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1

Burke, Jeffrey C. "The Black Death in Egypt and England." American Journal of Islam and Society 24, no. 4 (October 1, 2007): 108–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v24i4.1518.

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In this cross-regional comparative study, Stuart Borsch marshals medievaleconomic data to address why, following the Black Death, “Egypt’s centralizedand urban landholding system was unable to adapt to massive depopulation,while England’s localized and rural landholding system had fullyrecovered by the year 1500” (dust jacket). After making a quick dispatch ofantiquated theories and flawed research, he introduces new findings onmedieval Egypt’s sharp financial downturn in contrast to England’s economicstabilization and upswing.The author points out that both states were centralized monarchies withsimilar population levels and agrarian-based economies overseen by “bigstick” aristocracies. Egypt had a modicum of arable land along the Nile;England had large areas of pastoral land and far more arable soil (pp. 16-17).In addition, Egypt’s nonhereditary ruling Mamluk elite, imported Caucasianand Central Asian slave children (some of whom actually ruled), becameiron-handed absentee landholders: “A vast gulf separated the Mamlukwarrior-landholder from the Egyptian peasant. A barracks-trained TurkishorCircassian-speaking Mamluk and a village peasant were probably as ...
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2

Aldridge, Robert W., Dan Lewer, Srinivasa Vittal Katikireddi, Rohini Mathur, Neha Pathak, Rachel Burns, Ellen B. Fragaszy, et al. "Black, Asian and Minority Ethnic groups in England are at increased risk of death from COVID-19: indirect standardisation of NHS mortality data." Wellcome Open Research 5 (June 24, 2020): 88. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/wellcomeopenres.15922.2.

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Background: International and UK data suggest that Black, Asian and Minority Ethnic (BAME) groups are at increased risk of infection and death from COVID-19. We aimed to explore the risk of death in minority ethnic groups in England using data reported by NHS England. Methods: We used NHS data on patients with a positive COVID-19 test who died in hospitals in England published on 28th April, with deaths by ethnicity available from 1st March 2020 up to 5pm on 21 April 2020. We undertook indirect standardisation of these data (using the whole population of England as the reference) to produce ethnic specific standardised mortality ratios (SMRs) adjusted for age and geographical region. Results: The largest total number of deaths in minority ethnic groups were Indian (492 deaths) and Black Caribbean (460 deaths) groups. Adjusting for region we found a lower risk of death for White Irish (SMR 0.52; 95%CIs 0.45-0.60) and White British ethnic groups (0.88; 95%CIs 0.86-0.0.89), but increased risk of death for Black African (3.24; 95%CIs 2.90-3.62), Black Caribbean (2.21; 95%CIs 2.02-2.41), Pakistani (3.29; 95%CIs 2.96-3.64), Bangladeshi (2.41; 95%CIs 1.98-2.91) and Indian (1.70; 95%CIs 1.56-1.85) minority ethnic groups. Conclusion: Our analysis adds to the evidence that BAME people are at increased risk of death from COVID-19 even after adjusting for geographical region, but was limited by the lack of data on deaths outside of NHS settings and ethnicity denominator data being based on the 2011 census. Despite these limitations, we believe there is an urgent need to take action to reduce the risk of death for BAME groups and better understand why some ethnic groups experience greater risk. Actions that are likely to reduce these inequities include ensuring adequate income protection, reducing occupational risks, reducing barriers in accessing healthcare and providing culturally and linguistically appropriate public health communications.
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3

Hatcher, John. "ENGLAND IN THE AFTERMATH OF THE BLACK DEATH." Past and Present 144, no. 1 (1994): 3–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/past/144.1.3.

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4

CAMPBELL, BRUCE M. S. "Factor markets in England before the Black Death." Continuity and Change 24, no. 1 (April 20, 2009): 79–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0268416009007036.

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ABSTRACTModern English factor markets originated during the two centuries of active commercialization that preceded the Black Death. An active labour market was established by the late twelfth century. Evolution of a land market followed the legal reforms of the 1170s and 1180s, which created legally secure and defensible property rights in land. These rights stimulated growth of a capital market, since land became a security against which credit could be obtained. Nevertheless, none of these nascent factor markets functioned unconstrained and each became embedded in legal, tenurial, and institutional complexities and rigidities which it took later generations centuries to reform.
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5

Pei, Xiaolin. "The Agricultural and Industrial Revolutions in England and China: A View through the Lens of Dynamic Property Rights Theory." Rural China 17, no. 2 (September 21, 2020): 194–261. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22136746-01702002.

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Abstract This article presents a dynamic land property rights theory based on the law of the limit to land productivity, and then uses this theory and a large amount of data to compare the history of the agricultural and industrial revolutions in England and China. The article finds that, in England, the arable land—especially sown land—per capita of the agricultural population trended downward before the Black Death, but after the Black Death, experienced a long-term upward trend. In China, however, over the same period, the sown area per capita of the rural population shrank. It is these opposing trends that account for the historical divergence between the economies of England and China. This article concludes that the agricultural and industrial revolutions in England, as well as England’s capitalist market and private property rights regime, are the result of the expansion of the sown area per capita of the agricultural population. The article also concludes that the claim that England’s capitalist system of markets and private property rights gave birth to its agricultural and industrial revolutions cannot be sustained.
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6

Aldridge, Robert W., Dan Lewer, Srinivasa Vittal Katikireddi, Rohini Mathur, Neha Pathak, Rachel Burns, Ellen B. Fragaszy, et al. "Black, Asian and Minority Ethnic groups in England are at increased risk of death from COVID-19: indirect standardisation of NHS mortality data." Wellcome Open Research 5 (May 6, 2020): 88. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/wellcomeopenres.15922.1.

