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Journal articles on the topic 'Böckenförde'

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Published: 10 March 2023

Last updated: 11 March 2023

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1

Somek, Alexander. "The European Model of Transnational Democracy: A Tribute to Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde." German Law Journal 19, no. 2 (May 1, 2018): 435–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200022756.

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Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde is one of the most eminent German constitutional theorists of the twentieth century. The following article connects with two themes that reappear in Böckenförde's writings. The first theme, which Böckenförde actually borrowed from Hermann Heller, is that democracy presupposes “relative homogeneity.” The second theme is that there would not be any principal objection against Europe growing into a nation state.

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2

Michaels, Ralf. "Böckenförde Theorem and Burqa Ban." German Law Journal 19, no. 2 (May 1, 2018): 321–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200022719.

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When France and Belgium banned face veils in 2010 and 2011, they were the first European countries to do so in a comprehensive matter. Now Austria has its own ban, Denmark is on track to have one too, and several other countries are toying with the idea. Such bans are often considered incompatible with the rights of veil wearers (especially Muslim women). Less prominent is the question whether such bans are incompatible with the modern state.Such a critique can be grounded on the work of the leading German constitutional law scholar Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde and his famous dictum, according to which “[t]he liberal, secularized state draws its life from preconditions it cannot itself guarantee.” For Böckenförde, this means that headscarves, a different type of veil, cannot be banned—not because this would violate a woman's rights, but because it would undermine the very character of the state itself.The article transposes this argument from the German discourse over headscarves to the European discourse over face veils. It demonstrates the potential of Böckenförde's dictum for the face veil debate, but also its limitations.

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3

Suntrup, Jan Christoph. "From Emergency Politics to Authoritarian Constitutionalism? The Legal and Political Costs of EU Financial Crisis Management." German Law Journal 19, no. 2 (May 1, 2018): 375–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200022732.

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In his lecture onThe Repressed State of Emergency, Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde argues for the constitutional possibility of a partial superimposition of certain laws in times of emergency. Repressing the state of emergency would ultimately lead to greater and more permanent damage to the rule of law and liberal rights. This warning bears some similarities to Giorgio Agamben's analysis of the emergence of a permanent state of emergency, which loses the feature of exceptionality by becoming “the dominant paradigm of government in contemporary politics.” Agamben thus proposes a shift from structure to practice, which focuses on the features of emergency politics instead of states of exceptions. The European Union's recent financial crisis is a promising object of research in this regard. After a brief discussion of Böckenförde's illuminating lecture on the repressed state of emergency, this Article will analyze a comment written by Böckenförde at the beginning of the Euro crisis. While this comment has sometimes been interpreted as an unconditional defense of unlawful emergency measures, a closer look at this statement reveals a much more nuanced argumentation. Böckenförde concurs with other legal scholars—such as Paul Kirchhof—in emphasizing the danger of an erosion of the rule of law through illegal measures. Böckenförde's intervention, however, leaves room for interpretation that this emergency action could—in principle and under specific circumstances—nevertheless be legitimate, although he was critical towards the handling of the crisis. On a more general level, this Article will discuss if the suspension of law can ever save the legal order it disregards. Next, the legality of EU crisis management—which has not been judged unanimously—will be scrutinized. At least, the circumvention and adaptation of EU primary law involved in this management has crucially changed the law of “normal affairs.” Finally, this Article will argue that the managerial style of emergency politics challenges the EU's project of “integration through law,” hollows out democratic procedures, and enforces, with its one-sided austerity policy, a form of economic integration that bears strong traces of an “authoritarian constitutionalism.”

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4

Shankar, Shylashri. "The State of Emergency in India: Böckenförde's Model in a Sub-National Context." German Law Journal 19, no. 2 (May 1, 2018): 197–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200022665.

