kasekamp. The impact of the Russia-Ukraine War on right-wing populism in Estonia. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), March 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0017.

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For years, Estonia was an outlier in the European populist Radical Right scene, with no party being elected to parliament. This changed with the electoral breakthrough of the Estonian Conservative People’s Party (EKRE) in 2015. Currently, EKRE is the second-most popular party in Estonia, with roughly 20% support and is expected to achieve a record result in the general election in March 2023. Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has created opportunities and challenges for EKRE to increase its support. The war has offered EKRE fresh opportunities on several fronts. First, it has amped up its nativist agenda with claims that “mass immigration” of Ukrainian refugees will make ethnic Estonians a minority in their own land. Second, it has found fertile soil for populist messaging, given voters’ economic insecurities, accusing the establishment of incompetence in managing the high inflation and energy prices. EKRE is in the paradoxical situation of being an Estonian nationalist party attempting to appeal to Estonia’s sizeable Russian minority, which shares its “traditional family values”, Euroscepticism, anti-establishment grievances, and resentment of Ukrainian refugees. Several factors could explain the party’s current positioning, including EKRE’s interest in blaming the war’s economic effects on the government’s incompetence, the party’s anti-establishment inclination in a context of a broad foreign policy consensus, and its interest in courting Russian-speaking voters.
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Zankina, Emilia. Pro-Russia or anti-Russia: Political dilemmas and dynamics in Bulgaria in the context of the war in Ukraine. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), March 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0012.

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The war in Ukraine has had a serious impact on Bulgaria, both politically and economically. Bulgaria shares historically strong ties with Russia, and at least a third, if not half, of Bulgarians harbour deeply rooted pro-Russian sentiments. Although Sofia eventually supported sanctions against Moscow, sent humanitarian and military aid to Kyiv, and accepted Ukrainian refugees, key political actors in Bulgaria have vehemently opposed such decisions. Particular opposition has come from the Bulgarian Socialist Party (BSP), the successor to the communist party, Bulgaria’s incumbent president, and at least one populist Radical Right party—Vazrazhdane or Revival—whose support has grown significantly since the start of the war. In the process, Revival and its leaders have managed to capitalize on the nationalist vote and pro-Russian attitudes in the country, almost entirely wiping out voter support for the more established Far Right parties.
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