Academic literature on the topic 'Blacks – crimes against – great britain'

Racial discrimination is a very big problem and is found in several countries such as the United States, Great Britain and the most dominant in South Africa with the policy of apartheid. Therefore, South Africa is at the center of the fight against racism towards achieving justice. The word apartheid means "separation" in the African language and it describes the racial rigidity that governs the division between the minority white population and the majority white population. The struggle of the majority of black Africans against the domination of white minorities is the main and last racial conflict. The international community actively encourages it. However, the white group was large enough and too strong while the black power was so weak and divided, that in the end a person named Nelson Mandela appeared, who was active in the struggle for the elimination of the politics of apartheid in South Africa on the grounds that racial crises and conflicts would arise. what happened there was soon over and South Africa became an auspicious country.

The relevance of the article is obvious because the terrible crimes committed by the Russian Federation on the territory of Ukraine shook not only Ukrainian society but also the whole world. Russian military personnel and their command commit large-scale and systematic attacks on the civilian population - brutal murders, torture, torture, rape, enslavement, extermination, deportations, imprisonment, the crime of apartheid and other illegal acts of a cruel nature directed against the people of Ukraine. The relevance of the study is also related to the fact that the Criminal Code of Ukraine (hereinafter - the Criminal Code of Ukraine) does not contain a definition of crimes against humanity, unlike other crimes such as military or war crimes. We will try to figure out how the actions of criminals will be qualified by Ukrainian courts and who will be held criminally responsible at the international level in the event that crimes against humanity are committed in Ukraine. «Crimes against humanity» as a separate group of crimes in international law was first reflected in the joint declaration of the governments of France, Great Britain and Russia on May 28, 1915 as a protest against the genocide committed by Turkey against the Armenian population. The result of the criminal events was the killing of more than a million people, prompting the international community to label this shameful act as a «crime against civilization and humanity» for which the leaders of the Turkish government should be held accountable. Crimes against humanity are crimes designed to destroy the very nature of man. These crimes are considered the most heinous crimes, because they mean deliberate mass killings either by the fact of the very existence of people (crimes against humanity) or by the fact of belonging to an ethnic or national group (genocide). In a number of international documents, such as: the Statute of the Nuremberg International Military Tribunal, article 6c; Charter of the International Military Tribunal in Tokyo, Article 5c; Law No. 10, adopted by the Control Council of the Allied Powers in Germany in 1945, Article II, 1c; UN Convention of December 9, 1948 on the Prevention of the Crime of Genocide and its Punishment; Statutes of international criminal tribunals for Yugoslavia, Art. 3-5 and Rwanda Art. 2-3; Statute of the International Criminal Court, Art. 7, such international crimes as crimes against humanity are reflected, from this it follows that universal jurisdiction extends to crimes against humanity.

The domestic legislator improves the criminal law norms based on, among other things, foreign experience. In this regard, the author considers the approaches of foreign countries to the definition of the subject of property crimes in general and its «digital variants» in particular. The approaches of some foreign countries (Great Britain, USA, Germany, Austria, Spain, France, Poland) to the establishment of criminal liability for the theft of non-cash funds and digital currency are analyzed. Based on the analysis, the author concludes that in the legislation of foreign states of the Anglo-Saxon and Romano-Germanic systems, the subject of property crimes is defined through the category of «property». In England and the USA, property in general (including non-cash funds and cryptocurrency) can be the subject of any property crimes. In the countries of the continental system (in particular, in the Federal Republic of Germany, Austria, France), within this group of crimes, a subgroup of criminal acts that encroach only on things (for example, theft) is distinguished. It seems that in the domestic criminal law it is also necessary to single out a group of property crimes, which will include crimes against property. Accordingly, in order to solve the problem of the inconsistency of the title of Chapter 21 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation with its content, since the norms of this chapter protect not only objects of property rights (in particular, property rights), but also property rights (claim rights, etc.) that make up the content of obligations relations . It is proposed to clarify the title of Chapter 21 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation, heading it «Property Crimes» (taking into account the studied foreign experience). Thus, non-cash funds, which are not things and which are subject to the civil law regime of property rights, are more logical to recognize as the subject of 2property crimes», and not crimes against property.