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The Constitution of India envisages three types of emergencies: A national emergency; a state emergency (in the federal setup, regions are called states in India, and the central government has the power to impose an emergency if there is a breakdown of law and order in that state); and a financial emergency. The problem the State faces is how it can respond effectively to exceptional situations without casting its adherence to the rule of law into question.“ Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde offers a set of solutions within a model structure anchored in constitutional laws. The model structure, which applies at the federal level, advocates a separation between the authorizing agency—the political wing—and the implementation agency, as well as creating a distinction between a ”law“ and a ”measure,“ and between a most extreme and a merely difficult situation. By focusing on the actions of the higher judiciary in India, this Article tests whether the safeguards in Böckenförde's model structure function at the sub-national state level in a very different geography and context. The results highlight the concern that the dynamics of democracy and the reality of how political power is garnered in a federal Westminster style framework effectively stymie the procedural innovations introduced by Böckenförde's model by creating conditions, not for fair play, but for subverting the spirit of the law. Even the procedures outlined by Böckenförde—such as an emphasis on making the agent who holds the emergency powers a political, and not merely an administrative organization—accentuates, rather than mitigates, this problem.

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5

Collings, Justin. "Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde on Constitutional Judging in a Democracy." German Law Journal 19, no. 2 (May 1, 2018): 161–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200022653.

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This Article explores Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde's views about constitutional judging in a democracy. It offers three ideal types of constitutional judging, each drawn from the extra-judicial writings of prominent constitutional judges who represent it. The three types are: (1)the prophet, who views the constitution as visionary and value-laden, and who entertains an expansive view of the judge's role in giving voice and validity to that vision and those values; (2)the essayist, who shares the prophet's sense of the vast scope and myriad resources of constitutional judging, but who, lacking the prophet's confidence in getting such bewilderingly difficult questions right, approaches constitutional judging cautiously, skeptically, and deferentially; and (3)the executor, who views constitutional judging as the effort to discern the constitution's concrete, limited content, and to enforce that content unflinchingly. Böckenförde, the Article argues, was an executor—one who shared many interpretive commitments with the two most prominent executors in the American constitutional tradition: Hugo Black and, especially, the late Antonin Scalia.

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6

Hörcher, Ferenc. "Natural law, human dignity and tradition of Böckenförde’s catholic political theology, from a conservative viewpoint." Pro Publico Bono - Magyar Közigazgatás 9, no. 2 (November 24, 2021): 86–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.32575/ppb.2021.2.5.

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This paper aims to show the connection between ideas on natural law, human dignity and tradition in the legal-political thought of Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde, an influential earlier judge of Germany’s Federal Constitutional Court. It starts out from the Catholic background of the legal theorist, and his close connection to Carl Schmitt, probably the most charismatic legal thinker of the age, who, however, burnt himself by his support of the Nazi regime. Böckenförde was politically closest to the Social Democrats, yet political theology remained crucial for his legal thought. His interpretation of the German Grundgesetz was founded on a very strong, universalist interpretation of the concept of human dignity, which he took as the most important, founding value in the value catalogue of the Basic Law. Although not a conservative, Böckenförde also claimed that in a specific legal sense, tradition also plays a major role in legal interpretation. He took over from the writings of his brother, the theologian Werner, the idea that tradition and reception can serve as checks on the way natural law is interpreted. All in all, as Böckenförde points out, the three concepts (natural law, human dignity and tradition) provide a strong foundation for legal and constitutional interpretation.

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7

Rivers, Julian. "Counter-Extremism, Fundamental Values and the Betrayal of Liberal Democratic Constitutionalism." German Law Journal 19, no. 2 (May 1, 2018): 267–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200022690.