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Background: International and UK data suggest that Black, Asian and Minority Ethnic (BAME) groups are at increased risk of infection and death from COVID-19. We aimed to explore the risk of death in minority ethnic groups in England using data reported by NHS England. Methods: We used NHS data on patients with a positive COVID-19 test who died in hospitals in England published on 28th April, with deaths by ethnicity available from 1st March 2020 up to 5pm on 21 April 2020. We undertook indirect standardisation of these data (using the whole population of England as the reference) to produce ethnic specific standardised mortality ratios (SMRs) adjusted for age and geographical region. Results: The largest total number of deaths in minority ethnic groups were Indian (492 deaths) and Black Caribbean (460 deaths) groups. Adjusting for region we found a lower risk of death for White Irish (SMR 0.52; 95%CIs 0.45-0.60) and White British ethnic groups (0.88; 95%CIs 0.86-0.0.89), but increased risk of death for Black African (3.24; 95%CIs 2.90-3.62), Black Caribbean (2.21; 95%CIs 2.02-2.41), Pakistani (3.29; 95%CIs 2.96-3.64), Bangladeshi (2.41; 95%CIs 1.98-2.91) and Indian (1.70; 95%CIs 1.56-1.85) minority ethnic groups. Conclusion: Our analysis adds to the evidence that BAME people are at increased risk of death from COVID-19 even after adjusting for geographical region. We believe there is an urgent need to take action to reduce the risk of death for BAME groups and better understand why some ethnic groups experience greater risk. Actions that are likely to reduce these inequities include ensuring adequate income protection (so that low paid and zero-hours contract workers can afford to follow social distancing recommendations), reducing occupational risks (such as ensuring adequate personal protective equipment), reducing barriers in accessing healthcare and providing culturally and linguistically appropriate public health communications.
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7

Badham, Sally. "Monumental Brasses and The Black Death – A Reappraisal." Antiquaries Journal 80, no. 1 (September 2000): 207–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003581500050228.

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It has long been assumed that the Black Death totally devastated the brass engraving industry in England, but no previous study has focused specifically on this period. Stylistic analysis, particularly of the inscriptions, shows that there was continuity of production in the London A workshop right through the period of recurrent plague and that a second workshop, London B, was established towards the end of the 1350s. The workshops appear to have responded to a reduced supply of skilled labour by limiting their product range. The brasses of the plague years are modest in comparison with earlier brasses, though those commemorated were not of lower social status. No large figure brasses date from this decade, though significant numbers of minor compositions were produced. This temporary inability to supply elaborate, high-quality figure brasses enabled the Tournai ateliers to expand exports to England.
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8

Martin, A. Lynn, and Colin Platt. "King Death: The Black Death and Its Aftermath in Late-Medieval England." Sixteenth Century Journal 28, no. 3 (1997): 1057. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2543117.

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9

Benenson, Abram S., and Colin Platt. "King Death: The Black Death and Its Aftermath in Late-Medieval England." Journal of Public Health Policy 19, no. 2 (1998): 232. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3343300.

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10

Wunderli, Richard. "King Death: The Black Death and Its Aftermath in Late-Medieval England." History: Reviews of New Books 25, no. 2 (January 1997): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1997.9952707.

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11

Voigts, Linda E. "King Death: The Black Death and its Aftermath in Late-Medieval England." Bulletin of the History of Medicine 73, no. 2 (1999): 306–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/bhm.1999.0071.

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12

Muendel, John. "King Death: The Black Death and Its Aftermath in Late-Medieval England." JAMA: The Journal of the American Medical Association 277, no. 12 (March 26, 1997): 1007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1001/jama.1997.03540360075037.

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13

Rigby, S. H. "Gendering the Black Death: Women in Later Medieval England." Gender History 12, no. 3 (November 2000): 745–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-0424.00210.

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14

Clark, Gregory. "MICROBES AND MARKETS: WAS THE BLACK DEATH AN ECONOMIC REVOLUTION?" Journal of Demographic Economics 82, no. 2 (May 13, 2016): 139–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/dem.2016.6.

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Abstract:Recent papers have suggested that the Industrial Revolution in Europe ultimately derives from the labor scarce economy of northwest Europe, which some trace back to the Black Death [Voigtländer and Voth (2013a) and Allen (2011)]. This paper examines the effects of the Black Death in England. Specifically, did it merely change relative factor prices, or did it lead to lasting gains in the efficiency of the economy after 1348? Extensive wage and price data from England 1210–1800 suggest that the population losses of the Black Death were associated with a surprising increase in economic efficiency, despite the decline in the scale of the economy. But this efficiency gain disappeared when population rose again in the 16th century. There is no sign of a connection between a labor scarce economy, and a switch to faster long run economic growth through technological advance.
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15

Kroll, Mary E., Maria A. Quigley, Jennifer J. Kurinczuk, Nirupa Dattani, Yangmei Li, and Jennifer Hollowell. "Ethnic variation in unexplained deaths in infancy, including sudden infant death syndrome (SIDS), England and Wales 2006–2012: national birth cohort study using routine data." Journal of Epidemiology and Community Health 72, no. 10 (July 4, 2018): 911–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/jech-2018-210453.

