Academic literature on the topic 'Bob Hawke'
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Journal articles on the topic "Bob Hawke"
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Callus, Ron, and Russell D. Lansbury. "Farewell Bob Hawke, 1929–2019." Journal of Industrial Relations 61, no. 3 (June 2019): 315–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185619858568.
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Roberts, Russell. "Vale Bob Hawke: What impact has Medicare had on rural Australia?" Australian Journal of Rural Health 27, no. 3 (June 2019): 194–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ajr.12532.
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Bundy, Alan. "For Someone Special: The Development of the Bob Hawke Prime Ministerial Library." Australian Academic & Research Libraries 36, no. 1 (January 2005): 14–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00048623.2005.10755288.
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F. Recher, Harry. "Forestry, cultural ecology and ecological sustainability." Pacific Conservation Biology 4, no. 1 (1998): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/pc980001.
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For the past decade, the world has been told that ecologically sustainable development is the hope for the future: using only what we need without comprising the opportunities and needs of future generations. Across the Pacific, the concept has been embraced by all levels of government, by non-government conservation groups, by industry, by the media, and by conservation biologists. A former Australian Prime Minister, Bob Hawke, even went so far during a re-election campaign as to commit the Australian Government and the Australian people to the ecologically sustainable development of the Australian continent.
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Dabscheck, Braham, and Jim Kitay. "Malcolm Fraser's (Unsuccessful) 1977 Voluntary Wages and Prices Freeze." Journal of Industrial Relations 33, no. 2 (June 1991): 249–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002218569103300206.
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At the April 1977 Premiers' Conference Malcolm Fraser secured unanimous agreement from the premiers to call for a voluntary three-month freeze of wages and prices. The freeze was never implemented. It offrcially ended in May when the Arbitration Commission awarded a national wage case increase of 1.9 per cent in line with its wage indexation principles. This paper examines the economic and political context in which the Premiers' Conference took place, the interactions between the federal government and unions—particularly the role played by ACTU President Bob Hawke—and the Arbitration Commission's reasons for rejecting the wages side of the freeze.
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Hancock, Keith. "Australian Charter of Employment Rights Edited by Mordy Bromberg and Mark Irving, with a foreword by Bob Hawke." Australian Journal of Human Rights 14, no. 1 (December 2008): 227–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1323238x.2008.11910852.
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McAllister, Ian. "The End of a Labor Era in Australian Politics." Government and Opposition 31, no. 3 (July 1996): 288–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1996.tb01192.x.
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The March 1996 Australian Federal Election Was The most important Australian election for more than a decade. It resulted in the return of the Liberal-National coalition to office after thirteen years in opposition, ending a period of unprecedented Labor-initiated change, first under the leader-ship of Bob Hawke and since 1991, Paul Keating.The election was also important because the new government will in all probability lead Australia into the new millennium and guide the country through a period of intense change in the Asia Pacific region; how the Liberal-Nationals approach the whole question of Australia's changing relationship with the world will shape Australia's future and wellbeing for decades to come. And finally, the election was notable for making John Howard prime minister during his second period as Liberal leader, a prospect that Howard himself had once ridiculed as akin to ‘Lazarus with a triple bypass’.
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Fairbrother, Peter, Stuart Svensen, and Julian Teicher. "The Ascendancy of Neo-Liberalism in Australia." Capital & Class 21, no. 3 (October 1997): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030981689706300101.
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On 19 August 1996, thousands of trade unionists and others stormed the Australian Parliament protesting against the Coalition Government's Work place Relations Bill. In a very visible departure from the years of cooperation and compromise with the previous Federal Labor Government, the Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU) called on trade unionists and their supporters to demonstrate their opposition to the proposed legislation. This outbreak of anger might be thought to herald a reaction to heightened attacks on the Australian working class, ushered in by the election of the Coalition Government on 2 March 1996, which ended thirteen years of Labor rule under leaders Bob Hawke (1983-1991) and Paul Keating (1991-1996). However, while indicating a renewed activism by a disenchanted and alienated working class, this outburst of anger was not attributable to a sudden shift in the overall direction of government policy. Rather, it was an expression of a profound disenchantment with thirteen years of Australian ‘New Labor’ and a fear of the future under a Coalition Government committed to the sharp edges of the neo-liberal agenda.