The article examines the issue of international assistance to Ukraine in the fight against Russia’s large-scale aggression. This aggression caused the biggest crisis of the system of international security, international law, and international relations after World War II and caused the destruction of the modern international order. At first, Russia’s actions caused a certain disunity in the democratic world. But the treacherous attack and the start of a full-scale war in the center of Europe rallied the leading states of NATO and the European Union. The main and consistent provider of aid to Ukraine is the United States of America and Great Britain. In total, US aid for the first three months of the war amounted to more than 50 billion dollars. Great Britain became a locomotive and an example for the old Europe in the defense and protection of democratic values. The next group of countries that came forward in defense of Ukraine and uncompromising support in the fight against the aggressor were Poland and the Baltic countries. The collective provider of aid to Ukraine is the European Union, NATO, the G7 countries, the IMF and other world, continental and regional organizations and associations. Thanks to military and technical assistance, Ukraine managed to contain the enemy and stabilize the front. In the article, considerable attention is paid to the problems of financial and economic, humanitarian, legal assistance in the investigation of crimes against the civilian population and assistance in the protection of cultural values, etc. A special and important direction of assistance is the support of Ukrainian refugees abroad (according to UN data, as of May 2022, there were 10 million of them) and assistance to displaced persons in the middle of the country. Key words: aggression, military-technical, financial, legal, humanitarian aid, states, international and European organizations.

The scientific publication is dedicated to researching the possibilities of modern information technologies in combating environmental crime. In particular, individual organizational and technical problems in the context of this topic were analyzed, the best foreign practices of using innovations in the field of environmental protection were outlined, directions for the development and adaptation of information technologies in the detection and investigation of criminal offenses were determined, taking into account the specifics of Ukrainian legislation and the practice of its application, to ensure sustainable and harmonious development of the country's ecological security. Analysis of the experience of countries such as the USA, Canada, Germany, and Great Britain has proven the impact of the latest technologies on the effectiveness of detecting and countering criminal offenses against the environment. It was concluded that modern technologies, including geo-information systems, electronic accounting systems, mobile applications for the public, automated emissions tracking systems, unmanned aerial vehicles and other innovative solutions are able to ensure the transparency of enterprises' activities and the active involvement of citizens in the control process, will allow prompt response to violations , to significantly increase the effectiveness of the actions of law enforcement agencies of Ukraine, in particular, in collecting evidence of illegal activities in the field of the environment. It was emphasized that taking into account the current environmental challenges in our country and the requirements for increasing the efficiency of law enforcement activities, the introduction and improvement of relevant innovative technologies in the field of environmental protection is urgent and expedient. This will not only improve the effectiveness of combating criminal offenses against the environment, but will also stimulate the appropriate attitude of business to environmental standards, while strengthening the public's trust in the actions of power structures.

At the ceremony dedicated to the 75th anniversary of Auschwitz liberation held in Yad Vashem Holocaust Commemoration Centre, Jerusalem, no complete truth about the Holocaust and Israeli state necessity, based on investigation of anti-Semitic crimes, was disclosed by any of Eurasian leaders. A careful examination of the Holocaust and foundation of the Israeli state shows that not only Germany and Nazi committed high and atrocious military and civil crimes against the Jewish people. The total Eurasian attitude towards the Jews was highly negative just before, during and after World War II. Soviet Union and Great Britain contributed most to the deferral of the Israeli state foundation. If the war had lasted longer and had ended in 1947 instead of 1945, there would not have been a single Jew in Eurasia because of mutual Eurasian aggression towards the Jewish people. Now, 75 years after, it is high time we revealed the importance of the Israeli state for Eurasian Jews and demythologize Eurasian “help” to the victims of Holocaust.