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BackgroundUnexplained deaths in infancy comprise ‘sudden infant death syndrome’ (SIDS) and deaths without ascertained cause. They are typically sleep-related, perhaps triggered by unsafe sleep environments. Preterm birth may increase risk, and varies with ethnicity. We aimed to compare ethnic-specific rates of unexplained infant death, explore sociodemographic explanations for ethnic variation, and examine the role of preterm birth.MethodsWe analysed routine data for 4.6 million live singleton births in England and Wales 2006–2012, including seven non-White ethnic groups ranging in size from 29 313 (Mixed Black-African-White) to 180 265 (Pakistani). We calculated rates, birth-year-adjusted ORs, and effects of further adjustments on the χ2 for ethnic variation.ResultsThere were 1559 unexplained infant deaths. Crude rates per 1000 live singleton births were as follows: 0.1–0.2 for Indian, Bangladeshi, Pakistani, White Non-British, Black African; 0.4 for White British; 0.6–0.7 for Mixed Black-African-White, Mixed Black-Caribbean-White, Black Caribbean. Birth-year-adjusted ORs relative to White British ranged from 0.38 (95% CI 0.24 to 0.60) for Indian babies to 1.73 (1.21 to 2.47) for Black Caribbean (χ2(10 df)=113.6, p<0.0005). Combined adjustment for parents’ marital/registration status and mother’s country of birth (UK/non-UK) attenuated the ethnic variation. Adjustments for gestational age at birth, maternal age and area deprivation made little difference.ConclusionSubstantial ethnic disparity in risk of unexplained infant death exists in England and Wales. Apparently not attributable to preterm birth or area deprivation, this may reflect cultural differences in infant care. Further research into infant-care practices in low-risk ethnic groups might enable more effective prevention of such deaths in the general population.
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16

Taylor, John A. "Black Death, “Industrial Revolution” and Paper Age collapse." Terra Economicus 18, no. 3 (September 25, 2020): 6–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/2073-6606-2020-18-3-6-17.

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This essay discusses first English and then world economic history, starting with the Black Death of 1348–1400AD. When the English population and wealth both increased after 1400, the structure of English development by the year 1700 became a little bit like a spiral, this paper says. The aggregate size of wealth increased, but there was little commensurate change in the distribution of wealth. The eighteenth-century English elite absorbed the elites of Wales and Scotland, and then the Protestant elite of Ireland. Then, on the same model of absorption, an English-speaking elite later came to dominate world wealth. As the world population increased in the early modern period, and as aggregate wealth increased apace, the distribution of world wealth became approximately what the distribution of wealth had been in England in 1700. A tiny group of very wealthy people had controlled the wealth of England in 1700. In the late twentieth century, the English elite absorbed the world elite many of whom adopted the English language and much of English culture. They often sent their children to study in Britain or America. Now this tiny elite group, English in language and usually English in culture, controls much of the wealth of the world while at the same time the ongoing increase in population has produced a huge number of very poor people.
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17

Horrox, R. "The Black Death in Egypt and England: A Comparative Study." English Historical Review CXXII, no. 498 (September 1, 2007): 1075–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cem178.

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18

FRANK, R. G. "Effects of the Black Death in England An Essay Review." Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences 54, no. 4 (October 1, 1999): 596–605. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jhmas/54.4.596.

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19

DeWitte, Sharon, and Philip Slavin. "Between Famine and Death: England on the Eve of the Black Death—Evidence from Paleoepidemiology and Manorial Accounts." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 44, no. 1 (May 2013): 37–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_a_00500.

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Archaeological findings, in conjunction with contemporary quantitative data from manorial records, demonstrate that most of the English population before the onset of the Black Death (1348–1350) suffered from a chronic shortage of protein, calcium, and Vitamin B12 for at least one generation—much longer than the three years of bad harvests and grain famine typically attributed to the Great Famine (1315–1317). The skeletal evidence suggests that after the Great Famine had thinned the population of its frailest individuals, the Great Bovine Pestilence (1319–1320), which caused a prolonged dearth of dairy products, created a generation of people who were less healthy than those who had survived the famine and who therefore were particularly susceptible to the ravages associated with the Black Death.
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20

Moore, Ken. "“Ther cam a Privee Theef, Men Clepeth Deeth”: A Tale of Two Plagues and of Altered Perspectives." Athens Journal of History 8, no. 4 (September 26, 2022): 261–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.30958/ajhis.8-4-1.

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This article contrasts the 14th century Black Death (Bubonic Plague), particularly in England where its effects are well-attested, with the contemporary COVID-19 pandemic, in terms of similarities and (potential) consequences. The two pandemics, as the paper will argue, have much in common. They are also very different in terms of the death toll as well as, in particular, how modern technology and medical science have been able to deal with COVID-19 arguably much better than 14th century Europe was able to cope with the Black Death. Even so, both plagues have demonstrably impacted society and, in the case of the recent pandemic, we have yet to witness all of its effects. Some careful analysis will be made of the rather dramatic impact of the Black Death in England which, in particular, resulted in the decline of feudalism. I argue that this was the result of a changed perspective. Drawing on that example, this article considers how the current plague may also be changing perspectives in order to make some tentative, longer term predictions about our future.
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LILLEY, KEITH D. "Urban planning after the Black Death: townscape transformation in later medieval England (1350–1530)." Urban History 42, no. 1 (September 4, 2014): 22–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963926814000492.