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Over the course of the last three years, British Government counter-terrorism policy has shifted significantly to embrace “counter-extremism.” This is justified not only in terms of addressing the underlying causes of terrorism, but also in its own right as addressing the “harm” of extremism. These proposals raise fundamental questions about the limits of religious and other civil liberties. However, the problem of extremism is not new. The German public intellectual and constitutional lawyer Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde reflected extensively on the same problem in the context of German responses to left-wing radicalism in the mid-1970s. His work touched on both concrete legal problems as well as fundamental philosophical assumptions about the nature, characteristics, and limits of the liberal democratic constitutional state. In this article, I seek to retrieve his ideas and arguments for the current British context. I argue that the current discourse of extremism and fundamental British values risks being used as a vehicle for promoting a “progressive” public ideology of individual self-creation. This fails to take moral and religious diversity seriously, and its implementation betrays the foundations of the liberal democratic constitution. It provides striking confirmation of Böckenförde's thesis that the liberal state is perennially prone to a totalitarian tendency to seek to generate its own distinctive ethical community. As Böckenförde recognized, what is needed instead is the recovery of a thin common morality of civic loyalty as shown pre-eminently in obedience to law.

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8

Künkler, Mirjam, and Tine Stein. "Statism, Secularism, Liberalism - Böckenförde's Contributions to German Staatsrechtslehre in the Light of Contemporary Challenges within and beyond the State." German Law Journal 19, no. 2 (May 1, 2018): 137–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200022641.

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This introduction lays out the rationale behind the special issue examining Böckenförde's concepts and arguments in light of contemporary crises of democracy. Considering the enormous challenges facing democracies today, how should one judge Böckenförde's optimistic view of the regulatory capabilities of the state? Is it irrelevant, given the de facto power of both supra- and non-state actors? Or does Böckenförde's view still possess explanatory value, as the state remains the most important political unit? The article consists of two parts. First, Böckenförde will be introduced as a thinker whose work centred on questions of statism, liberalism and secularism. He paid special attention to the relation between politics and religion in contexts of democratic statehood. In addition to his interest in these themes, his understanding of the constitution and constitutional interpretation will be sketched. Second, we will introduce the three topoi on which the articles of this special issue focus: Böckenförde's insistence that the state of exception ought to be constitutionalised by exploring the relevance of this proposition in four different jurisdictions; whether his model of democratic secularism as open encompassing neutrality can serve as a useful starting point to manage religious and social diversity; the future of Europe. Against this backdrop, the conclusion then aims to connect Böckenförde's ideas on relative homogeneity with the contemporary crises of democracy.

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9

Staff, Ilse. "Kompetenzerweiterung des Bundesverfassungsgerichts durch Böckenförde." Kritische Justiz 32, no. 1 (1999): 103–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0023-4834-1999-1-103.

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10

Schlink, Bernhard. "Der Lehrer Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde." Der Staat 58, no. 3 (July 1, 2019): 441–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/staa.58.3.441.

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11

Voßkuhle, Andreas. "Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde als Verfassungsrichter." Der Staat 58, no. 3 (July 1, 2019): 451–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/staa.58.3.451.

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12

Rennert, Klaus. "Böckenförde als Verfassungsrichter – ein Werkstattbericht." Der Staat 58, no. 3 (July 1, 2019): 475–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/staa.58.3.475.

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13

Jouanjan, Olivier. "Demokratska vladavina prava." Zbornik radova Pravnog fakulteta u Splitu 56, no. 1 (February 26, 2019): 87–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.31141/zrpfs.2019.56.131.87.

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In Europe, democracy has a bright future. Not one democratic mechanism, however direct, cannot guarantee direct democracy. Therefore, the theory of populism by theoretician Carl Schmitt is analyzed « thoughts on Schmitt against Schmitt : Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde“. Furthermore, the democratic myth is discussed and its ideology. The state of rule of law of modern democracy and the two faces of modern democracy are analyzed. The need to participate in civil society in administrative control is stressed. The relation of the tension between democracy and rule of law is observed. The need to consider the concept of considering modern democracy in relation to the idea of rule of law, democracies under conditions of modern politics on the basis of which Böckenförde, referring to Hegel, calls the problem „division “are emphasized. It is precisely from this problem that Böckenförde shows that modern democracy can only be representative. Representation is a fundamental principle of the rule of law while representation means a system of formation necessary for expressing the political will of the people. Every formation of the collective process means the introduction of standards of procedure, significant guarantees and formal conditions of this process.