The subject of the presented research is the criminal law on punishment and other measures of criminal law applied in Great Britain and the United States to persons who have been found guilty of committing economic crimes. Purpose of the study: to present scientifically grounded proposals on the advisability of including in the Russian criminal law certain measures of criminal law that are applied to persons convicted of economic crimes, as an effective means of preventing white-collar crime. List of methods and objects of research. In the course of the research, dialectical, comparative-legal, formal-logical, as well as other methods of cognition used in theoretical and legal research were used in aggregate. Conclusions of the study: in the UK and the US, the practice of attracting persons convicted of many economic crimes is characterized by a high degree of severity. Punishments and other measures of criminal law, as a rule, involve the imposition of imprisonment for long periods. In addition, the perpetrator is subject to penalties aimed at the seizure of illegally obtained material values, as well as compensation for harm caused to the victim as a result of criminal activity. Such methods of combating economic crime have a high effect of private prevention of the commission of new crimes. But a significant number of people held in places of deprivation of liberty has an extremely negative effect on the financial and other interests of the state. Therefore, the Russian policy of humanizing criminal responsibility is seen as more promising in terms of countering modern economic crime. At the same time, the rule on the application of property-related punishments should be considered as a priority in the fight against economic crimes.

This study explores and compares the portrayal of women in the news reporting of crimes of sexual violence against women between two newspapers from different cultures, the Jakarta Post and the Guardian. The Jakarta Post is an English quality newspaper published in Indonesia, and the Guardian is a quality broadsheet from Great Britain. To explore the representation of women, this study accounts the portrayal of men as well since the two entities are strongly inter-related. The analytical tool used in this study is naming analysis of social actors, which is a part of critical discourse analysis. This analysis is aimed at probing the representation through the choice of lexical items in representing the main news actors. The findings of the analysis indicate that the choices of the naming categories used by both newspapers are different. The Jakarta Post mostly functionalises both the victims and the perpetrators in terms of their legal status in the criminal cases. This suggests that the broadsheet tends to view them as part of the legal processes instead of as people. The Guardian typically classifies the victims in terms of their age and gender and refers to the perpetrators with their surnames instead of as parts of the criminal cases. The Guardian’s tendency to represent both perpetrators and victims as people instead of parts of legal processes indicates that the paper is attempting to focus the reports more on the crimes themselves rather than the participants involved in the cases.

The mechanisms and the chronology of the great crimes committed by totalitarian regimes are now well documented. While they may explain the mechanics of these events, they do not always explain <em>why</em> they transpired. The implementation of Stalin’s policy of collectivization and de-kulakization relied on dissimulation. Moreover, the pace of collectivization was justified by external threats, initially from Great Britain and Poland, and later extending to Japan. This made possible the branding of any political adversary as a traitor. As long as Stalin faced organized political opposition, he was unable to launch any maximal policies. After the defeat of Trotsky in December 1927 he was able to create crisis situations that ultimately furthered his own power. The offensive he unleashed against the peasants became a means of reinforcing his increasing dictatorship. The collectivization campaign employed the rational argument that the backward countryside needs to modernize production. Its ultimate aim, however, was the crushing of an independent peasantry. There are enlightening comparisons that can be made between collectivization in China and the USSR, which are explored in this essay. The resistance to collectivization was particularly strong amongst Ukrainians. Stalin, who had long regarded the national question as inseparable from the peasant question, deliberately chose mass starvation to break resistance to his will. The history of these events was for a long time shrouded in great secrecy until it began being discussed by Western scholars, becoming a matter of considerable debate between the “totalitarian” and “revisionist” schools of Soviet historiography.