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ABSTRACT:This article offers a reconsideration of planning and development in English towns and cities after the Black Death (1348). Conventional historical accounts have stressed the occurrence of urban ‘decay’ in the later fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Here, instead, a case is made that after 1350 urban planning continued to influence towns and cities in England through the transformation of their townscapes. Using the conceptual approaches of urban morphologists in particular, the article demonstrates that not only did the foundation of new towns and creation of new suburbs characterize the period 1350–1530, but so too did the redevelopment of existing urban landscapes through civic improvements and public works. These reveal evidence for the particular ‘agents of change’ involved in the planning and development process, such as surveyors, officials, patrons and architects, and also the role played by maps and drawn surveys. In this reappraisal, England's urban experiences can be seen to have been closely connected with those instances of urban planning after the Black Death occurring elsewhere in contemporary continental Europe.
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FOREMAN, P. GABRIELLE. "New England's Fortune: An Inheritance of Black Bodies and Bones." Journal of American Studies 49, no. 2 (May 2015): 287–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875815000080.

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Histories of emancipation find ballast in the moments we memorialize. This piece tracks possessive investments and emancipatory challenges with origins in eighteenth-century New England. In the face of Connecticut's 1784 gradual manumission Act, slaveholders in a New England town protected their family's interests by transforming their human property into intellectual property. In 1798 an enslaved man named Fortune was dissected after his death by his owner, Dr. Preserved Porter, and the skeleton exhibited as a symbol of medical and social capital. Renamed Larry, the bones paid professional dividends for more than a century afterward, and were rearticulated in 1930s Europe before becoming the most popular exhibit at the Mattatuck Museum in Waterbury, Connecticut. This article fleshes out the buried histories of dis(re)membered black subjects by examining white ownership and display of black bodies after death. By unearthing the relationship between medical knowledge generation and white uses of black bodies, I illustrate how white knowledge and status is indebted not only to black labor in life but also to the work that black bodies continued to do in the name of medical “progress.” This essay interrogates the politics of black death and dissection and the contemporary complexities of historical recovery and resuscitation.
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Brown, Alex. "After the Black Death: Economy, Society and the Law in Fourteenth-Century England." History: Reviews of New Books 50, no. 4 (July 4, 2022): 57–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2022.2085106.

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Kitsikopoulos, H. "The Impact of the Black Death on Peasant Economy in England, 1350-1500." Journal of Peasant Studies 29, no. 2 (January 2002): 71–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/714003952.

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Jordan, William Chester, and Justin Stearns. "The Black Death in Egypt and England: A Comparative Study. Stuart J. Borsch." Speculum 81, no. 4 (October 2006): 1163–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0038713400004358.

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KARAKACILI, EONA. "English Agrarian Labor Productivity Rates Before the Black Death: A Case Study." Journal of Economic History 64, no. 1 (March 2004): 24–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050704002591.

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It is often suggested that an agricultural revolution, currently defined as a rise in the output of arable workers, was a necessary precursor to industrialization and improved living standards. This article provides the first direct measurement of arable workers' average labor productivity for pre-industrial England. Rates are assessed for those production conditions that it is thought resulted in the lowest agrarian labor productivity rates in the pre-industrial period: c.1300–1348. The rates for English workers before the Black Death either surpassed or met the literature's best estimates for English workers until 1800, well after industrialization was underway.
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BARDSLEY, SANDY. "Peasant women and inheritance of land in fourteenth-century England." Continuity and Change 29, no. 3 (December 2014): 297–324. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0268416014000253.

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ABSTRACTThis study argues that women's ownership of land – an important component of their status – changed little, if at all, after the Black Death of the mid-fourteenth century. Using rentals and obit data from court rolls, a new formula for measuring female inheritance is devised which shows that daughters received even less of their expected due during the plague years. While high death rates might predict that brotherless daughters would be more likely to inherit land, inheritance practices shifted so that women continued to hold much the same total area as before. The article considers several reasons for this continuity, concluding that women found it especially hard to compete in an era of acute labour shortage.
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LEE, SangDong. "The Social and Economic Impacts of the Black Death in England : Concerning Wage Disputes." Journal of Western Medieval History 49 (March 31, 2022): 101–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.21591/jwmh.2022.49.1.101.

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Mayhew, Nick, and Katherine Ball. "Debasement and demography in England and France in the Later Middle Ages." Continuity and Change 37, no. 2 (August 2022): 233–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0268416022000194.

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AbstractEngland recovered slowly after the Black Death, but countries which debased more saw rising prices and earlier population growth and economic recovery. We examine debasement in England, France, Flanders, and Scotland, emphasising the importance of nominal prices and governments’ role in determining and enforcing monetary policy. Money, as well as demography, strongly influenced the behaviour of prices in later medieval Europe, and price changes had profound economic effects. Population levels depend on mortality and fertility. It is not clear that mortality in England was more severe than elsewhere, but the English economic recession could have affected fertility and nuptiality.
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Barnard, Sharmani, Paul Fryers, Justine Fitzpatrick, Sebastian Fox, Zachary Waller, Allan Baker, Paul Burton, John Newton, Yvonne Doyle, and Peter Goldblatt. "Inequalities in excess premature mortality in England during the COVID-19 pandemic: a cross-sectional analysis of cumulative excess mortality by area deprivation and ethnicity." BMJ Open 11, no. 12 (December 2021): e052646. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjopen-2021-052646.