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14

Meier, Heinrich. "Eine Erinnerung an Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde." Der Staat 58, no. 3 (July 1, 2019): 481–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/staa.58.3.481.

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15

Gosewinkel, Dieter. "Geschichtlichkeit des Rechts – Recht in der Geschichte. Zum Werk Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenfördes (1930–2019)." Historische Zeitschrift 310, no. 3 (June 1, 2020): 569–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/hzhz-2020-0018.

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ZusammenfassungWelche Bedeutung haben die Rechts- und Geschichtswissenschaft füreinander? Diese Frage stellte sich Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde, der Staatsrechtler und Historiker, in seinem juristischen, verfassungshistorischen und rechtsphilosophischen Werk. Böckenförde zielte darauf, zwei Disziplinen, die in der institutionellen Auffächerung seit dem 19. Jahrhundert auseinandergestrebt waren, in einem gemeinsamen Interesse an der Erklärung von Zusammenhängen in der „Geschichte politisch-sozialer Entwicklungen“ zusammenzuführen. Er fügte dabei methodische Perspektiven und theoretische Ansätze zusammen, die viele Historiker trennten: die politische Geschichte und die Sozialgeschichte, die Geschichte des Rechts und die der Gesellschaft. Für ihn waren dies durch ein übergreifendes Erkenntnisinteresse an „Strukturen“ und „Ordnungsproblemen“ miteinander zu verbindende Gegenstandsbereiche. In Anlehnung an Otto Brunner stellte Böckenförde Juristen und Historikern die gemeinsame Aufgabe, die „politisch-soziale Bauform einer Zeit“ zu begreifen. Diesen Anspruch löste er durch einen seiner Zeit vorausweisenden hermeneutisch-wissenschaftsgeschichtlichen Zugang zum Staatsrecht wie zur Verfassungsgeschichte ein sowie in grundlegenden Beiträgen zu den „Geschichtlichen Grundbegriffen“ und zur Geschichte der Rechts- und Staatsphilosophie. Ein wissenschaftliches Vermächtnis des im Februar 2019 verstorbenen Gelehrten liegt in der tiefen Einsicht in die Geschichtlichkeit und damit Zeitgebundenheit aller staatlich-rechtlichen Ordnung: Deshalb müssen Juristen die vermeintliche Überzeitlichkeit ihrer normativen Arbeitsgrundlagen in Frage stellen und Historiker das Recht als zentralen Gegenstand ihrer Wissenschaft begreifen. Ansonsten verstehen sie weder ihre Geschichte noch ihre Gegenwart.

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16

Kirchhof, Paul. "Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde: Vom Ethos der Juristen." Archiv des öffentlichen Rechts 137, no. 1 (2012): 151. http://dx.doi.org/10.1628/000389112799887594.

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17

Jestaedt, Matthias. "Glückwunsch Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde zum 80. Geburtstag." JuristenZeitung 65, no. 18 (2010): 890. http://dx.doi.org/10.1628/jz-2010-0021.

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18

Brunnhuber, Stefan. "Böckenförde 2.0: Offene Gesellschaften und autokratische Experimente." Rechtsphilosophie 5, no. 3 (2019): 326–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/2364-1355-2019-3-326.

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19

Nicoletti, Michele. "Sur la théologie politique d’Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde." Société, droit et religion Numéro6, no. 1 (2016): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/sdr.006.0001.

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20

Cristi, Renato. "Carl Schmitt on Sovereignty and Constituent Power." Canadian Journal of Law & Jurisprudence 10, no. 1 (January 1997): 189–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0841820900000308.