The article analyzes historical, geopolitical, legal and other aspects of the organization and conduct of the International Military Tribunal on the basis of the monograph by Corresponding Member of the Russian Academy of Sciences A.N. Savenkov “Nuremberg: A Verdict for name of Peace”. over the main Nazi criminals, the political, legal and moral significance of its results for the further strengthening of peace on Earth and the prevention of global wars, the prevention of crimes against the peace and security of mankind, the development of International Law, etc. are investigated. Based on the results of A.N. Savenkov’s research, the study of archival materials of the Nuremberg Trials and other sources on this issue, the authors believe that: • in the entire history of legal proceedings, there has probably never been a court like the Nuremberg Trials. Its uniqueness lies in the fact that it is the first case in the history of justice (sui generis) when more than 20 high-ranking officials, who were part of the highest political and military leadership of a single aggressor state, found themselves in the dock, guilty of both planning, preparing and unleashing a world war, and committing during it mass crimes against peace and humanity; • the historical value of the International Military Tribunal is also seen in the fact that its results had a huge impact on the course of world history, outlined the basic contours of the new architecture of the post-war world order and world order on Earth, laid the foundations of international criminal justice, etc., and the Tribunal itself became a symbol of the victory of good over evil; • the Nuremberg Trials showed that for crimes against peace, war crimes and crimes against humanity committed during an aggressive war, the victorious States have the right to establish a special court (ad hoc) with universal jurisdiction against the political and military leaders of the defeated State, to determine a list of specific crimes (including those with criminal retroactivity), those under his jurisdiction, to provide for a special procedure for the administration of justice, to establish the types of punishment for the perpetrators and their terms, the order and form of execution of a court sentence, etc.; • the refusal of the founders of the Ministry of Internal Affairs to bring to trial the highest state and military officials of Nazi Germany on the basis of the national laws of the countries on whose territory they committed numerous terrible crimes incompatible with human nature was due to the fact that the norms of criminal legislation of none of these states (as, indeed, International Law of that time) did not they fully covered all the specifics of the objective and subjective properties of many barbaric crimes committed by Nazi criminals against humanity, therefore, it was not possible to talk about this category of monstrous acts that claimed the lives of tens of millions of innocent people as classic forms or types of crimes that infringe on the rights and freedoms of individual citizens or states, even at the level of the institution of analogy in law; • taking into account the irremediable contradictions between the norms of national and International Law, on the one hand, and the essentially unprecedented atrocities committed by Nazi criminals on a massive scale, on the other, the victorious countries in World War II as bearers of supreme power in Germany (due to the loss of its legal personality) on August 8, 1945 we made the only possible decision in the current situation: 1) to establish an open International Military Tribunal with universal jurisdiction for the prosecution and punishment of the main war criminals of the European Axis countries; 2) on the basis of international treaties and agreements, the basic values of natural law, generally recognized principles of Criminal and Criminal Procedure Law, taking into account certain provisions of the Anglo-Saxon and Romano-Germanic legal systems, adopt the Statute of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the norms of which should: a) determine the powers and procedures of this judicial body; b) contain a criminal definition of the concepts of “criminal organization”, “crime against peace”, “war crime” and “crime against humanity”; c) provide procedural guarantees for the defendants and their defenders; d) to fix the provision according to which the official position of the defendant (be it the head of state or another responsible state official) is not a basis for exemption from liability or mitigation of punishment, etc.; • in the process of working on the Statute of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the doctrine of due (supervisory) law was widely applied in it, which, unlike what exists, is based on such immanent properties of a person’s spiritual being as justice and freedom of spirit, morality and common sense, etc. The originality of supervisory right is also manifested in the fact that it is free from any whatever the external definitions and directives, it is not burdened with political and ideological dogmas; • by its nature, the Charter of the Nuremberg Tribunal is not a normative legal act in the traditional sense of the term, but a special international prescriptive act with the force of law, adopted on August 8, 1945 by representatives of the heads of government of the USSR, the USA, Great Britain and France in the form of an annex to the London Agreement “On the Prosecution and Punishment of the main War Criminals of European Countries axes”; • in the verdict of the International Military Tribunal, for the first time at the global level, legal entities were recognized as the subject of crimes against peace, war crimes and crimes against humanity – the Elite Guard (SS), the Security Service (SD), the Secret State Police (Gestapo) and the National Socialist Workers’ Party of Germany (NSRPG). At the same time, not all crimes committed by high-ranking officials and institutions of Nazi Germany during the Second World War were reflected or properly assessed in it; • the expectations of the world community from the Nuremberg Trials were only partially justified, since in those years many in the world believed that all Nazi criminals should be put to death without trial. Only the firm position of the USSR and its insistent demands to the allied powers about the need to bring them to trial prevented further extrajudicial reprisals against them; • the International Military Tribunal in Nuremberg cannot be regarded as a “court of victors” over the defeated. It should be perceived as a unique judicial and legal phenomenon in the history of mankind - Transitional Justice at a critical stage in the modern history of mankind.