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ObjectivesTo examine magnitude of the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on inequalities in premature mortality in England by deprivation and ethnicity.DesignA statistical model to estimate increased mortality in population subgroups during the COVID-19 pandemic by comparing observed with expected mortality in each group based on trends over the previous 5 years.SettingInformation on deaths registered in England since 2015 was used, including age, sex, area of residence and cause of death. Ethnicity was obtained from Hospital Episode Statistics records linked to death data.ParticipantsPopulation study of England, including all 569 824 deaths from all causes registered between 21 March 2020 and 26 February 2021.Main outcome measuresExcess mortality in each subgroup over and above the number expected based on trends in mortality in that group over the previous 5 years.ResultsThe gradient in excess mortality by area deprivation was greater in the under 75s (the most deprived areas had 1.25 times as many deaths as expected, least deprived 1.14) than in all ages (most deprived had 1.24 times as many deaths as expected, least deprived 1.20). Among the black and Asian groups, all area deprivation quintiles had significantly larger excesses than white groups in the most deprived quintiles and there were no clear gradients across quintiles. Among the white group, only those in the most deprived quintile had more excess deaths than deaths directly involving COVID-19.ConclusionThe COVID-19 pandemic has widened inequalities in premature mortality by area deprivation. Among those under 75, the direct and indirect effects of the pandemic on deaths have disproportionately impacted ethnic minority groups irrespective of area deprivation, and the white group the most deprived areas. Statistics limited to deaths directly involving COVID-19 understate the pandemic’s impact on inequalities by area deprivation and ethnic group at younger ages.
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Humphries, Jane, and Jacob Weisdorf. "The Wages of Women in England, 1260–1850." Journal of Economic History 75, no. 2 (June 2015): 405–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050715000662.

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This paper presents two wage-series for unskilled English women workers 1260–1850, one based on daily wages and one on the daily remuneration implied in annual contracts. The series are compared with each other and with evidence for men, informing several debates. Our findings suggest first that women servants did not share the post-Black Death “golden age” and so offer little support for a “girl-powered” economic breakthrough; and second that during the industrial revolution, women who were unable to work long hours lost ground relative to men and to women who could work full-time and fell increasingly adrift from any “High Wage Economy.”
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Gharaibeh, Sara Abdul-Karim Qasim, and Mohammad Hossein Zarei. "Socioeconomic variations in rates of hospitalisation and mortality from COVID-19 in England." British Journal of Healthcare Management 28, no. 4 (April 2, 2022): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.12968/bjhc.2022.0001.

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Background/Aims As well as age and presence of comorbidities, research has suggested that socioeconomic factors, such as income and ethnicity, may affect an individual's risk of severe COVID-19. This study looked at the geographical variations in rates of hospitalisation and death from COVID-19, exploring whether socioeconomic factors were linked to these variations. Methods A cross-sectional retrospective quantitative study was conducted using data regarding the number of cases of COVID-19 cases during the first wave of the pandemic in England (March–July 2020). A total of 242 624 confirmed cases of COVID-19 from across England were analysed. The extent to which predisposing factors, such as population density, age and comorbities, affected morbidity and mortality rates in the different regions was calculated. The impact of socioeconomic factors, such as employment status and ethnicity, were also analysed. Results There was a significant association between long unemployment and likelihood of death from COVID-19. Areas with higher proportions of individuals from Black, Asian and ethnic minority backgrounds were also more likely to have higher rates of hospitalisations and deaths from COVID-19. Overall, London was the region with the highest standardised rates of hospitalisation (67.73%) and mortality (20%). Conclusions Socioeconomic factors have contributed to the geographical variations in COVID-19 mortality across different areas of England. This implies that these factors should be taken into account when planning healthcare and public health strategies.
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Hemer, Katie A., Thomas J. Booth, Caterina Raffone, Colleen Mann, Claire L. Corkhill, and Hugh Willmott. "‘Among his fellows cast’: A histotaphonomic investigation into the impact of the Black Death in England." Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports 39 (October 2021): 103161. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jasrep.2021.103161.

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Kumar, Sumit, Lawrence W. Sherman, and Heather Strang. "Racial Disparities in Homicide Victimisation Rates: How to Improve Transparency by the Office of National Statistics in England and Wales." Cambridge Journal of Evidence-Based Policing 4, no. 3-4 (November 10, 2020): 178–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s41887-020-00055-y.

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Abstract Research Question How much racial disparity in trends of homicide victimisation rates in England and Wales is obscured by the failure of official statistics to report rates of death per 100,000 people at risk? Data We collected two decades of homicide victimisation counts in England and Wales, as broken out for each racial group identified by the Office of National Statistics. We also collected the estimated population size of those groups from the 2001 and 2011 Census. Methods We divided the number of homicides in each racial category by the estimated population size of that category, by year, for 20 years, and plotted their relationships. Findings While White homicide victimisation rates remained low and stable from 2000 through 2019, Black homicide victimisation ranged from 200 to 800% higher than that for the White population during that time period, at an average of 5.6 times higher for Blacks. While Black victimisation dropped by 69% from 2001 to 2012, it almost doubled (79% increase) from 2013 to 2019, rising seven times faster than the White victimisation rate. Asian rates remained stable at about twice as high as White rates. For persons aged 16 to 24, the most recent homicide rate was 24 times higher for Blacks than for Whites. Conclusion None of these rates per 100,000 or ratios has been reported by the Office of National Statistics. If future ONS reporting of homicide rates would include relevant denominators with raw numerators, public understanding of racial disparities in “over-policing” could be informed by potential “under-policing” relative to racial inequalities in homicide risk.
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Bennett, Judith M. "Wretched girls, wretched boys and the European Marriage Pattern in England (c. 1250–1350)." Continuity and Change 34, no. 3 (December 2019): 315–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0268416019000328.