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Schmitt's Verfassungslehre stands as perhaps the most systematic and least circumstantial of his works. While his production is marked, on the whole, by an extraordinary sensitivity toward his own concrete situation, leading at one point to an unbounded and shameless opportunism, this particular work seems to rise above the political fray, reflecting possibly the mood of 1928, which marks the halcyon days of the Weimar republic. Recently, Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde has tried to shake off the Verfassungslehre from its composed academic bearing by relating its argument to the polemical friend/enemy theory developed by Schmitt in his Der Begriff des Politischen (1927) and Schmitt's characterization of the state as the political unity of a nation. Beyond this, Böckenförde has connected the Verfassungslehre to the eminently partisan notion of sovereignty put forth by Schmitt in his Politische Theologie (1922), where he flaunts his allegiance to the Catholic counterrevolution.

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21

Klueting, Harm. "Religion – Recht – Republik. Studien zu Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde." Journal der Juristischen Zeitgeschichte 15, no. 3 (September 17, 2021): 129–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jjzg-2021-0040.

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22

Poscher, Ralf. "Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde an der Freiburger Rechtswissenschaftlichen Fakultät." Der Staat 58, no. 3 (July 1, 2019): 445–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/staa.58.3.445.

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23

Ruff, Mark Edward. "Building Bridges between Catholicism and Socialism: Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde and the Social Democratic Party of Germany." Contemporary European History 29, no. 2 (February 3, 2020): 155–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777320000053.

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AbstractThis article examines the ideological and political transformations that allowed dialogue between Catholics and socialists to bear fruit in the Federal Republic of Germany in the immediate post-war era. It focuses on the role played by Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde, the prominent Catholic intellectual, constitutional theorist, historian and future Constitutional Court justice.

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24

Gosewinkel, Dieter. "Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde – ein deutscher Jurist von europäischer Strahlkraft." JuristenZeitung 74, no. 11 (2019): 553. http://dx.doi.org/10.1628/jz-2019-0210.

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25

Jouanjan, Olivier. "Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde et la légitimité de l’état sécularisé." Droits 60, no. 2 (2014): 117. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/droit.060.0117.

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26

Nicoletti, Michele. "La réception de l’œuvre d’E.-W. Böckenförde en Italie." Revue d’Allemagne et des pays de langue allemande 46, no. 1 (June 30, 2014): 95–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/allemagne.1288.

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27

Vinx, Lars. "Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde and the politics of constituent power." Jurisprudence 10, no. 1 (April 4, 2018): 15–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/20403313.2018.1442257.

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Le Grand, Sylvie. "Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde et les enjeux d’une « théologie politique »." Société, droit et religion Numéro6, no. 1 (2016): 105. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/sdr.006.0105.

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29

Sacksofsky, Ute. "Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde's Oeuvre on Religious Freedom Applied to Recent Decisions of the European Court of Human Rights." German Law Journal 19, no. 2 (May 1, 2018): 301–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200022707.

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In Europe, issues concerning religious freedom are hotly debated. Many courts had to consider cases concerning infringement of religious freedom. This Article will focus on three examples: Headscarves, burqas, and crucifixes. Often, the interests of members of minority religions have lost in European courts and European constitutional courts. This is particularly true considering the decisions of the European Court of Human Rights. The European Court of Human Rights upheld bans on headscarves for students in universities and public secondary schools, as well as for teachers in public schools. The Court also accepted bans on full-body veils worn in public areas. Finally, mandatory crucifixes in public schools have been deemed to conform to the standards set by the European Convention on Human Rights. In all of these cases, the European Court of Human Rights has not adequately construed religious freedom as a strong right.This is where the work of Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde comes in. Böckenförde has thoroughly discussed the proper role of religion in a democratic society. Coming from a theoretical starting point, he developed an understanding of religious freedom as a strong right. He also explained why State neutrality should be understood in terms of open neutrality. Both perspectives help to more fully explain the scope of religious freedom.

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30

Künkler, Mirjam, and Tine Stein. "Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde: Scholar of Law, Religion, and Democracy - Discussed: Religion, Law, and Democracy: Selected Writings. By Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde. Edited by Mirjam Künkler and Tine Stein. Translated by Thomas Dunlap. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2020. Pp. 480. $65.00 (cloth); Oxford Scholarship Online by subscription (digital). ISBN: 9780198818632. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198818632.001.0001." Journal of Law and Religion 37, no. 3 (September 2022): 501–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jlr.2022.43.