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Mason, Robert, and Rebecca Damjanovic. "The start of it all? Heritage, labour and the environment in regional Queensland." Queensland Review 25, no. 2 (December 2018): 208–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/qre.2018.24.
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AbstractThe Great Shearers’ Strike of 1891 transformed Australian politics and created the context for the election of the first ‘labourist’ government in the world. This nationally significant history is reflected in Barcaldine’s central heritage precinct, with a large monument to the Tree of Knowledge and spacious Australian Workers Heritage Centre. The Centre was established as the ‘National Monument’ to working men and women when it was opened by Prime Minister Bob Hawke in 1991. The Centre is one of a number of industrial museums in the Central West, and exists alongside the Stockman’s Hall of Fame in nearby Longreach. The recent increase in tourism by Grey Nomads has resulted in a more concerted effort to formulate a clear heritage discourse in Barcaldine, one that draws on the town’s labour heritage. This increased emphasis on the heritage of the Great Shearers’ Strike has further politicised an already fraught heritage, and distanced the community from its local heritage spaces and stories. This article reflects on long-standing narratives relating to the local environment as a means to articulate contested heritage discourses, situate the significant labour history and reinforce the local community’s engagement in its heritage.
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Hussien, Abdelazim G., Fatma A. Hashim, Raneem Qaddoura, Laith Abualigah, and Adrian Pop. "An Enhanced Evaporation Rate Water-Cycle Algorithm for Global Optimization." Processes 10, no. 11 (November 2, 2022): 2254. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/pr10112254.
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Water-cycle algorithm based on evaporation rate (ErWCA) is a powerful enhanced version of the water-cycle algorithm (WCA) metaheuristics algorithm. ErWCA, like other algorithms, may still fall in the sub-optimal region and have a slow convergence, especially in high-dimensional tasks problems. This paper suggests an enhanced ErWCA (EErWCA) version, which embeds local escaping operator (LEO) as an internal operator in the updating process. ErWCA also uses a control-randomization operator. To verify this version, a comparison between EErWCA and other algorithms, namely, classical ErWCA, water cycle algorithm (WCA), butterfly optimization algorithm (BOA), bird swarm algorithm (BSA), crow search algorithm (CSA), grasshopper optimization algorithm (GOA), Harris Hawks Optimization (HHO), whale optimization algorithm (WOA), dandelion optimizer (DO) and fire hawks optimization (FHO) using IEEE CEC 2017, was performed. The experimental and analytical results show the adequate performance of the proposed algorithm.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Bob Hawke"
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Barbaro, Josie. "Bob Hawke : riding the consensus wave /." Title page and contents only, 1993. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arb229.pdf.
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Norton, Paul C. R., and n/a. "Accord, Discord, Discourse and Dialogue in the Search for Sustainable Development: Labour-Environmentalist Cooperation and Conflict in Australian Debates on Ecologically Sustainable Development and Economic Restructuring in the Period of the Federal Labor Government, 1983-96." Griffith University. Australian School of Environmental Studies, 2004. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20040924.093047.