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AbstractFollowing on from ‘Married and not: Weston's grown children in 1268–1269’, this article places the Lincolnshire village of Weston within a realm-wide context to demonstrate that, as the rural economy stumbled after c. 1250, many young women and men either delayed marriage or could not marry at all. The European Marriage Pattern (late marriage for some and no marriage for others) can be discerned in England long before the socio-economic adjustments that followed the Black Death, and it grew mainly from poverty, not prosperity.
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Faulkner, M. "DOUGLAS GRAY (ed.), From the Norman Conquest to the Black Death: an anthology of writings from England." Notes and Queries 59, no. 2 (March 31, 2012): 258–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/notesj/gjs054.

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37

Müller, Anne. "Managing Crises : Institutional Re-stabilisation of the Religious Orders in England after the Black Death (1347-1350)." Revue Mabillon 16 (January 2005): 205–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.rm.2.303577.

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Haar, Justin. "From the Norman Conquest to the Black Death: An Anthology of Writings from England (review)." Comitatus: A Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Studies 43, no. 1 (2012): 200–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cjm.2012.0013.

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39

Bedikian, Sonia A. "The Death of Mourning: From Victorian Crepe to the Little Black Dress." OMEGA - Journal of Death and Dying 57, no. 1 (August 2008): 35–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/om.57.1.c.

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Mourning is a natural response to loss. In the late eighteenth century and throughout the nineteenth century, in England and France, the bereaved was expected to follow a complex set of rules, particularly among the upper classes, with women more bound to adhere to these customs than men. Such customs involved wearing heavy, concealing, black costume and the use of black crepe veils. Special black caps and bonnets were worn with these ensembles. Widows were expected to wear these clothes up to four years after their loss to show their grief. Jewelry often made of dark black jet or the hair of the deceased was used. To remove the costume earlier was thought disrespectful to the deceased. Formal mourning culminated during the reign of Queen Victoria. Her prolonged grief over the death of her husband, Prince Albert, had much to do with the practice. During the succeeding Edwardian rule, the fashions began to be more functional and less restrictive, but the dress protocol for men and women, including that for the period of mourning, was still rigidly adhered to. When World War I began, many women joined the workforce. Most widows attempted to maintain the traditional conventions of mourning, but with an increase in the number of casualties, it became impractical for them to interrupt their work in order to observe the seclusion called for by formal mourning etiquette. Never had the code of mourning been less strictly applied than during this period. The mourning outfits of the time were modest and made of practical materials. Little jewelry and few other accessories were used. Certain aspects of traditional mourning were still followed, such as the use of jet beading, crepe trim, and widows' caps. However, the hemlines fell above the ankle, the veil was used to frame the face instead of cover it, and the v-neckline left the chest and neck bare. During the following decades, gradually the rules were relaxed further and it became acceptable for both sexes to dress in dark colors for up to a year after a death in the family.
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Opondo, Charles, Hiranthi Jayaweera, Jennifer Hollowell, Yangmei Li, Jennifer J. Kurinczuk, and Maria A. Quigley. "Variations in neonatal mortality, infant mortality, preterm birth and birth weight in England and Wales according to ethnicity and maternal country or region of birth: an analysis of linked national data from 2006 to 2012." Journal of Epidemiology and Community Health 74, no. 4 (January 21, 2020): 336–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/jech-2019-213093.

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BackgroundRisks of adverse birth outcomes in England and Wales are relatively low but vary across ethnic groups. We aimed to explore the role of mother’s country of birth on birth outcomes across ethnic groups using a large population-based linked data set.MethodsWe used a cohort of 4.6 million singleton live births in England and Wales to estimate relative risks of neonatal mortality, infant mortality and preterm birth, and differences in birth weight, comparing infants of UK-born mothers to infants whose mothers were born in their countries or regions of ethnic origin, or elsewhere.ResultsThe crude neonatal and infant death risks were 2.1 and 3.2 per 1000, respectively, the crude preterm birth risk was 5.6% and the crude mean birth weight was 3.36 kg. Pooling across all ethnic groups, infants of mothers born in their countries or regions of ethnic origin had lower adjusted risks of death and preterm birth, and higher gestational age-adjusted mean birth weights than those of UK-born mothers. White British infants of non-UK-born mothers had slightly lower gestational age-adjusted mean birth weights than White British infants of UK-born mothers (mean difference −3 g, 95% CI −5 g to −0.3 g). Pakistani infants of Pakistan-born mothers had lower adjusted risks of neonatal death (adjusted risk ratio (aRR) 0.84, 95% CI 0.72 to 0.98), infant death (aRR 0.84, 95% CI 0.75 to 0.94) and preterm birth (aRR 0.85, 95% CI 0.82 to 0.88) than Pakistani infants of UK-born Pakistani mothers. Indian infants of India-born mothers had lower adjusted preterm birth risk (aRR 0.91, 95% CI 0.87 to 0.96) than Indian infants of UK-born Indian mothers. There was no evidence of a difference by mother’s country of birth in risk of birth outcomes among Black infants, except Black Caribbean infants of mothers born in neither the UK nor their region of origin, who had higher neonatal death risks (aRR 1.71, 95% CI 1.06 to 2.76).ConclusionThis study highlights evidence of better birth outcomes among UK-born infants of non-UK-born minority ethnic group mothers, and could inform the design of future interventions to reduce the risks of adverse birth outcomes through improved targeting of at-risk groups.
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HOULBROOKE, RALPH. "C. Platt, King Death: the Black Death and its aftermath in late-medieval England. (London: UCL Press, 1996.) Pages x+262. £35.00, paperback £12.95." Continuity and Change 13, no. 2 (August 1998): 339–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0268416098264101.