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AbstractErnst-Wolfgang Böckenförde (1930–2019) was one of Germany’s foremost postwar legal scholars. He coined or popularized key terms and ideas that have left their mark on postwar German political debate to an extent matched by only few, from the chain of legitimation to the concept of the constitution as an ordering frame, the importance of the idea of subsidiarity in the European Union’s political competency, and his insistence that society must continuously work toward agreement on the things that cannot be voted on: the ultimate agreements in society that lie beyond the ballot box. Böckenförde was a lifelong commentator on Catholic affairs in Germany and involved in several important inner-Catholic reform initiatives. At the age of thirty-one, he became known to a wider German public with an article that presented a critical historical appraisal of the role of the Catholic Church under National Socialism. While still a postdoc, he co-authored a widely publicized critique of Jesuit Gustav Gundlach’s justification on theological grounds of a war of nuclear deterrence. In 1968, he was the first to publish a German edition of De Libertate Religiosa, the final declaration of the Second Vatican Council (Vatican II), and provided an authoritative commentary.

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31

Mehring, Reinhard. "Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde (1930 – 2019) – Bürger, Gründer, Richter. Ein Nachruf." Recht und Politik 55, no. 3 (July 1, 2019): 305–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/rup.55.3.305.

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32

Thomas, Windhöfel,. "Tymbos für Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde, Robert Spaemann, Hans-Bernhard Wuermeling." Zeitschrift für Lebensrecht 28, no. 1 (January 1, 2019): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/zfl.28.1.edit.

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33

Maier, Hans. "Schonzeiten, Kirchenärger, Kopftücher – Erinnerungen an Gespräche mit Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde." Der Staat 58, no. 3 (July 1, 2019): 471–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/staa.58.3.471.

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34

Ruff, Mark Edward. "Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde and the Rapprochement of Catholicism and Socialism." Oxford Journal of Law and Religion 7, no. 1 (February 1, 2018): 13–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ojlr/rwy001.

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35

Stein, Tine. "The Böckenförde Dictum—On the topicality of a liberal formula." Oxford Journal of Law and Religion 7, no. 1 (February 1, 2018): 97–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ojlr/rwy004.

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36

Weschka, Marion. "Book Review - Barbara Böckenförde-Wunderlich, Präimplantationsdiagnostik als Rechtsproblem (2002). - Barbara Böckenförde-Wunderlich, Präimplantationsdiagnostik als Rechtsproblem, Mohr Siebeck, Tübingen, 2002, 300 pages. ISBN: 3161479246, Price: 49,00 €." German Law Journal 5, no. 6 (June 1, 2004): 747–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200012839.

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37

Barbosa-Fohrmann, Ana Paula, and Nikolai Badenhoop. "A dignidade humana e os novos direitos no direito comparado." Revista Brasileira de Direitos Fundamentais & Justiça 5, no. 17 (December 30, 2011): 227–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.30899/dfj.v5i17.347.

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Neste artigo, serão analisadas as normas jurídicas relativas à pesquisa da clonagem à luz do princípio constitucional da dignidade humana. Também se fará brevemente uma exposição sobre o seu contexto biológico, necessária para que se possa aprofundar a discussão política e jurídica, sobretudo, tendo em vista a posição do Parlamento Alemão e as visões de Horst Dreier e de Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde. Isso vai possibilitar, ao final, chegar a uma conclusão de caráter prospectivo sobre a pesquisa relativa à clonagem na Alemanha.

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38

Möllers, Christoph. "Römischer Konziliarismus und politische Reform. Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde zum 80. Geburtstag." Zeitschrift für Ideengeschichte 4, no. 3 (2010): 107–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/1863-8937-2010-3-107.

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39

Vinx, Lars. "The Political Theology of the Secular State in Hobbes and Böckenförde." Oxford Journal of Law and Religion 7, no. 1 (February 1, 2018): 51–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ojlr/rwy003.