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The thesis seeks to provide a deeper understanding of the dynamics of interaction between the environmental and labour movements, and the conditions under which they can cooperate and form alliances in pursuit of a sustainable development agenda which simultaneously promotes ecological and social justice goals. After developing an explanatory model of the labour-environmentalist relationship (LER) on the basis of a survey of theoretical and case-study literature, the thesis applies this model to three significant cases of labour-environmental interaction in Australia, each representing a different point on the spectrum from LER conflict to LER cooperation, during the period from 1983 to 1996. Commonly held views that there are inevitable tendencies to LER conflict, whether due to an irreconcilable "jobs versus environment" contradiction or due to the different class bases of the respective movements, are analysed and rejected. A model of the LER implicit in Siegmann (1985) is interrogated against more recent LER studies from six countries, and reworked into a new model (the Siegmann-Norton model) which explains tendencies to conflict and cooperation in the LER in terms of the respective ideologies of labour and environmentalism, their organisational forms and cultures, the national political-institutional framework and the respective places of labour and environmentalism therein, the political economy of specific sectors and regions in which LER interaction occurs, and sui generis sociological and demographic characteristics of labour and environmental actors. The thesis then discusses the major changes in the ideologies, organisational forms and political-institutional roles of the Australian labour movement which occurred during the period of the study, and their likely influence on the LER. The two processes of most importance in driving such changes were the corporatist Accord relationship between the trade union movement and Labor Party government from 1983 to 1996, and the strategic reorganisation of the trade union movement between 1988 and 1996 in response to challenges and opportunities in the wider political-economic environment. The research hypothesis is that the net effect of these changes would have been to foster tendencies towards LER conflict. The hypothesis is tested in three significant case studies, namely: (a) the interaction, often conflictual, between the Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU) and the environmental movement in debates around macroeconomic policy, economic restructuring and sustainable development from the mid-1980s onwards; (b) the complex interaction, involving elements of cooperation, disagreement and dialogue, between the environmental movement and the unions representing coal mining and energy workers in the formulation of Australia's climate change policies; and (c) the environmental policy and campaign initiatives of the Australian Manufacturing Workers Union to improve workplace environmental performance and promote worker environmental education. The case studies confirmed the research hypothesis in the sense that, whilst the LER tended overall towards greater cooperation in the period of the study, the Accord relationship and union restructuring process worked to slow the growth of cooperative tendencies and sustain conflict over particular issues beyond what might otherwise have been the case. The Accord relationship served to maintain conflict tendencies due to the dominance of productivist ideologies within the ACTU, and the union movement's perseverance with this relationship after the vitiation of its progressive potential by neo-liberal trends in public policy. The tripartite Accord processes institutionalised a "growth coalition" of labour, business and the state in opposition to excluded constituencies such as the environmental movement. This was partially overcome during the period of the Ecologically Sustainable Development (ESD) process, which temporarily included the environmental movement as an insider in the political-institutional framework. The long-run effects of union reorganisation on the LER are difficult to determine as the new organisational forms of unions were not in place until almost the end of the period of the study. However, in the short term the disruptive effects of the amalgamations process restricted unions' capacity to engage with environmental issues. Pro-environment initiatives by the AMWU, and cooperative aspects of the coal industry unions' relationship with environmentalists, reflected the social unionist ideology and internal democratic practices of those unions, and the influence of the ESD Working Group process, whilst LER conflict over greenhouse reflected the adverse political economy of the coal industry, but also the relevant unions' less developed capacity for independent research and membership education compared to the AMWU. The LER in all three cases can be satisfactorily explained, and important insights derived, through application of the Siegmann-Norton model. Conclusions drawn include suggestions for further research and proposals for steps to be taken by labour and environmental actors to improve cooperation.
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Norton, Paul C. R. "Accord, Discord, Discourse and Dialogue in the Search for Sustainable Development: Labour-Environmentalist Cooperation and Conflict in Australian Debates on Ecologically Sustainable Development and Economic Restructuring in the Period of the Federal Labor Government, 1983-96." Thesis, Griffith University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/368094.