This chapter explores the concept of crimes against humanity that goes back to the Declaration of 28 May 1915 by the governments of France, Great Britain, and Russia, relating to the massacres of the Armenian population in Turkey. It analyzes the declaration that described the atrocities as crimes against humanity for which all members of the Turkish Government will be held responsible together with its agents implicated in the massacres. Similarly, in the Nuremberg trials crimes against humanity were dealt with as crimes committed by Germans against fellow Germans. The chapter discusses crimes against humanity that provides penal protection against the transgression of the most basic laws protecting the individuality as political beings and social entity as members of political communities. The transgressor becomes an enemy and legitimate target of all humankind, who may bring to justice.

While America’s founders sought to create a nation of religious freedom, not a Christian nation, Christians in the early nineteenth century effectively Christianized the American Republic through the Second Great Awakening. Over the course of American history, many whites have accepted the claim that America is a Christian nation. Blacks from an early date, however, have argued that Christian America is a hollow concept, informed by assumptions of white supremacy. In the nineteenth century, David Walker ridiculed the notion of Christian America, while Frederick Douglass and Ida B. Wells claimed that the idea of Christian America was a cover for horrendous crimes against blacks. In the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, blacks as disparate as Martin Luther King Jr., Malcolm X, James Baldwin, Ta-Nehisi Coates, and James Cone unmasked the myth of a Christian America. By the twenty-first century, the collapse of Christian dominance in the United States could be traced, at least in part, to the complicity of white American Christians in the myth of White Supremacy. Many white Christians responded by attempting to restore a lost golden age, ignoring their complicity in the myth of White Supremacy that had helped bring on America’s fourth time of trial.

This chapter examines the use of incapacity and mental condition defences for criminal offences in Great Britain. It discusses the general principles of the excusatory defence of insanity and automatism as distinct from diminished responsibility and explores the notion that insanity is out of date and unrelated to contemporary classifications of mental illness. It considers whether insanity can be pleaded for all crimes. The chapter explains that intoxication is often not considered a valid defence although it may negate mens rea and provide partial defence to crimes of specific intent. It explains and clarifies the Majewski rule and how it works. It also considers intoxicated mistake. The chapter evaluates arguments for and against the age of criminal responsibility and analyses court decisions in relevant cases.

This chapter examines the use of incapacity and mental condition defences for criminal offences in Great Britain. It discusses the general principles of the excusatory defence of insanity and automatism as distinct from diminished responsibility and explores the notion that insanity is out of date and unrelated to contemporary classifications of mental illness. The chapter explains that intoxication is often not considered a valid defence although it may negate mens rea and provide partial defence to crimes of specific intent. It explains and clarifies the Majewski rule and how it works. The chapter evaluates arguments for and against the age of criminal responsibility and analyses court decisions in relevant cases.