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Künkler, Mirjam, and Tine Stein. "Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde: Inner-Catholic Critic and Advocate of Open Neutrality." Oxford Journal of Law and Religion 7, no. 1 (February 1, 2018): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ojlr/rwy008.

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Gierycz, Michał. "A New Dimension of the Catholic Church’s Influence on the World: On the Novelty of the Social Teaching of St. John Paul II." Religions 13, no. 12 (December 15, 2022): 1217. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13121217.

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When reflecting on the relationship between the Catholic Church and the modern world in the second half of the 20th century, it is impossible to overlook the radical shift brought about by John Paul II. As Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde points out, the saintly Pope opened a “new dimension of the Church’s influence on the world”. The essence of this novelty was John Paul II’s perception of the Church’s task as being defined “centrally and exclusively from the perspective of its salvation mission”. The above thesis seems proven regarding Holy See diplomacy. The most prominent example of a “new approach” was the decision taken by John Paul II to put aside Ostpolitik, dominant since the t ime of John XXIII. Nonetheless, the question arises regarding a change in the social teaching of the Church under St. John Paul II, for ultimately, political praxis is always rooted in some theory. In the case of the Church, the theoretical foundation of the Church’s socio-political activity and its relation to modern world is Catholic social doctrine. The presented article examines the meaning of the teaching of St. John Paul II for the nature, method, and goals of the social teaching of the Church. If Böckenförde is right when writing about the political novelty of the Polish Pope’s pontificate, also in this field, despite numerous references to his predecessors, the position of John Paul II should be associated with a significant novum. The article is devoted to discussing this thesis.

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Mehring, Reinhard. "Die gleiche Linie." Zeitschrift für Ideengeschichte 15, no. 3 (2021): 25–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/1863-8937-2021-3-25.

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Der 34-jährige Jürgen Habermas lehrt seit 1961 mit Unterstützung Gadamers als Professor in Heidelberg und wird bald nach Frankfurt wechseln, wo Horkheimer ihm einst die Habilitation verwehrte. Der 33-jährige Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde (1930–2019) hat gerade seine Habilitationsschrift in Münster eingereicht, wird in wenigen Wochen sein Verfahren abschließen, und ein Lehrstuhl wartet bereits auf ihn in Heidelberg, den er im Sommersemester 1964 antritt. Publizistisch ist er seit seinen bahnbrechenden Aufsätzen im Hochland, für das Ethos der Demokratie und gegen das opportunistischen Verhalten der Kirche im Jahre 1933, in katholischen Kreisen bereits sehr bekannt.

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Mehring, Reinhard. "Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde: Wissenschaft, Politik, Verfassungsgericht. Aufsätze. Biographisches Interview von Dieter Gosewinkel." JuristenZeitung 67, no. 4 (2012): 197. http://dx.doi.org/10.1628/002268812799420424.

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Steiger, Heinhard. "Münster in den späten 1950er Jahren: Mit Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde auf Reisen." Der Staat 58, no. 3 (July 1, 2019): 465–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/staa.58.3.465.

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Kingreen, Thorsten. "Das gute alte Grundgesetz und wir Nachkonstitutionellen." Der Staat 59, no. 2 (April 1, 2020): 195–226. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/staa.59.2.195.

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Am 20. Juli 2016 endete die Amtszeit desBundesverfassungsrichters Herbert Landau. Das war ein Einschnitt in der Geschichte des Bundesverfassungsgerichts. Denn mit dem 1948 geborenen Landau verließ der letzte Richter die höchste Richterbank, der noch vor dem 23.Mai 1949, dem Tag des Inkrafttretens des Grundgesetzes, zur Welt gekommen ist. Die letzten Verfassungsrichter, die die Entstehungsphase des Grundgesetzes noch politisch bewusst wahrgenommen haben können, sind, wie der jüngst verstorbene Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde (Jahrgang 1930), schon vor einem Vierteljahrhundert aus dem Amt ausgeschieden. Bereits im April 1861 starb John McLean – der letzte Richterdes U. S.SupremeCourt, der vor Inkrafttreten der U.S.-Verfassung im September 1787 das Licht der Welt erblickt hatte.