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The thesis seeks to provide a deeper understanding of the dynamics of interaction between the environmental and labour movements, and the conditions under which they can cooperate and form alliances in pursuit of a sustainable development agenda which simultaneously promotes ecological and social justice goals. After developing an explanatory model of the labour-environmentalist relationship (LER) on the basis of a survey of theoretical and case-study literature, the thesis applies this model to three significant cases of labour-environmental interaction in Australia, each representing a different point on the spectrum from LER conflict to LER cooperation, during the period from 1983 to 1996. Commonly held views that there are inevitable tendencies to LER conflict, whether due to an irreconcilable "jobs versus environment" contradiction or due to the different class bases of the respective movements, are analysed and rejected. A model of the LER implicit in Siegmann (1985) is interrogated against more recent LER studies from six countries, and reworked into a new model (the Siegmann-Norton model) which explains tendencies to conflict and cooperation in the LER in terms of the respective ideologies of labour and environmentalism, their organisational forms and cultures, the national political-institutional framework and the respective places of labour and environmentalism therein, the political economy of specific sectors and regions in which LER interaction occurs, and sui generis sociological and demographic characteristics of labour and environmental actors. The thesis then discusses the major changes in the ideologies, organisational forms and political-institutional roles of the Australian labour movement which occurred during the period of the study, and their likely influence on the LER. The two processes of most importance in driving such changes were the corporatist Accord relationship between the trade union movement and Labor Party government from 1983 to 1996, and the strategic reorganisation of the trade union movement between 1988 and 1996 in response to challenges and opportunities in the wider political-economic environment. The research hypothesis is that the net effect of these changes would have been to foster tendencies towards LER conflict. The hypothesis is tested in three significant case studies, namely: (a) the interaction, often conflictual, between the Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU) and the environmental movement in debates around macroeconomic policy, economic restructuring and sustainable development from the mid-1980s onwards; (b) the complex interaction, involving elements of cooperation, disagreement and dialogue, between the environmental movement and the unions representing coal mining and energy workers in the formulation of Australia's climate change policies; and (c) the environmental policy and campaign initiatives of the Australian Manufacturing Workers Union to improve workplace environmental performance and promote worker environmental education. The case studies confirmed the research hypothesis in the sense that, whilst the LER tended overall towards greater cooperation in the period of the study, the Accord relationship and union restructuring process worked to slow the growth of cooperative tendencies and sustain conflict over particular issues beyond what might otherwise have been the case. The Accord relationship served to maintain conflict tendencies due to the dominance of productivist ideologies within the ACTU, and the union movement's perseverance with this relationship after the vitiation of its progressive potential by neo-liberal trends in public policy. The tripartite Accord processes institutionalised a "growth coalition" of labour, business and the state in opposition to excluded constituencies such as the environmental movement. This was partially overcome during the period of the Ecologically Sustainable Development (ESD) process, which temporarily included the environmental movement as an insider in the political-institutional framework. The long-run effects of union reorganisation on the LER are difficult to determine as the new organisational forms of unions were not in place until almost the end of the period of the study. However, in the short term the disruptive effects of the amalgamations process restricted unions' capacity to engage with environmental issues. Pro-environment initiatives by the AMWU, and cooperative aspects of the coal industry unions' relationship with environmentalists, reflected the social unionist ideology and internal democratic practices of those unions, and the influence of the ESD Working Group process, whilst LER conflict over greenhouse reflected the adverse political economy of the coal industry, but also the relevant unions' less developed capacity for independent research and membership education compared to the AMWU. The LER in all three cases can be satisfactorily explained, and important insights derived, through application of the Siegmann-Norton model. Conclusions drawn include suggestions for further research and proposals for steps to be taken by labour and environmental actors to improve cooperation.Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
Australian School of Environmental Studies
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Kefford, Glenn. "Has Australian Federal Politics Become Presidentialized?" Thesis, Griffith University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/366314.