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42

Saillant, John. "Lemuel Haynes and the Revolutionary Origins of Black Theology, 1776-1801." Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 2, no. 1 (1992): 79–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.1992.2.1.03a00040.

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Lemuel Haynes was a black Congregationalist minister to mostly white churches in New England and New York between 1788 and his death in 1833. Abandoned as an infant, Haynes was reared as an indentured servant in a pious white Massachusetts family. He served in the American Revolution in 1774 and 1775 as a Minute Man and in 1776 as a soldier in the march to Fort Ticonderoga. In 1776, Haynes composed an essay, “Liberty Further Extended: Or Free Thoughts on the Illegality of Slave-keeping.” After the Revolution, he acquired a reputation among his white contemporaries as an inspiring preacher. In 1788, Haynes accepted a call to minister in Rutland, Vermont, where he served for thirty years before being dismissed, perhaps because he was a black man. While at Rutland, he published a number of essays and sermons, including in 1801The Nature and Importance of True Republicanismand in 1806Universal Salvation. Universal Salvationultimately appeared in seventy editions, fifty-four of them within Haynes's lifetime.
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Reese, Ty. "'Sheep in the Jaws of So Many Ravenous Wolves': the Slave Trade and Anglican Missionary Activity at Cape Coast Castle, 1752-1816." Journal of Religion in Africa 34, no. 3 (2004): 348–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1570066041725457.

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AbstractThis article examines the Anglican missions established at Cape Coast Castle in 1752 and 1766. The first, established by SPG missionary Thomas Thompson, lasted from 1752 to 1755 and his lack of success, coupled with ill health, formed the basis for the second mission, that of Philip Quaque. Quaque, a Fetu youth sent to England for twelve years, returned to Cape Coast in 1766, remaining there until his death in 1816. Of all the insurmountable obstacles created by the slave trade, the most important obstacle Thompson and Quaque faced was the combination of the coastal desire for education and the European, African and Eurafrican opposition to proselytization. For Quaque, his new identity as a Black Protestant, coupled with little direct or indirect support from the SPG, hindered his endeavors. While the missions of Thompson and Quaque have often been viewed as failures they, along with the growing abolitionist attack upon the slave trade, marked a turning point in the relationship between England and the Gold Coast.
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Bell, Adrian R., Chris Brooks, and Helen Killick. "A reappraisal of the freehold property market in late medieval England." Continuity and Change 34, no. 3 (December 2019): 287–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0268416019000316.

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AbstractThis article re-examines the late medieval market in freehold land, the extent to which it was governed by market forces as opposed to political or social constraints, and how this contributed to the commercialisation of the late medieval English economy. We employ a valuable new resource for study of this topic in the form of an extensive dataset on late medieval English freehold property transactions. Through analysis of this data, we examine how the level of market activity (the number of sales) and the nature of the properties (the relative proportions of different types of asset) varied across regions and over time. In particular, we consider the impact of exogenous factors and the effects of growing commercialisation. We argue that peaks of activity following periods of crisis (Great Famine and Black Death) indicate that property ownership became open to market speculation. In so doing, we present an important new perspective on the long-term evolution of the medieval English property market.
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Voigtländer, Nico, and Hans-Joachim Voth. "How the West “Invented” Fertility Restriction." American Economic Review 103, no. 6 (October 1, 2013): 2227–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.103.6.2227.

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We analyze the emergence of the first socioeconomic institution in history limiting fertility: west of a line from St. Petersburg to Trieste, the European Marriage Pattern (EMP) reduced childbirths by approximately one-third between the fourteenth and eighteenth century. To explain the rise of EMP we build a two-sector model of agricultural production—grain and livestock. Women have a comparative advantage in animal husbandry. After the Black Death in 1348–1350, land abundance triggered a shift toward the pastoral sector. This improved female employment prospects, leading to later marriages. Using detailed data from England, we provide strong evidence for our mechanism. (JEL J12, J13, J16, N33, N53, Q11)
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Brook, Timothy. "Comparative pandemics: the Tudor–Stuart and Wanli–Chongzhen years of pestilence, 1567–1666." Journal of Global History 15, no. 3 (November 2020): 363–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s174002282000025x.