Background: Public behaviour and the new hostile threats • Civil contingencies planning and preparedness for hostile threats requires accurate and up to date knowledge about how the public might behave in relation to such incidents. Inaccurate understandings of public behaviour can lead to dangerous and counterproductive practices and policies. • There is consistent evidence across both hostile threats and other kinds of emergencies and disasters that significant numbers of those affected give each other support, cooperate, and otherwise interact socially within the incident itself. • In emergency incidents, competition among those affected occurs in only limited situations, and loss of behavioural control is rare. • Spontaneous cooperation among the public in emergency incidents, based on either social capital or emergent social identity, is a crucial part of civil contingencies planning. • There has been relatively little research on public behaviour in response to the new hostile threats of the past ten years, however. • The programme of work summarized in this briefing document came about in response to a wave of false alarm flight incidents in the 2010s, linked to the new hostile threats (i.e., marauding terrorist attacks). • By using a combination of archive data for incidents in Great Britain 2010-2019, interviews, video data analysis, and controlled experiments using virtual reality technology, we were able to examine experiences, measure behaviour, and test hypotheses about underlying psychological mechanisms in both false alarms and public interventions against a hostile threat. Re-visiting the relationship between false alarms and crowd disasters • The Bethnal Green tube disaster of 1943, in which 173 people died, has historically been used to suggest that (mis)perceived hostile threats can lead to uncontrolled ‘stampedes’. • Re-analysis of witness statements suggests that public fears of Germany bombs were realistic rather than unreasonable, and that flight behaviour was socially structured rather than uncontrolled. • Evidence for a causal link between the flight of the crowd and the fatal crowd collapse is weak at best. • Altogether, the analysis suggests the importance of examining people’s beliefs about context to understand when they might interpret ambiguous signals as a hostile threat, and that. Tthe concepts of norms and relationships offer better ways to explain such incidents than ‘mass panic’. Why false alarms occur • The wider context of terrorist threat provides a framing for the public’s perception of signals as evidence of hostile threats. In particular, the magnitude of recent psychologically relevant terrorist attacks predicts likelihood of false alarm flight incidents. • False alarms in Great Britain are more likely to occur in those towns and cities that have seen genuine terrorist incidents. • False alarms in Great Britain are more likely to occur in the types of location where terrorist attacks happen, such as shopping areass, transport hubs, and other crowded places. • The urgent or flight behaviour of other people (including the emergency services) influences public perceptions that there is a hostile threat, particularly in situations of greater ambiguity, and particularly when these other people are ingroup. • High profile tweets suggesting a hostile threat, including from the police, have been associated with the size and scale of false alarm responses. • In most cases, it is a combination of factors – context, others’ behaviour, communications – that leads people to flee. A false alarm tends not to be sudden or impulsive, and often follows an initial phase of discounting threat – as with many genuine emergencies. 2.4 How the public behave in false alarm flight incidents • Even in those false alarm incidents where there is urgent flight, there are also other behaviours than running, including ignoring the ‘threat’, and walking away. • Injuries occur but recorded injuries are relatively uncommon. • Hiding is a common behaviour. In our evidence, this was facilitated by orders from police and offers from people staff in shops and other premises. • Supportive behaviours are common, including informational and emotional support. • Members of the public often cooperate with the emergency services and comply with their orders but also question instructions when the rationale is unclear. • Pushing, trampling and other competitive behaviour can occur,s but only in restricted situations and briefly. • At the Oxford Street Black Friday 2017 false alarm, rather than an overall sense of unity across the crowd, camaraderie existed only in pockets. This was likely due to the lack of a sense of common fate or reference point across the incident; the fragmented experience would have hindered the development of a shared social identity across the crowd. • Large and high profile false alarm incidents may be associated with significant levels of distress and even humiliation among those members of the public affected, both at the time and in the aftermath, as the rest of society reflects and comments on the incident. Public behaviour in response to visible marauding attackers • Spontaneous, coordinated public responses to marauding bladed attacks have been observed on a number of occasions. • Close examination of marauding bladed attacks suggests that members of the public engage in a wide variety of behaviours, not just flight. • Members of the public responding to marauding bladed attacks adopt a variety of complementary roles. These, that may include defending, communicating, first aid, recruiting others, marshalling, negotiating, risk assessment, and evidence gathering. Recommendations for practitioners and policymakers • Embed the psychology of public behaviour in emergencies in your training and guidance. • Continue to inform the public and promote public awareness where there is an increased threat. • Build long-term relations with the public to achieve trust and influence in emergency preparedness. • Use a unifying language and supportive forms of communication to enhance unity both within the crowd and between the crowd and the authorities. • Authorities and responders should take a reflexive approach to their responses to possible hostile threats, by reflecting upon how their actions might be perceived by the public and impact (positively and negatively) upon public behaviour. • To give emotional support, prioritize informative and actionable risk and crisis communication over emotional reassurances. • Provide first aid kits in transport infrastructures to enable some members of the public more effectively to act as zero responders.