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This thesis examines the idea that Australian federal political leaders are becoming more powerful. This idea, often referred to as presidentialization, generates heated debates in academic circles. Using one of the more systematic frameworks, namely the Poguntke and Webb (2005) model, and combining a behavioural component, this thesis seeks to explore whether Australian federal politics has become presidentialized. Poguntke and Webb viewed presidentialization as consisting of three separate but inter-related faces. These were: the executive face, the party face and the electoral face. This thesis undertakes this task by examining four leadership periods from the Australian Labor Party (ALP). This includes: The Chifley leadership period (1945-51), the Whitlam leadership period (1967-1977), the Hawke Leadership period (1983-91) and the Kevin Rudd leadership period (2006-2010). In the Chifley leadership period it is argued that very little evidence of the presidentialization phenomenon as described by Poguntke and Webb (2005) is identifiable. This finding adds to their hypothesis that many of the causal factors that contributed to presidentialization did not emerge until after 1960. This section of the thesis also highlights how different Australian society and the ALP were during this period than to the later periods examined in this thesis. The second period, the Whitlam leadership period, is vastly different. Clear increases in the capacity of leaders to exert power began to emerge. Hugely important structural changes to the ALP occur during this period which fundamentally alters intra-party power. Some evidence of leaders being able to exert greater power within the executive of government can also be identified during this period. The elections that Whitlam contested display a mixed level of personalisation.Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
Griffith Business School
Griffith Business School
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Moran, Anthony F. "Imagining the Australian nation settler- nationalism and Aboriginality /." Click here for electronic access to document, 1999. http://dtl.unimelb.edu.au/R/U1L2H28HB18MC24L4CL743PII8DUPUQSDYN9NGAGLBXL8YA8BU-00451?func=results-jump-full&set_entry=000013.
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Dalvean, Michael Coleman. "The Selection of Cabinet Ministers in the Australian Federal Parliament." Phd thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/9159.
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The two fundamental questions addressed in this thesis are 1) what are the characteristics that are associated with an Australian federal parliamentarian becoming a cabinet minister, and 2) how do these characteristics help a parliamentarian become a cabinet minister? I examine the standard representational and institutional explanations for cabinet appointment decisions such as geography, party/faction, gender and house (Senate vs House of Representatives) and find they do not account for more than 25% of cabinet appointments. I therefore turn to individual characteristics of cabinet ministers. I use education, linguistic/cognitive style, and biographical data to develop a classification model. Using data mining, I isolate three characteristics that explain a high proportion of the appointments to cabinet over the period under examination. These variables are: i) having a legal qualification: ii) entering parliament at an early age: and iii) using
abstract language. These three variables explain approximately 78% of cabinet appointments over the period under investigation. I argue that these variables are associated with cabinet appointment because they tap into a particular set of cognitive and behavioural characteristics that are beneficial in demonstrating cabinet potential. An important insight from the analysis is that, in selecting parliamentarians to serve in cabinet, personal factors are more important than representational factors.
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Mitchell, Euan Wallace. "Making noises: contextualising the politics of Rorty’s neopragmatism to assess its sustainability." Thesis, 2005. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/1462/.
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This creative thesis is written in two parts: Volume 1 is a novel and Volume 2 is the accompanying exegesis which explains the process of contextualising a school of philosophy’s politics within the novel. These volumes combine to build a new window onto contemporary theoretical debate regarding the sustainability of so-called liberal democracy. Volume 1, the novel, provides a fictionalised account of federal government involvement with the popular music industry in Australia during the 1990s. The story is told from the point of view of a newcomer to a music industry organisation funded by the federal government called the ‘Oz Rock Foundation’. This organisation is run by a former federal politician who maintains close links with his political colleagues still in government. When the newcomer discovers a young Aboriginal prisoner with exceptional musical talents, the former politician seizes this opportunity to help launch the Oz Rock Foundation in the ‘Year of the Indigenous Person’. This venture, however, has unexpected consequences which emerge as the story develops. Volume 2, the exegesis, employs a narrative framework to explain the process by which an analysis of philosopher Richard Rorty’s version of neopragmatism fed into the creation of the novel. Political issues raised by neopragmatism are thematically linked to fictional contexts informed by the history of government experimentation with the Australian music industry. The process is guided by questions designed to assess whether a neopragmatic version of liberal democracy is sustainable in this form. The novel is further shaped by its attempt to extend a particular tradition, within the genre of the political novel, that contextualises themes related to ‘natural rights’ as the foundation of liberal democracy. The exegesis, in its discussion of issues raised by the completed novel, then draws on existing research into the sustainability of democracy in order to synthesise an overall perspective. NOTE: Due to copyright arrangements with the publisher of Making Noises, the text of the novel (Volume 1) is not available as part of the digital version of this thesis. The novel was published in November 2006 by OverDog Press (Melbourne, Australia). The ISBN is: 9780975797921
Books on the topic "Bob Hawke"
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Jeremy, Jenni. Someone special: Issues in the development of person specific libraries, archives and collections : proceedings of a national conference of the Bob Hawke Prime Ministerial Library : 18-20 October 2001. Adelaide: University of South Australia Library, 2003.