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AbstractThe Black Death is a secure feature of European and west Asian history; in Chinese history, by contrast, the record of mass epidemic outbreaks over the same centuries is not. As a step towards integrating these two zones into a global history of disease, this article establishes a timeline of roughly a thousand major outbreaks in Ming–Qing China during the century 1567–1666. On the basis of these data, comparison is made of how pandemics were received and interpreted in two delimited zones, the Chinese province of North Zhili (now Hebei) and Tudor and Stuart England, with particular attention to differences in their literary incorporation, religious meaning, and political resonance.
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47

Robles, Elizabeth. "Making Waves." Nka Journal of Contemporary African Art 2019, no. 45 (November 1, 2019): 48–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10757163-7916856.

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This article proposes a rereading of the timeline of the British Black Arts Movement, and offers early work by the Pakistan-born British artist, writer, and editor Rasheed Araeen as possible starting points for reading the work of a new generation of artists who emerged in the early 1980s. Making Waves draws attention to a work by Araeen, For Oluwale, which commemorated the racist killing by police officers of David Oluwale, a Nigerian vagrant persecuted in Leeds, England, during the mid-1960s, leading to his death in 1969. While proposing a radical new timeline, the article also concedes that “beginnings are notoriously unstable things.”
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Clark, Elaine. "Institutional and Legal Responses to Begging in Medieval England." Social Science History 26, no. 3 (2002): 447–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200013055.

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A great many factors other than philanthrophy influenced social policy in England during the Middle Ages. Although political thinkers steadfastly acknowledged the importance of received tradition, especially the religious command to help the poor, many lawmakers were profoundly ambivalent about begging. It is true that the opinion of the nineteenth century implied that medieval almsgiving was so “reckless” that English “beggars had an easy life,” but more recent research has challenged this perspective, bringing the parameters of medieval mendicancy into sharper focus. Seen individually, beggars were pathetic and vulnerable, but if viewed collectively they were thought to be dangerous and willfully idle. Parliament's decision to regulate begging in the years after the first appearance of the Black Death (1349–50) compelled the king's subjects to rethink the claims of the needy, even though almsgiving had long seemed a positive aspect of community life. Obviously by the close of the fourteenth century something had happened to broaden the story of casual relief, extending its boundaries beyond religious impulse to include the frustrations and passions that animated the political arena. Here contentious voices sounded, although parliamentary argument and debate were often tempered by the conviction that men of affairs could legislate a more orderly realm. Even so, efforts at social planning were by no means limited to statutory decree or confined to the late medieval world.
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Clough, Helen E., K. Marie McIntyre, Grace E. Patterson, John P. Harris, and Jonathan Rushton. "Use of routine death and illness surveillance data to provide insight for UK pandemic planning: lessons from COVID-19." BMJ Open 11, no. 2 (February 2021): e044707. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjopen-2020-044707.

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ObjectivesReporting of COVID-19 cases, deaths and testing has often lacked context for appropriate assessment of disease burden within risk groups. The research considers how routine surveillance data might provide initial insights and identify risk factors, setting COVID-19 deaths early in the pandemic into context. This will facilitate the understanding of wider consequences of a pandemic from the earliest stage, reducing fear, aiding in accurately assessing disease burden and ensuring appropriate disease mitigation.SettingUK, 2020.ParticipantsThe study is a secondary analysis of routine, public domain, surveillance data and information from Office for National Statistics (ONS), National Health Service (NHS) 111 and Public Health England (PHE) on deaths and disease.Primary and secondary outcome measuresOur principal focus is ONS data on deaths mentioning COVID-19 on the death certificate. We also consider information provided in NHS 111 and PHE data summaries.ResultsDeaths with COVID-19 significantly contributed to, yet do not entirely explain, abnormally elevated all-cause mortality in the UK from weeks 12–18 of 2020. Early in the UK epidemic, COVID-19 was the greatest threat to those with underlying illness, rarely endangering people aged under 40 years. COVID-19-related death rates differed by region, possibly reflecting underlying population structure. Risk of COVID-19-related death was greater for healthcare and social care staff and black, Asian and minority ethnic individuals, having allowed for documented risk factors.ConclusionEarly contextualisation of public health data is critical to recognising who gets sick, when and why. Understanding at-risk groups facilitates a targeted response considering indirect consequences of society’s reaction to a pandemic alongside disease-related impacts. COVID-19-related deaths mainly mirror historical patterns, and excess non-COVID-19-related deaths partly reflect reduced access to and uptake of healthcare during lockdown. Future outbreak response will improve through better understanding of connectivity between disease monitoring systems to aid interpretation of disease risk patterns, facilitating nuanced mitigation measures.
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Beal, Jane. "David K. Coley, Death and the Pearl-Maiden: Plague, Poetry, England. Columbus, OH: The Ohio State University Press, 2018, 220 pp." Mediaevistik 32, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 469–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.3726/med.2019.01.122.

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David K. Coley (Associate Professor of English, Simon Fraser University, British Columbia) has produced an intriguing new book examining the four poems of the Pearl Manuscript, Cotton Nero A.x. – Pearl, Cleanness, Patience, and Sir Gawain and the Green Knight – in the context of late-medieval English and European plague treatises, texts, and discourses. Coley considers the Black Plague as a cultural trauma, which deeply affected the poet, who, motivated either by subconscious post-traumatic feeling or conscious artistry, used the same language and exempla used in plague texts in key passages of his poems. Coley indicates that his goal in the book <?page nr="470"?>is “to investigate how the history of the medieval plague experience might be simultaneously forgotten and remembered in late medieval literature” (5) and, more specifically, to examine:
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