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Führding, Steffen. "Religion, Privacy and the Rise of the Modern State." Method & Theory in the Study of Religion 25, no. 1 (2013): 118–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700682-12341251.

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Abstract This article discusses the role of the category Religion in the modern state formation. The liberal private/public religion/state rhetoric plays a central part in the “rise” of the modern state. The binary oppositions of this rhetoric are crucial to the creation of a very unique type of society, which serves as the basis for the formation of the modern state. With reference to Russell McCutcheon, this essay examines this process, drawing on examples from early modern political philosophy (e.g., Locke, Hobbes, Rousseau), before explicitly tackling the question of the role of religion by addressing two German (Fischer and Böckenförde) authors in particular.

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Moraes, Camila Miranda de, and Adalberto Martins. "DIREITOS FUNDAMENTAIS TRABALHISTAS: PERSPECTIVAS TEÓRICAS NO BRASIL E NA ALEMANHA." Revista Jurídica Cesumar - Mestrado 17, no. 2 (August 22, 2017): 291. http://dx.doi.org/10.17765/2176-9184.2017v17n2p291-322.

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O presente artigo busca analisar aspectos da teoria dos direitos fundamentais em torno das normas constitucionais definidoras de direitos trabalhistas no Brasil e na Alemanha. Para isso far-se-á um breve estudo dos conceitos de validade, vigência e eficácia da norma jurídica. A força normativa da Constituição deriva não apenas das normas jurídicas nela inscritas, mas da possibilidade de exercício e fruição do quanto contido nessas normas. Pretende-se enfocar o problema da eficácia dos direitos fundamentais sob as perspectivas da doutrina alemã por meio dos autores Andreas Joachim Krell, Ernst Forsthoff e Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde. Forsthoff e Böckenförde defendem que os direitos fundamentais não têm aplicabilidade imediata e que há de se analisar as hipóteses de aplicação dos direitos fundamentais caso a caso, pois para serem aplicados os direitos fundamentais necessitariam de graduação e diferenciação para cada caso particular. A teoria da reserva do possível foi adotada na Alemanha em julgamento do Supremo Tribunal da República Federal da Alemanha que reconheceu um problema de estrutura dos direitos fundamentais sociais e delimitou o gozo dos direitos fundamentais sociais na medida em que fosse possível ao Estado garantir, em seu orçamento, a verba necessária para sua fruição e custeio. Tal teoria não pode ser adotada indiscriminadamente no Brasil, pois, conforme expõe Andreas Joachim Krell, a doutrina portuguesa utilizou-se das teorias do direito alemão, e muitos doutrinadores brasileiros simplesmente transpuseram estas teorias (como reserva do possível e mínimo existencial) para o direito brasileiro. Krell condena tal prática dizendo que não condiz com os verdadeiros preceitos do direito comparado e demonstra que a decisão do tribunal alemão não poderia simplesmente ser transposta para o Brasil, seja por se tratar de um país de realidade completamente distinta da Alemanha, ou por causa das diferenças nos sistemas jurídicos dos dois países, seja por causa da flagrante incompatibilidade na aplicação da tese no Brasil.

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Winfried, Kluth,. "Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde und die Grenzen der Verhaltenssteuerung durch Recht im freiheitlichen Verfassungsstaat." Zeitschrift für Lebensrecht 29, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 29–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/zfl.29.1.29.

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Manent, Aline-Florence. "Democracy and Religion in the Political and Legal Thought of Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde." Oxford Journal of Law and Religion 7, no. 1 (February 1, 2018): 74–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ojlr/rwy007.

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Cohen, Jean L. "On the genealogy and legitimacy of the secular state: Böckenförde and the Asadians." Constellations 25, no. 2 (April 26, 2018): 207–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-8675.12360.

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