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Hawke, Bob. BOB HAWKE: THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY. WILLIAM HEINEMANN, 1994.
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d'Alpuget, Blanche. Bob Hawke: The Complete Biography. Simon & Schuster Australia, 2019.
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d'Alpuget, Blanche. Bob Hawke: The Complete Biography. Simon & Schuster Australia, 2019.
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Bramston, Troy. Bob Hawke: Demons and Destiny. Penguin Random House, 2022.
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Francis, Bruce. Guilty: Bob Hawke Or Kim Hughes? Bruce Francis, 1989.
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Kramer, Greg. Shaman King: Legacy of Spirits, Soaring Hawk and Sprinting Wolf (Prima Official Game Guide). Prima Games, 2005.
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Rice, Christina. Mean...Moody...Magnificent! University Press of Kentucky, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813181080.001.0001.
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By the early 1950s, Jane Russell (1921-2011) should have been forgotten. Her career was launched on what is arguably the most notorious advertising campaign in cinema history, which invited filmgoers to see Howard Hughes's The Outlaw (1943) and to "tussle with Russell." Throughout the 1940s, she was nicknamed the "motionless picture actress" and had only three films in theaters. With such a slow, inauspicious start, most aspiring actresses would have given up or faded away. Instead, Russell carved out a place for herself in Hollywood and became a memorable and enduring star.Christina Rice offers the first biography of the actress and activist perhaps most well-known for her role in Gentlemen Prefer Blondes (1953). Despite the fact that her movie career was stalled for nearly a decade, Russell's filmography is respectable. She worked with some of Hollywood's most talented directors—including Howard Hawks, Raoul Walsh, Nicholas Ray, and Josef von Sternberg—and held her own alongside costars such as Marilyn Monroe, Robert Mitchum, Clark Gable, Vincent Price, and Bob Hope. She also learned how to fight back against Howard Hughes, her boss for more than thirty-five years, and his marketing campaigns that exploited her physical appearance.Beyond the screen, Rice reveals Russell as a complex and confident woman. She explores the star's years as a spokeswoman for Playtex as well as her deep faith and work as a Christian vocalist. Rice also discusses Russell's leadership and patronage of the WAIF foundation, which for many years served as the fundraising arm of the International Social Service (ISS) agency. WAIF raised hundreds of thousands of dollars, successfully lobbied Congress to change laws, and resulted in the adoption of tens of thousands of orphaned children. For Russell, the work she did to help unite families overshadowed any of her onscreen achievements.On the surface, Jane Russell seemed to live a charmed life, but Rice illuminates her darker moments and her personal struggles, including her empowered reactions to the controversies surrounding her films and her feelings about being portrayed as a sex symbol. This stunning first biography offers a fresh perspective on a star whose legacy endures not simply because she forged a notable film career, but also because she effectively used her celebrity to benefit others.
Book chapters on the topic "Bob Hawke"
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Miles, Harold. "Fanny Hawk." In Bad Ol’ Boy, 60–77. Totowa, NJ: Humana Press, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4612-0295-0_5.
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"Right-wing ascendency, pivotal players and asymmetric power under Bob Hawke." In Political Parties, Games and Redistribution, 116–57. Cambridge University Press, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9780511491047.005.
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Glinsky, Albert. "Genius for Hire." In Switched On, 331—C26.P54. Oxford University PressNew York, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197642078.003.0026.
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Abstract At Kurzweil, Bob pushed the K250 keyboard, but was deeply unhappy and quietly continued his MTS work on the side. He received Hollywood’s RockWalk award. At Moog, Memorymoogs weren’t selling and Dave Van Koevering brokered a deal to hawk them to churches as the Sanctuary Synthesizer. Three years into Bob’s stint at Kurzweil, Aunt Florence died and the Moogs’ inheritance allowed them to return to North Carolina. Running out of money, Bob took a teaching position at UNC Asheville but soon quit. He produced the Big Briar Series 91 theremins. John Eaton premiered the MTS keyboard. Dave Luce sold the Moog Company and by 1993 it was completely out of business. Bob was offered the chance to buy the remaining inventory and the Moog trademark, but passed—a decision he would later regret. Michelle and Laura Moog married in 1993 as Bob and Shirleigh’s marriage began to crumble.
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Currie, Adrian, and Andra Meneganzin. "Hawkes’ Ladder, Underdetermination, and the Mind’s Capacities." In The Oxford Handbook of Cognitive Archaeology, C49.S1—C49.N14. Oxford University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780192895950.013.49.
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Abstract At base, cognitive archaeology is in the business of using the archaeological record as an inroad to the abilities and expressions of past human minds. This does important work: explaining assemblages and patterns in the record, reconstructing past societies and people, as well as testing and probing hypotheses about minds and their evolution. However, there is often a long bow to be drawn from material traces to cognition; archaeological interpretation is often underdetermined. Using “Hawkes’ ladder” as a foil and drawing on two cases of Neandertal cognition (mourning and numeracy), this chapter argues that hypotheses concerning cognitive features are not beyond archaeological inference. However, such hypotheses are often “thin”: concerning the capacities of past minds, as opposed to specific meanings or functions. Nonetheless, establishing thin hypotheses is critically important for at least two reasons. First, many productive debates in archaeology are about the cognitive requirements behind specific material traces. Second, establishing thin hypotheses about capacities is often necessary for disambiguating more detailed ideas about meaning and function, or about evolutionary histories, which affords both exploring cognitive possibility and potentially finding ways of testing between these. Inferential strategies in cognitive archaeology then can progressively circumscribe narrower forms of underdetermination, constraining and exploring the space of cognitive possibility.
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Glancy, Mark. "Chapter 22." In Cary Grant, the Making of a Hollywood Legend, 295–310. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190053130.003.0023.
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When Cary Grant coaxed Betsy Drake to join him in Hollywood in 1948, he did everything he could to kickstart her career as a film star. He used his own leverage with the powerful gossip columnists Hedda Hopper and Louella Parsons to win favourable coverage for Drake, and he agreed to co-star with Drake in her first film, Every Girl Should Be Married (1948). He turned down several other promising films, including Alfred Hitchcock’s Rope (1948), to make this feeble comedy. His next film was Howard Hawks’ screwball comedy I Was a Male War Bride (1949). Filming began on location in Europe, but Grant developed hepatitis and nearly died. It was several months before he could complete filming in Hollywood. The film turned out to be a huge box-office success, but the grim political drama Crisis (1950), was a box-office disaster that marked the beginning of a downturn in his career fortunes. By this time, however, he had married Betsy Drake, in a ceremony arranged by Howard Hughes, and he was looking forward to his new life with her.
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Glancy, Mark. "Chapter 8." In Cary Grant, the Making of a Hollywood Legend, 95–105. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190053130.003.0009.
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This chapter considers the burgeoning relationship between Cary Grant and the actress Virginia Cherrill, who would become his first wife. It explains Cherrill’s background, her prominent role in Charlie Chaplin’s City Lights (1931), and his intense and at times impulsive attraction to her. The chapter offers an account of the making of She Done Him Wrong (1932) and considers why Cary Grant disliked the film’s star, Mae West, so much. In later years, West often said that she “discovered” Cary Grant, a claim he vehemently denied, but there is no doubt that She Done Him Wrong, together with the next film that he made with West, I’m No Angel (1933), were the only box-office hits from this period of his career. The chapter reviews the other films from this period—The Woman Accused (1933), The Eagle and the Hawk (1933), and Gambling Ship (1933)—and considers why they failed to win favour with critics and audiences.